■  I 


(WMMl(j[0-i^<i_^l^^ 


IN   MEMORIAM 
BERNARD   MOSES 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/coronadoexpeditiOOwinsrich 


THE 


CORONADO  EXPEDITION 


1540-1549 


G-EORG^E  PARKER,  ^VHSTSHIF' 


/SI]  - 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT  OK  THE 
BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT    PRINTING    OFPIOE 

1896 


Bsfficrou  Library 


THE  CORONADO  EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


G^EOR&E   PARKER   A^^INSHIP 


329 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Introductory  note 339 

Itinerary  of  the  Coronado  expeditions,  1527-1547 341 

Historical  introduction 345 

The  causes  of  the  Coronado  expedition,  1528-1539 345 

Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca 345 

The  governors  of  New  Spain,  1530-1537 350 

The  reconnoissance  of  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza 353 

The  eft'ect  of  Friar  Marcos'  report 362 

The  expedition  to  New  Mexico  and  the  great  plains 373 

The  organization  of  the  expedition 373 

The  departure  of  the  expedition 382 

The  expedition  by  sea  under  Alarcon 385 

The  journey  from  Culiacan  to  Cibola 386 

The  capture  of  the  Seven  Cities 388 

The  exploration  of  the  country 389 

The  Spaniards  at  Zuni 389 

The  discovery  of  Tusayan  and  the  Grand  canyon 390 

The  Rio  Grande  and  the  great  plains 390 

The  inarch  of  the  army  from  Culiacan  to  Tigiiex 391 

The  winter  of  1540-1541  along  the  Rio  Grande 392 

The  Indian  revolt 392 

The  stories  about  Quivira 393 

The  journey  across  the  buft'alo  plains 395 

The  winter  of  1541-1542 399 

Tlie  friars  remain  in  the  country 400 

The  return  to  New  Spain 401 

The  end  of  Coronado  402 

Some  results  of  the  expedition 403 

The  discovery  of  Colorado  river 403 

Th(^  voyage  of  Alarcon 403 

The  journey  of  Melchior  Diaz 406 

The  Indian  uprising  in  New  Spain,  1540-1542 408 

Further  attempts  at  discovery, 411 

The  voyage  of  Cabrillo 411 

Villalobos  sails  across  the  Pacific 412 

The  narrative  of  Castaneda 413 

Bibliographic  note 413 

The  Spanish  text 414 

Proemio 414 

Primera  parte 416 

Capitnlo  primero  doude  se  trata  como  se  supo  la  primera  pobla- 
cion  de  las  siete  viudades  y  como  Nuuo  de  guzman  lii^oa  rmada 

para  descnbrirlla 416 

331 


332  '  CONTENTS  [KTH.Aira.u 

The  narrative  of  Castaneda — Continued.  Page 

The  Spanish  text — Continued. 
Primera  parte — Continued. 

Capitulo  segundo  como  bino  a  ser  gouernador  frangisco  nasques 

coroiiado  y  la  segundo  relavion  que  dio  cabeya  de  uaea 417 

Capitulo  tei'vero  coiiio  luatarou  los  de  cibola  a  el  negro  esteuan  y 

fray  niarcos  bolbio  luiyendo 418 

Capitulo  quarto  vomo  el  buen  don  Antonio  do  mendofa  hiQO  Jor- 
nada para  el  descubrimiento  de  Cibola 419 

Capitiilo  quinto  que  trata  (Hiienes  fuerou  i)or  capitaues  a  cibola. .       420 
Capitulo  sexto  como  se  jnntaron  en  eonpostela  todas  las  capitanias 

y  salieron  en  orden  para  la  Jornada 421 

Capitulo  septiiuo  como  el  campo  Uego  a  chiametla  y  mataron  a  el 

mae&tre  de  caiipo  y  lo  que  mas  acaevio  hasta  llegar  a  culiacan. .      422 
Capitulo  otauo  como  el  campo  entro  on  la  uilla  de  culiacan  y  el 

recebimiento  (jue  ee  hifo  y  lo  que  mas  acaetio  hasta  la partida. .       423 
Capitulo  nueve  como  el  canpo  salio  de  culiacan  y  Uego  el  general 

a  fibola  y  el  campo  a  sefiora  y  lo  que  mas  acaegio 424 

Capitulo  de(,imo  como  el  campo  salio  de  la  uilla  dc  seuora  que- 

daudo  la  uilla  poblada  y  como  Uego  a  ^ihola  y  lo  que  le  a  uino 

en  el  camino  a  el  capitan  melchior  diasyendo  en  denianda  de  los 

nabios  y  como  descubrio  el  rio  del  tison 425 

Capitulo  on^e  como  don  pedro  de  touar  descubrio   a   tusayan   o 

tutabaco  y  don  garci  lopes  de  cardenas  bio  el  rio  del  tison  y  lo 

que  mas  acaecion 428 

Capitulo  do^c  como  binieron  a  vibola  gentes  de  cicuye  a  ber  los 

christianos  y  como  fue  her''''  de  aluarado  a  ber  las  uacas 430 

Capitulo  trece  como  el  general  Uego  con  poca  gente  la  uia  de  tnta- 

haco  y  dexo  campo  a  don  tristan  que  lo  Uebo  a  tiguex 432 

Capitulo  catorce  como  el  campo  saho  de  sibola  para  tiguex  y  lo 

que  les  acaefio  en  el  camino  con  niebe 432 

Capitulo  quinye  como  se  alfo  tiguex  y  el  castigo  que  en  ellos  ubo 

sin  que  lo  ubiese  en  el  causador 433 

Capitulo  desiseis  como  se  puso  <;erco  a  tiguex  y  se  gaiio  y  lo  que 

mas  acontencio  mediante  el  cerco 435 

Capitulo  desisiete  como  binieron  a  el  campo  mensajcros  del  ualle 

de  senora  y  como  murio  el  capitan  melchior  dias  en  la  Jornada 

de  tizon 438 

Capitulo  desiochocomo  el  geueral  procuro  dexar  aseutada  la  tierra 

para  iren  denianda  de  quisuira  donde  deyiael  tuico  auiael  prin- 

yipio  de  lariqueya 439 

Capitulo  desinueve  como  salieron  en  demanda  deqniuira  y  lo  que 

acontecio  en  el  camino 440 

Capitulo  ueinte  comocayeron  grandes  piedraseu  el  campo  y  como 

se  descubrio  otra  barranca  donde  se  dibidio  el  campo  en  dos 

partes 442 

Capitulo  ueiute  y  uno  como  el  campo  bolbio  a  tiguex  y  el  general 

Uego  a  (luiuira 443 

Capitulo  ueinte  y  dos  como  el  general  bolbio  de  quiuira  y  se  hi; ie- 

ron  otras  eutradas  debajo  del  norte 445 

Seguuda  parte  en  que  se  trata  de  los  pueblos  y  prouincias  de  altos  y  de 
BUS  ritos  y  costumbres  recopilada  por  pedro  de  castaneda  ueyiuo  de 

la  yiudad  de  Naxara 446 

Capitulo  primero  de  la  prouincia  de  Culiacan  y  de  sus  ritos  y  cos- 

tniiibres 447 


wmsHipJ  CONTENTS  333 

The  narrative  of  Castaueda — Coutinued.  Page 

The  Spanisli  text — Continued. 
Segiinda  parte — Coutinued. 

Capitulo  seguudo  do  la  prouincia  de  petlatlan  y  todo  lo  poblado 

hasta  ohichilticale 448 

Capitulo  tercero  dc  lo  ques  chichilticale  y  el  despoblado  de  f  ibola 

SHs  costumbres  y  riros  y  <le  otras  cosas 4.50 

Capitulo  quarto  conio  se  tratan  los  de  tiguex  y  de  la  prouincia  de 

tiguex  y  sua  coniarcas 451 

Capitulo  quinto  de  cicuyc  y  los  pueblos  de  su  contoruo  y  de  como 

uuas  gentes  binieron  a  conquistat  aquella  tierra 4-52 

Capitjilo  sexto  en  que  se  declara  quantos  fuerou  los  pueblos  que  se 

uierou  en  los  poblados  de  terrados  y  lo  poblado  de  ello 454 

Capitulo  septimo  que  trata  de  los  llanos  que  se  atrabesaron  de 

bacas  y  de  las  gentes  que  los  tabitan 4.55 

Capitulo  ocbo  de  quiuira  y  en  que  rumbo  esta  y  la  notigia  que  dan.      456 
Tercera  parte  como  y  en  que  se  trata  aquello  que  acontegio  a  francisco 
uas(ine8  coronado  estando  inbernando  y  como  dexo  la  Jornada  y  se 

bolbio  a  la  nueba  espana 458 

Capitulo  primero  couio  bino  de  Senora  don  pedro  de  touar  con 

gente  y  se  partio  para  la  uueba  espana  dou  garci  lopes  de  car- 

deuas 458 

Capitulo  segundo  como  oayo  el  general  y  se  hordeno  la  buelta 

para  la  uueba  espana 459 

Capitulo  teryero  como  se  alfo  Suya  y  las  causas  que  para  ello  die- 

ron  los  ])ohladore8 460 

Capitulo  quarto  como  se  quedo  fray  juan  de  padilla  y  fray  luis  en 

la  tierra  y  el  campo  se  apergibio  la  buelta  de  mexico 461 

Capitulo  quinto  como  el  canpo  salio  del  poblado  y  camiuo  a  culia- 

oan  y  lo  que  acontegio  en  el  camino 462 

Capitulo  sexto  como  el  general  salio  de  culiacan  pAra  dar  quenta  a 

el  uisorey  del  campo  que  le  encargo 463 

Capitulo  septimo  do  las  cosas  que  le  acontevierou  al  capitan  Juan 

gallego  por  la  tierra  algada  lleuando  el  socorro 464 

Capitulo  otauo  en  que  se  quentan  alguuas  cosas  admirables  que  se 

bieron  en  los  llanos  cou  la  fa^^iou  de  los  toros 466 

Capitulo  uono  que  trata  el  rumbo  que  llebo  el  campo  y  como  se 

podria  yr  a  buscar  otra  uia  que  mas  derecha  fuese  abiendo  de 

boluer  aquella  tierra 468 

Translation  of  the  narrative  of  Castaneda 470 

Preface 470 

First  Part 472 

Chapter  1,  which  treats  of  the  way  we  first  came  to  know  about 

the  Seven  Cities,  aud  of  how  Nuuo  de  Guzman  made  an  expedi- 
tion to  discover  them 472 

Chapter  2,  of  how  Franci.sco  Vazquez  Coronado  came  to  be  gov- 
ernor, aud  the  second  accouut  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  gave 474 

Chapter  3,  of  how  they  killed  the  negro  Stephen  at  Cibola,  and 

Friar  Marcos  returned  in  ilight 475 

Chapter  4,  of  how  the  noble  Dou  Antonio  de  Mendoza  made  an 

expedition  to  discover  Cibola 476 

Chapter  5,  concerning  the  captains  who  went  to  Cibola 477 

Chapter  6,  of  how  all  the  compauies  collected  in  Compostela  and 

set  off  on  the  journey  in  good  order 478 

Chapter  7,  of  how  the  army  reached  Chiametla,  and  the  killing 

of  the  army-master,  and  the  other  things  that  happened  up  to 

the  arrival  at  Culiacan 479 


334  CONTENTS  [ETH.ANN.U 

The  narrative  of  Castaneda — Continued.  P»ge 

Translation  of  the  narrative  of  Castaneda — Continued. 
First  Part — Continued. 

Chapter  8,  of  how  tlio  army  entered  the  town  of  Culiacan  and  the 
reception  it  received,  and  other  things  which  liappened  before 
the  departure 481 

Chapter  9,  of  how  the  army  started  from  Culiacan  and  the  arrival 
of  the  general  at  Cibola  and  of  the  army  at  Senora  and  of  oth"r 
thiui^s  that  happened 482 

Chapter  10,  of  how  the  army  started  from  the  town  of  Senora, 
leaving  it  inhabited,  and  how  it  reached  Cibola,  and  of  what 
happened  to  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  on  his  expedition  in  search 
of  tlie  ships  and  how  he  discovered  the  Tison  (Firebrand) 
river 484 

Chapter  11,  of  how  Don  I'edro  de  Tovar  discovered  Tusayan  or 
Tutahaco  and  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  saw  the  Firebrand 
river  and  the  other  things  that  had  happened 487 

Chapter  12,  of  how  people  came  from  Cicuye  to  Cibola  to  see  the 
Christians,  and  how  Hernando  de  Alvarado  went  to  see  the 
cows .' 490 

Chapter  13,  of  how  the  general  went  toward  Tutahaco  with  a  few 
men  and  left  the  army  with  Don  Tristan,  who  took  it  to  Tiguex..       492 

Chapter  14,  of  how  the  army  went  from  Cibola  to  Tignex  and 
what  happened  to  them  on  the  way,  on  account  of  the  snow. ..       493 

Chapter  1.5,  of  why  Tiguex  revolted,  and  how  they  were  pun- 
ished, without  being  to  blame  for  it 494 

Chapter  16,  of  how  they  besieged  Tiguex  and  took  it,  and  of  what 
happened  during  the  siege 497 

Chapter  17,  of  how  messengers  reached  the  army  from  the  valley 
of  Senora,  and  how  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  died  on  the  expe- 
dition to  the  Firebrand  river 501 

Chapter  18,  of  how  the  general  managed  to  leave  the  country  in 
peace  so  as  to  go  in  search  of  Quivira,  where  the  Turk  said 
there  was  the  most  wealth 502 

Chapter  19,  of  how  they  started  in  search  of  Quivira  and  of  what 
happened  on  the  way 504 

Chapter  20,  of  how  great  stones  fell  in  the  camp,  and  how  they 
discovered  another  ravine,  where  the  army  was  divided  into 
two  parts 506 

Chapter  21,  of  how  the  army  returned  to  Tignex  and  the  general 

reached  Quivira 508 

Chapter  22,  of  how  the  general  returned  from  Quivira  and  of 

other  expeditions  toward  the  north 510 

Second  Part,  which  treats  of  the  high  villages  and  provinces  and  of 
their  habits  and  customs,  as  collected  by  Pedro  de  Castaneda,  native 
of  the  city  of  Najara 512 

C'hapter  1,  of  the  province  of  Culiacan  and  of  its  haViits  and 

customs 513 

Chapter  2,  of  the  province  of  Petlatlan  and  all  the  inhabited 
country  as  far  as  Chichilticalli 514 

Chapter  3,  of  Chichilticalli  and  the  desert,  of  Cibola,  its  customs 

and  habits,  and  of  other  things .516 

Chapter  4,  of  how  they  live  at  Tiguex,  and  of  the  province  of 
Tiguex  and  its  neighborhood 519 

Chapter  5,  of  Cicuye  and  the  villages  in  its  neighborhood,  ai.d 

of  how  .some  people  came  to  conquer  this  <'Ountry 523 


wtNSHip]  CONTENTS  335 

The  narrative  of  CastaHeda — Contiuuetl.  Page 

Translation  of  the  narrative  of  Castaueda — Continued. 
Second  Part — Continued. 

Chapter  6,  which  gives  the  number  of  villages  which  were  seen  in 

the  country  of  the  terraced  houses,  and  their  population 524 

Chapter  7,  which  treats  of  the  jilains  that  were  crossed,  of  the  cows, 

and  of  the  people  who  inhabit  them 526 

Chapter  8,  of  Quivira,  of  where  it  is  and  some  information  about 

it 528 

Third  Part,   which  describes   what  hai)peneil  to  Francisco  Vazquez 
Corouado  during  the  winter,  an<l  how  he  gave  up  the  expedition 

and  returned  to  New  Spain 530 

Chapter  1,  of  how  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  came  from  Sefiora  with 
some  men,  and  Don  Oarcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  started  back  to 

New  Spain 530 

Chapter  2,  of  the  general's  fall  and  of  how  the  return  to  New  Spain 

was  ordered 531 

Chapter  3,  of  the  rebellion  at  Snya  and  the  reasons  the  settlers 

gave  for  it 533 

Chapter  i,  of  h.ow  Friar  .Tuan  de  Padilla  and  Friar  Luis  remained 

iu  the  country  and  the  army  prepared  to  return  to  Mexico 534 

Chapter  5,  of  how  the  army  left  the  settlements  and  marched  to 

Culiacan,  and  of  what  happened  on  the  way 537 

Chapter  6,  of  how  the  general  started  from  Culiacan  to  give  the 
viceroy  an  account  of  the  army  with  which  he  had  been  in- 

tiusted 538 

Chapter  7,  of  ttie  adventures  of  Captain  Juan  Gallego  while  he 

was  bringing  reenforcements  through  the  revolted  country 540 

Chapter  8,  wliich  describes  some  remarkable  things  that  were  seen 

on  the  plains,  with  a  description  of  the  bulls 541 

Chapter  9,  which  treats  of  the  direction  which  the  army  took,  and 
of  how  another  more  direct  way  might  be  found  if  anyone  was 

going  to  return  to  that  covintry 544 

Translation  of  the  letter  from  Mendoza  to  the  King,  April  17, 1540 547 

Translation  of  the  letter  from  Corouado  to  Mendoza,  August  3,  1540 552 

Translation  of  the  Traslado  de  las  Nuevas 564 

Kelacion  postrera  de  Si vola 566 

Spanish  text 566 

Translation 568 

Translation  of  the  Relacion  del  Suceso 572 

Translation  of  a  letter  from  Corouado  to  the  King,  October  20,  1541 . : 580 

Translation  of  the  narrative  of  Jaramillo 584 

Translation  of  the  report  of  Hernando  de  Al varado 594 

Testimony  concerning  those  who  went  on  the  expedition  with  Francisco  Vaz- 
quez Coronado 596 

A  list  of  works  useful  to  the  student  of  the  Corouado  expedition 599 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Page 

Plate  XXXVIII.  The  New  Spain  and  New  Mexico  country 345 

XXXIX.  TheUlplus  globe  of  1542 349 

XL.  Sebastian  Cabot's  map  of  1544 353 

XLI.  Map  of  the  world  by  Ptolemy,  1548 357 

XLII.  BattistaAgnese's  New  Spaiu,  sixteenth  century 361 

XLIII.  The  City  of  Mexico  about  1550,  by  Alonzode  Santa  Cruz 365 

XLIV.  Zaltieri's  l^arte,  1566 369 

XLV.  Mercator's  northwestern  part  of  New  Spain,  1569 373 

XLVI.  Mercator's  interior  of  New  Spaiu,  1569 377 

XLVII.  Abr.  Ortelius'  Theatnim  Orbis  Terraruni,  1570 381 

XLVIII.  Dourado's  Terra  Antipodv  Regis  Castele  Inveta,  1.580 385 

XLIX.  Western  hemisphere  of  Mercator,  1587 389 

L.  Northern  half  of  l)e  Bry's  America  Sive  Novvs  Orbis,  1596. . .  393 

LI.  Wytlliet's  Vtrivsqve  Hemispherii  Deliueatio,  1597 397 

LII.  WytfliefsNfw  Granada  and  California,  1597 401 

LIII.  Wytfliet's  kingdoms  of  Quivira,  Anian,  and  Tolni,  1597 405 

LIV.  Matthias  Quadus'  Fasciculus  Geograpliicus,  1608 409 

LV.  Thobuft'alo  of  Gouiara,  1554 512 

LVl.  The  buftalo  of  Thevet,  15.58 516 

LVII.  Thebutfaloof  De  Bry,  1595 520 

LVllI.  On  the  terraces  at  Zuni 525 

LIX .  Middle  court  at  Zuni 527 

LX.  Zuni  court,  sliowiug  "balcony" 529 

LXI.  /Cuni  interior 531 

LXII.  Zunis  in  typical  modern  costume 534 

LXIII    Hopi  maidens,  showing  primitive  Pueblo  hairdressing 536 

LXIV.  Hopi  grinding  and  paper-bread  making 539 

LXV.  Hopi  ba.sket  maker 543 

LXVI.  Pueblo  pottery  making 547 

LXVII.  Pueblo  spinning  and  weaving 551 

LXV'III.  The  Tewa  pueblo  of  P'o-who-gi  or  San  Ildefonso 555 

LXIX.  Pueblo  of  .lemez 559 

LXX.  Ruins  of  Spanish  church  above  Jemez .562 

LXXI.  The  Keres  pueblo  of  Sia 569 

LXXII.  The  Keres  pueblo  of  Cochitf 571 

LXXIII.  The  Tewa  pueblo  of  Nambe 573 

LXXIV.  A  Nambo  Indian  in  war  costume 576 

LXXV.  A  Nambe  water  carrier 578 

LXX VI.  The  Keres  pueblo  of  Katishtya  or  San  Felipe 583 

LXXVI  I.  The  south  town  of  the  Tiwa  pueblo  of  Taos .585 

LXXVIII.  The  Tewa  pueblo  of  K'hap6o  or  Santa  Clara 587 

LXXIX.  The  Tewa  pueblo  of  Ohke  or  San  Juan 589 

LXXX.  A  native  of  San  , Juan 592 

LXXXI.  A  native  of  Pecos 596 

LXXXII.  Facsimile  of  pages  of  Castaneda's  relacion 456 

LXXXIII.  Facsimile  of  pages  of  Castaneda's  relacion 442 

LXXXIV.  Facsimile  of  pages  of  Castaneda's  relacion 466 

14  ETH 22  337 


THE  COROISrADO  EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


By  George  Parker  Winship 


mTRODUCTORY  NOTE 


The  following  Listorical  introduction,  with  the  accomiianying  trans- 
lations, is  the  result  of  work  in  the  Seminary  of  American  History  at 
Harvard  University.  Undertaken  as  a  bit  of  undergraduate  study, 
it  has  gradually  assumed  a  form  which  has  been  considered  worthy  of 
jjublication,  chiefly  because  of  the  suggestions  and  assistance  which 
have  been  given  with  most  generous  readiness  by  all  from  whom  I  have 
had  occasion  to  ask  help  or  advice.  To  Dr  Justin  Winsor;  to  Profes- 
sor Henry  V\'.  Haynes,  who  opened  the  way  for  students  of  the  early 
Spanish  history  of  the  North  American  southwest;  to  Dr  J.  Walter 
Fewkes,  who  has  freely  offered  me  the  many  results  of  his  long-cou- 
tinued  and  minute  investigations  at  Tusayan  and  Zufii;  and  to  the 
careful  oversight  and  aid  of  Mr  F.  W.  Hodge  and  the  other  members 
of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  much  of  the  value  of  this  work  is  due. 
Mr  Augustus  Hemeuway  has  kindly  permitted  the  use  of  the  maps  and 
documents  deposited  in  the  archives  of  the  Hemenway  Southwestern 
Archeological  Expedition  by  Mr  Adolph  F.  Bandelier.  My  indebted- 
ness to  the  researches  and  writings  of  Mr  Bandelier  is  evident  tluough- 
out.  Seuor  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta — whose  death,  in  November, 
1894,  removed  the  master  student  of  the  documentary  history  of 
Mexico — most  courteously  gave  me  all  the  information  at  his  command, 
and  with  his  own  hand  copied  the  Relacidn  postrera  de  Sivohi,  which  is 
now  for  the  first  time  printed.  The  Spanish  text  of  Castaneda's  narra- 
tive, the  presentation  of  which  for  the  first  time  in  its  original  language 
aflbrds  the  best  reason  for  the  present  publication,  has  been  copied 
and  printed  with  the  consent  of  the  trustees  of  the  Lenox  Library  in 
New  York,  in  whose  custody  is  the  original  manuscript.  I  am  under 
many  obligations  to  their  librarian,  Mr  Wilberforce  Eames,  who  has 
always  been  ready  to  assist  me  by  whatever  means  were  within  his 
power. 

The  subject  of  this  research  was  suggested  by  Professor  Channing  of 
Harvard.  K  my  work  has  resulted  in  some  contribution  to  the  litera- 
ture of  the  history  of  the  Spanish  conquest  of  America,  it  is  because 
of  his  constant  guidance  and  inspiration,  and  his  persistent  refusal  to 

339 


340  THE    COEONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ktii.  anj..14 

consent  to  any  abandoning  of  tlie  ■work  before  the  results  bad  been 
expressed  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  universitj'. 

Before  the  completion  of  the  arrangements  by  which  this  essay 
becomes  a  part  of  the  annual  report  of  the  Director  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  it  had  been  accepted  for  publication  by  the  Department 
of  History  of  Harvard  University. 

Geokge  Parker  Winship 
Assistant  in  American  History 

in  Rarrard  University. 
Camukidge,  Massachusetts, 

February,  1S'.)5. 


ITINERAEr  OF  THE  COEONADO  EXPEDITIONS,  1527-1547 


June  17 


April  15 
Sept.  22 


April 


April  20 
September 

March  7 

April  18 

May 
May  g 
May  21 
May  25 
Julys 

August 
Sept.  2 
October 


152V 

Narvaez  sails  from  Spain  to  explore  the  mainland  north  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

1528 
Narvaez  lauds  in  Florida. 
The  failure  of  the  Narvaez  expedition  is  assured. 

1535 
Cortes  makes  a  settlement  in  Lower  California. 
Mendoza  comes  to  Mexico  as  viceroy  of  New  Spain. 

153e 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  three  other  survivors  of  the  Narvaez 

expedition  arrive  in  New  Spain. 
The  Licenciate  de  la  Torre  takes  the  resideucia  of  Nuno  de 

Guzman,  who  is  imprisoned  until  June  30,  1538. 

1537 
Franciscan  friars  labor  among  the  Indian  tribes  living  north 

of  New  Spain. 
Coronado  subdues  the  revolted  miners  of  Amatepeque. 
The  proposed  expedition  under  Dorantes  comes  to  naught. 
De  Soto  receives  a  grant  of  the  mainland  of  Florida. 

1538 
It  is  rumored  that  Coronado  has  been  nominated  governor  of 
New  Galicia. 

153Q 

Pedro  de  Alvarado  returns  from  Spain  to  the  New  World. 
Friar  Marcos  de  Niza,  accompanied  by  the  negro  Estevan, 

starts  from  Culiacan  to  find  the  Seven  Cities. 
The  appointment  of  Coronado  as  governor  of  New  Galicia  is 

confirmed. 
De  Soto  sails  from  Habana. 
Friar  Marcos  enters  the  wilderness  of  Arizona. 
Friar  Marcos  learns  of  the  death  of  Estevan. 
De  Soto  lands  on  the  coast  of  Florida. 
Ulloa  sails  from  Acapulco  nearly  to  the  head  of  the  Gnlf  of 

California  in  command  of  a  fleet  furnished  by  Cortes. 
Friar  Marcos  returns  from  the  north  and  certifies  to  the  truth 

of  his  leport  before  Mendoza  and  Coronado. 
The  news  of  Niza's  discoveries  spreads  through  New  Spain. 

341 


342 


THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETH.  ANS.  14 


November    Meudoza  begins  to  prepare  for  an  expedition  to  conquer  the 

Seven  Cities  of  Cibola. 

Melcbior  Diaz  is  sent  to  verify  the  reports  of  Friar  Marcos. 

De  Soto  finds  the  remains  of  the  camp  of  Narvaez  at  Bahia 

de  los  Cavallos. 

Nov.  13        Witnesses  in  Habana  describe  the  effect  of  the  friar's  reports. 

1540 

Jan.  I  Mendoza  celebrates  the  new  year  at  Pasquaro. 

Jan.  9  Coron:ido  at  Guadalajara. 

Feb.  5  Cortes  stops  at  Habana  on  his  way  to  Spain. 

February      The  members  of  the  Cibola  expedition  assemble  at  Compos- 

tela,  where  the  viceroy  finds  them  on  his  arrival. 
Feb.  22        Eeview  of  the  army  on  Sunday. 
Feb.  23         The  army,  under  the  command  of  Francisco  Vazquez  Coro- 

nado,  starts  for  Cibola  (not  on  February  1). 
Feb.  26        Mendoza  returns  to  Compostela,  having  left  the  army  two 

days  before,  and  examines  witnesses  to  discover  how  many 

citizens  of  New  Spain  have  accompanied  Corouado.     He 

writes  a  letter  to  King  Charles  V,  which  has  been  lost. 
March  The  army  is  delayed  by  the  cattle  in  crossing  the  rivers. 

The  death  of  the  army  master,  Samaniego,  at  Chiametla. 
Keturn  of  Melchior  Diaz  and  Juan  de  Saldivar  from  Chichilti- 

calli. 
March  3       Beginning  of  litigation  in  Spain  over  the  right  to  explore  and 

couijuer  the  Cibola  country. 
March  28      Reception  to  the  army  at  Cnliacan,  on  Easter  day. 
April  The  army  is  entertained  by  the  citizens  of  Culiacan. 

Mendoza  receives  the  report  of  Melchior  Diaz'  exjiloration, 

perhaps  at  Jacona. 
Coronado  writes  to  Mendoza,  giving  an  account  of  what  has 

already  happened,  and  of  the  arrangements  which  he  has 

made  for  the  rest  of  the  journey.    This  letter  has  been  lost. 
April  17        Mendoza  writes  to  the  Emi)eror  Charles  V. 
April  22        Coronado  departs  from  Culiacan  with  about   seventy-five 

horsemen  and  a  few  footmen. 
April  Coronado  passes  through   Petatlan,  Cinaloa,  Los  Cedros, 

May  Yaquemi,  and  other  places  mentioned  by  Jaramillo. 

May  9  Alarcou  sails  from  Acapulco  to  cooperate  with  Coronado. 

The  army  starts  from  Culiacan  and  marches  toward  the 

Corazones  or  Hearts  valley. 
May  26        Coronado  leaves  the  valley  of  Corazones.   He  proceeds  to  Chi- 
June  chilticalli,  passing  Senora  or  Sonora  and  Ispa,  and  thence 

cros.'jes  the  Arizona  wilderness,  fording  many  rivers. 
The  army  builds  the  town  of  San  Hieronimo  in  Corazones 

valley. 


WIKSHIP] 


ITINERARY,   1540-1541 


343 


July  7 

July  II 
July  15 

July  ig 
Aug.  3 


Aug.2S(?) 

Aug.  26 
Aug.  29 


Sept.  7 


September 

to 
January 

October 


Nov.  2g 


Ooronado  reaches  Cibola  and  captures  the  first  city,  the 
pueblo  of  Hawikub,  which  he  calls  Granada. 

The  Indians  retire  to  their  stronghold  on  Thunder  mountain. 

Pedro  de  Tovar  goes  to  Tusayan  or  Moki,  returning  within 
thirty  days. 

Coronado  goes  to  Thunder  mountain  and  returns  the  same  day. 

Coronado  writes  to  Mendoza.  He  sends  Juan  Gallego  to 
Mexico,  and  Melchior  Diaz  to  Corazones  with  orders  for 
the  army.    Friar  Marcos  accompanies  them. 

Loi)ez  de  Cardenas  starts  to  find  the  canyons  of  Colorado 
river,  and  is  gone  about  eighty  days. 

Alarcon  enters  the  mouth  of  Colorado  river. 

Hernando  de  Alvarado  goes  eastward  to  Tiguex,  on  the  Eio 
Grande,  and  to  the  buffalo  plains. 

Pedro  de  Alvarado  arrives  in  New  Spain. 

Hernando  de  Alvarado  reaches  Tiguex. 

Diaz  and  Gallego  reach  Corazones  about  the  middle  of  Sep- 
tember, and  the  army  starts  for  Cibola. 

Coronado  visits  Tutaliaco. 

The  firmy  reaches  Cibola,  and  goes  thence  to  Tiguex  for  its 
winter  quarters.  The  natives  in  the  Eio  Grande  jjueblos 
revolt  and  are  subjugated.  The  Turk  tells  the  Spaniards 
about  Quivira. 

Diaz  starts  from  Corazones  before  the  end  of  September, 
with  twenty-five  men,  and  explores  the  country  along  the 
Gulf  of  California,  going  beyond  Colorado  river. 

Diego  de  Alcaraz  is  left  in  command  of  the  town  of  San 
Hieronimo. 

Mendoza  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado  sign  au  agreement  in 
regard  to  common  explorations  and  conquests. 


1541 

Jan.  8  Diaz  dies  on  the  return  from  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado,  and 

his  companions  return  to  Corazones  valley. 
March  Alcaraz,  during  the  spring,  moves  the  village  of  San  Hier- 

onimo from  Corazones  valley  to  the  vallej'  of  Suya  river. 
April  20        Beginning  of  the  Mixton  war  in  New  Galicia. 

Coronado  writes  a  letter  to  the  King  from  Tiguex,  which  has 

been  lost. 
Tovar  and  i)erhaps  Gallego  return  to  Mexico 
April  23        Coronado  starts  with  all  his  force  from  Tiguex  to  cross  the 

buffalo  plains  to  Quivira. 
May  The  army  is  divided  somewhere  on  the  great  plains,  perhaps 

on  Canadian  river..    The  main  body  returns  to  Tiguex, 
arriving  there  by  the  middle  or  last  of  June. 
De  Soto  crosses  the  ]\rississippi. 


344 


THE   COEONAUO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETH.  ANIt.  14 


June  Coroiiado,  with  thirty  horsemen,  rides  uorth  to  Quivira, 

where  he  arrives  forty-two  ( ?)  days  later. 

June  24        Pedro  de  Alvarado  is  killed  at  Nochistlan,  in  New  Galicia. 

August  Coronado  spends  about  tweuty-flve  days  in  the  country  of 
Quivira,  leaving  "the  middle  or  last  of  August." 

Sept.  28  The  Indians  in  'Sew  Galicia  attack  the  town  of  Guadalajara, 
but  are  repulsed. 

Oct.  2  Coronado  returns  from  Quivira  to  Tiguex  and  writes  a  letter 

to  the  King. 

November  Cardenas  starts  to  return  to  Mexico  with  some  other  inva- 
lids from  the  army.  He  finds  the  village  of  Suya  in  ruins 
and  hastily  returns  to  Tiguex. 

December    Coronado  falls  from  his  horse  and  is  seriously  injured. 

The  Mixton  penol  is  surrendered  by  the  revolted  Indians 
during  holiday  week. 

1542 

Coronado  and  his  soldiers  determine  to  return  to  Sew  Spain. 
They  start  in  the  spring,  and  reach  Mexico  probably  late  in 
the  autumn.  The  general  makes  his  report  to  the  viceroy, 
who  receives  him  coldly.  Coronado  not  long  after  resigns 
his  i)osition  as  governor  of  Sew  Galicia  and  retires  to  his 
estates. 

April  17  De  Soto  reaches  the  mouth  of  Red  river,  where  he  dies, 
May  21. 

June  27  Cabrillo  starts  on  his  voyage  up  the  California  coast.  He 
dies  in  January,  1543,  and  the  vessels  return  to  Sew  Spain 
by  April,  1544. 

Nov.  I  Villalobos  starts  across  the  Pacific.    His  fleet  meets  with 

many  misfortunes  and  losses.  The  survivors,  five  years 
or  more  later,  return  to  Spain. 

Nov.  25  Friar  Juan  de  la  Cruz  is  killed  at  Tiguex,  where  he  remained 
when  the  army  departed  for  Sew  Spain.  Friar  Luis  also 
remained  in  the  new  country,  at  Cicuye,  aiul  Friar  Juiin 
de  Padilla,  at  Quivira,  where  he  is  killed.  The  compan- 
ions of  Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  make  their  way  back  to 
Mexico,  arriving  before  1552. 


1544 

Nov.  30        Promulgation  of  the  Sew  Laws  for  the  Indies. 

Sebastian  Cabot  publishes  his  map  of  the  Sew  World. 

1547 

Mendoza,  before  he  leaves  Sew  Spain  to  become  viceroy  of 
Peru,  answers  the  charges  preferred  against  him  by  the 
officials  appointed  to  investigate  his  admiuistratiou. 


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HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION 

The  Causes  of  the  Coeonado  Expedition,  1528-1539 
alvar  nunez  cabeza  de  vaca 

The  American  Indians  are  always  on  the  move.  Tribes  shift  the 
location  of  their  homes  from  season  to  season  and  from  year  to  year, 
while  individuals  wander  at  will,  hunting,  trading  or  gossiping.  This  is 
very  largely  true  today,  and  when  the  Europeans  first  came  in  contact 
with  the  American  aborigines,  it  was  a  characteristic  feature  of  Indian 
life.  The  Shawnees,  for  example,  have  drifted  from  Georgia  to  the 
great  lakes,  and  part  of  the  way  back,  during  the  period  since  their 
peregrinations  can  first  be  traced.  Traders  from  tribe  to  tribe,  in 
the  days  when  European  commercial  ideas  were  unknown  in  North 
America,  carried  bits  of  copper  dug  from  the  mines  in  which  the  abo- 
riginal implements  are"  still  found,  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,  to 
the  Atlantic  coast  on  the  one  side  and  to  the  Rocky  mountains  on  the 
other.  The  Indian  gossips  of  central  Mexico,  in  1535,  described  to 
the  Spaniards  the  villages  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  with  their  many- 
storied  houses  of  stone  and  adobe.  The  Spanish  colonists  were  always 
eager  to  learn  about  unexplored  regions  lying  outside  the  limits  of  the 
white  settlements,  and  their  Indian  neighbors  and  servants  in  the  val- 
ley of  Mexico  told  them  many  tales  of  the  people  who  lived  beyond  the 
mountains  which  hemmed  in  New  Spain  on  the  north.  One  of  these 
stories  may  be  found  in  another  part  of  this  memoir,  where  it  is  pre- 
served in  the  narrative  of  Pedro  Castaneda,  the  historian  of  the  Coro- 
nado  expedition.  Castaiieda's  hearsay  report  of  the  Indian  story,  which 
w'as  related  by  an  adventurous  trader  who  had  penetrated  the  country 
far  to  the  north,  compares  not  unfavorably  with  the  somewhat  similar 
stories  which  Marco  Polo  told  to  entertain  his  Venetian  friends.'  But 
whatever  may  have  been  known  before,  the  information  which  led  to 
the  expedition  of  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza  and  to  that  of  Francisco  Vaz- 
quez Coronado  was  brought  to  New  Spain  late  in  the  sjiring  of  1536  by 
Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 

In  1520,  before  Cortes,  the  conqueror  of  Motecuhzoma,  had  made  his 
peace  with  the  Emperor  Charles  V  and  with  the  authorities  at  Cuba, 
Panfilo  de  Narvaez  was  dispatched  to  the  Mexican  maiidand,  at  the 

'The  Indian's  story  is  in  the  first  chapter  of  Castaiieda's  Narrative.  Some  additional  information 
is  given  in  Bandolier's  Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Southwest,  the  first  chapter  of  which  is 
entitled  "Sketch  of  the  knowledge  which  the  Spaniards  in  ilexico  possessed  of  the  countries  north  of 
the  province  of  New  Galicia  previous  to  the  return  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca."  For  bibliographic  references 
to  this  and  other  works  referred  to  throughout  this  memoir,  see  the  list  at  the  end  of  the  paper. 

345 


346  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

head  of  a  considerable  force.  He  was  sent  to  subdue  and  supersede 
the  conqueror  of  Mexico,  but  when  they  met,  Cortes  quickly  proved 
that  ho  was  a  better  general  than  his  opponent,  and  a  skillful  politician 
as  well.  Narvaez  was  deserted  by  his  soldiers  and  became  a  x)risoner 
in  the  City  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  detained  during  the  two  years 
which  followed.  Cortes  was  at  the  height  of  his  power,  and  Narvaez 
must  have  felt  a  longing  to  rival  the  successes  of  the  conqueror,  who 
had  won  the  wealth  of  the  Mexican  empire.  After  Cortes  resumed 
his  dutiful  obedience  to  the  Spanish  crown,  friends  at  home  obtained 
a  royal  order  which  effected  the  release  of  Xarvaez,  who  returned  to 
Spain  at  the  earliest  opportunity.  Almost  as  soon  as  he  had  estab- 
lished himself  anew  in  the  favor  of  the  court,  he  petitioned  the  King 
for  a  license  which  should  permit  him  to  conduct  explorations  in  the 
New  World.  After  some  delay,  the  desired  ])atent  was  granted.  It 
authorized  IS^arvaez  to  explore,  conquer,  and  colonize  the  country 
between  Florida  and  the  Eio  de  Palmas,  a  grant  comprising  all  that 
portion  of  Korth  America  bordering  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  which  is 
now  included  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States.  Preparations 
were  at  once  begun  for  the  complete  organization  of  an  expeditiou  suit- 
able to  the  extent  of  this  territory  and  to  the  power  and  dignity  of  its 
governor. 

On  June  17,  1527,  Narvaez,  governor  of  Florida,  Eio  de  Palmas  and 
Espiritu  Santo — the  Eio  Grande  and  the  Mississippi  on  our  modern 
maps — sailed  from  Spain.  He  went  first  to  Cuba,  where  he  refitted  his 
fleet  and  replaced  one  vessel  which  had  been  lost  in  a  hurricane  during 
the  voyage.  When  everything  was  ready  to  start  for  the  unexplored 
mainland,  he  ordered  the  pilots  to  conduct  his  fleet  to  the  western  limits 
of  his  jurisdiction — our  Texas.  They  landed  him,  April  15,  1528,  on 
the  coast  of  the  present  Florida,  at  a  bay  which  the  Spaniards  called 
Bahia  de  la  Cruz,  and  which  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot  enables  us  to 
identify  with  Apalache  bay.  The  pilots  knew  that  a  storm  had  driven 
them  out  of  their  course  toward  the  east,  but  they  could  not  calculate 
on  the  strong  current  of  the  gulf  stream.  They  assured  the  commander 
that  he  was  not  far  from  the  Eio  de  Palmas,  the  desired  destination,  and 
so  he  lauded  his  force  of  50  horses  and  300  men — just  half  the  number 
of  the  soldiers,  mechanics,  laborers,  and  priests  who  had  started  with 
him  from  Spain  ten  months  before.  He  sent  one  of  his  vessels  back  to 
Cuba  for  recruits,  and  ordered  the  remaining  three  to  sail  along  the 
coast  toward  the  west  and  to  wait  for  the  army  at  the  fine  harbor  of 
Panuco,  which  was  reported  to  be  near  the  mouth  of  Palmas  river.  The 
fate  of  these  vessels  is  not  known. 

Naryaez,  having  completed  these  arrangements,  made  ready  to  lead 
his  army  overland  to  Panuco.  The  march  began  April  19.  For  a  while, 
the  Spaniards  took  a  northerly  direction,  and  then  they  turned  toward 
the  west.  Progress  was  slow,  for  the  men  knew  nothing  of  the  country, 
and  the  forests  and  morasses  presented  many  ditticulties  to  the  soldiers 


WIN8HIP]  THE    EXPEDITION    OF    NAEVAEZ  347 

unused  to  woodcraft.  Little  help  could  be  procured  from  the  Indians, 
who  soon  became  openly  hostile  wherever  the  Spaniards  encountered 
them.  Food  grew  scarce,  and  no  persuasion  could  induce  the  natives 
to  reveal  hidden  stores  of  corn,  or  of  gold.  On  May  15,  tired  and  dis- 
couraged, the  Spaniards  reached  a  large  river  with  a  strong  current 
flowing  toward  the  south.  They  rested  here,  while  Cabeza  de  Vaca, 
the  royal  treasurer  accompanying  the  expedition,  took  a  small  party  of 
soldiers  and  followed  the  banks  of  the  river  down  to  the  sea.  The 
fleet  was  not  waiting  for  them  at  the  mouth  of  this  stream,  nor  could 
anything  be  learned  of  the  fine  harbor  for  Avhich  they  were  searching. 
Disappointed  anew  by  the  report  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  made  on  his 
return  to  the  main  camp,  the  Spanish  soldiers  crossed  the  river  and 
continued  their  march  toward  the  west.  They  plodded  on  and  on,  and 
after  awhile  turned  southward,  to  follow  down  the  course  of  another 
large  river  wliich  blocked  their  westward  march.  On  the  last  day  of 
July  they  reached  a  bay  of  considerable  size,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 
They  named  this  Bahia  de  los  Cavallos,  perhaps,  as  has  been  surmised, 
because  it  was  here  that  they  killed  the  last  of  their  horses  for  food. 
The  Spaniards,  long  before  this,  had  become  thoroughly  disheartened. 
Neither  food  nor  gold  could  be  found.  The  capital  cities,  toward 
which  the  Indian  captives  had  directed  the  wandering  strangers,  when 
reached,  were  mere  groups  of  huts,  situated  in  some  cases  on  mounds 
of  earth.  Not  a  sign  of  anything  which  would  reward  their  search, 
and  hardly  a  thing  to  eat,  had  been  discovered  during  the  months  of 
toilsome  marching.  The  Spaniards  determined  to  leave  the  country. 
They  constructed  forges  in  their  camp  near  the  seashore,  and  hammered 
their  spurs,  stirrups,  and  other  iron  implements  of  warfare  into  nails  and 
saws  and  axes,  with  which  to  build  the  boats  necessary  for  their  escape 
from  the  country.  Ropes  were  made  of  the  tails  and  manes  of  the 
horses,  whose  hides,  pieced  out  with  the  shirts  of  the  men,  were  fash- 
ioned into  sails.  By  September  22,  five  boats  were  ready,  each  large 
enough  to  hold  between  45  and  50  men.  In  these  the  soldiers 
embarked.  Scarcely  a  man  among  them  knew  anything  of  naviga- 
tion, and  they  certainly  knew  nothing  about  the  navigation  of  this 
coast.  They  steered  westward,  keeping  near  the  land,  and  stopping 
occasionally  for  fresh  water.     Sometimes  they  obtained  a  little  food. 

Toward  the  end  of  October  they  came  to  the  mouth  of  a  large  river 
which  poured  forth  so  strong  a  current  that  it  drove  the  boats  out  to 
sea.  Two,  those  which  contained  Narvaez  and  the  friars,  were  lost. 
The  men  in  the  other  three  boats  were  driven  ashore  by  a  storm,  some- 
where on  the  coast  of  western  Louisiana  or  eastern  Texas.'    This  was 


'Tlio  most  impdrtant  aourco  of  iuforniation  regarding;  the  expedition  of  Xarvaez  is  the  Kelntion 
written  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  Tliis  is  best  eonsiilted  in  Buckingliani  Smith's  translation.  Mr  Smith 
jncludeB  ni  his  volume  everything  winch"  lie  could  iind  to  supplement  the  main  narration.  The  best 
study  ot  the  rout©  followed  by  the  survivors  of  the  expedition,  after  they  landed  in  Texas,  is  that  of 
Bandelier  in  the  second  chapter  of  his  Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  .Southwest.  In  this  essay 
Bamlelier  has  brought  together  all  the  documentary  evidence,  and  he  writes  with  the  knowledge 
obtained  by  traveling  through  the  different  portions  of  the  country  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  must  have 


348  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  tKTH.AKN.14 

in  the  winter  of  1528-29.  Toward  the  end  of  April,  1536,  Cabeza  de 
Vaca,  Alonso  del  Castillo  Maldouado,  Andres  Dorantes,  and  a  negro 
named  Estevau,  met  some  Spanish  slave  catchers  near  the  llio  de  Peta- 
tlan,  in  Sinaloa,  west  of  the  monntains  which  border  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia. These  four  men,  with  a  single  exception,'  were  the  only  survivors 
of  the  three  hundred  who  had  entered  the  continent  with  Narvaez 
eight  years  before. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  comi)anions  stayed  in  Mexico  for  several 
months,  as  the  guests  of  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza.  At 
first,  it  was  i)robably  the  intention  of  the  three  Spaniards  to  return  to 
Spain,  in  order  to  claim  the  due  reward  for  their  mainfold  sufferings. 
Mendoza  says,  in  a  letter  dated  December  10,  1537,'  that  he  purchased 
the  negro  Estevan  from  Dorantes,  so  that  there  might  be  someone  left 
in  New  Spain  who  could  guide  an  expedition  back  into  the  countries 
about  which  the  wanderers  had  heard.  An  earlier  letter  from  the 
viceroy,  dated  February  11,  1537,  commends  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Fran- 
cisco Dorantes — he  must  have  meant  Andres,  and  perhaps  wrote  it  so 
in  his  original  manuscript — as  deserving  the  favor  of  the  Empress. 
Maldonado  is  not  mentioned  in  this  letter,  and  no  trace  of  him  has 
been  found  after  the  arrival  of  the  four  survivors  in  Mexico.  All  that 
we  know  about  him  is  that  his  home  was  in  Salamanca.^ 

Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  started  from  Vera  Cruz  for  Spain  in 
October,  1536,  but  their  vessel  was  stranded  before  it  got  out  of  the 
harbor.  This  accident  obliged  them  to  postpone  their  departure  until 
the  following  spring,  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca  returned  home  alone.  He 
told  the  story  of  his  wanderings  to  the  court  and  the  King,  and  was 
rewarded,  by  1540,  witli  an  appointment  as  adelantado,  giving  him  the 
command  over  the  recently  occupied  regions  about  the  Kio  de  la  Plata. 
The  position  was  one  for  which  he  was  unfltted,  and  his  subordinates 


traversed.  Dr  J.  G,  Shea,  in  bin  chapter  in  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  ii,  p. 
280.  disagrees  in  some  points  vrith  Mr  Bandelier's  interpretation  of  the  route  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  west 
of  Texas,  and  also  with  Mr  Smith's  identifications  of  the  different  points  in  the  march  of  tlio  main 
army  before  it  embarlced  from  the  Bahia  de  los  Cavaltos.  Other  interesting  conjectures  are  given  in 
H.  H.  Bancroft's  North  Mexican  States,  vol.  i,  p.  63,  and  map  at  p.  67. 

Buckingham  Smith  collected  in  his  Letter  of  Hernando  de  Soto.  pp.  57-01,  and  in  his  Narrative  of 
the  Career  of  Hernando  de  Soto  <see  index),  all  that  is  known  in  regard  to  Ortiz,  one  of  the  soldiers  of 
Narvaez,  who  was  found  among  the  Indians  by  De  Soto  in  1540. 

■Mendoza  to  Charles  V,  10  Diciembre,  1537.  Cabeza  do  Vaca  y  Dorantes,  .  .  .  deapues  de  haber 
lIega<lo  aqui,  determinaron  de  iraeen  Eapaua,  y  viendo  que  si  V.  M.  eraservidodo  enviaraquella  tierra 
alguna  gente  para  saber  de  cierto  lo  que  era,  no  quedaba  persona  quo  jiudiese  ir  con  ella  ni  dar  uinguna 
razon,  compr6  A  Dorantes  pani  este  ofecto  un  negro  que  vino  de  allA  y  se  halh)  con  ellos  en  todo,qne  se 
llama  Est^han,  por  ser  persona  de  razon.  Despues  sucwlio,  como  el  navio  en  que  Dorantes  iba  se  vol\-i6 
al  Puerto,  y  sabido  esto,  yo  le  escribi  A  la  Vera-Cruz,  rogAndole  que  vinieso  aqui :  y  como  llegii  ii  esta 
ciudud,  yo  le  habl6  dici<>udole  que  hubiese  por  bien  de  volver  A  esta  tierra  con  algnnos  religiosos  y 
gente  de  caballo,  que  yoledaria  ji  calalla,  y  saber  de  cierto  loque  eu  ella  habia.  Y61vistamivoluutad, 
y  el  servicio  que  yo  le  puse  delantre  quo  hacia  con  ello  &.  Dies  y  &  V.  il.,  me  respondi6  que  holgaba 
dello,  y  asi  cstoy  determinable  de  envialle  alld  con  la  gent«  de  caballo  y  religiosos  que  digo.  Pienso  que 
ha  de  redundar  dello  gran  servicio  A  Dies  y  il  V.  M  —  From  the  text  printed  in  Pacheco  y  Cardeuas, 
Docs,  de  Indias,  li,  200. 

•Some  recent  writers  have  been  misled  by  a  clmuce  comma  inserted  by  the  copyist  or  printer  in  one 
of  the  old  narratives,  which  divides  the  name  of  Mahlonado — Alonso  del  CastiUo,  Maldonndo— making 
it  appear  as  if  there  were  five  instead  of  four  survivors  of  the  Narvaez  expedition  who  made  their 
way  to  Mexico. 


a  s 


o     * 


I       o 


wiNSBip]  SURVIVORS   OF   NARVAEZ'   EXPEDITION  349 

sent  him  back  to  Spain.  The  complaints  against  him  were  investi- 
gated by  the  Council  for  the  Indies,  but  the  judgment,  if  any  was  given, 
has  never  been  published.  He  certainly  was  not  punished,  and  soon 
settled  down  in  Seville,  where  he  was  still  living,  apparently,  twenty 
years  later.' 

While  Doxantes  was  stopping  at  Vera  Cruz  during  the  winter  of 
1536-37,  he  received  a  letter  from  Mendoza,  asking  him  to  return  to  the 
City  of  Mexico.  After  several  interviews,  the  A'iceroy  induced  Doran- 
tes  to  remain  in  New  Spain,  agreeing  to  provide  him  with  a  party  of 
horsemen  and  friars,  in  order  to  explore  more  thoroughly  the  country 
through  which  he  had  wandered.  Mendoza  explains  the  details  of  his 
plans  in  the  letter  written  in  December,  1537,  and  declares  that  he 
expected  many  advantages  would  be  derived  from  this  expedition  which 
would  redound  to  the  glory  of  God  and  to  the  profit  of  His  Majesty  the 
King.  The  viceroy  was  prepared  to  expend  a  large  sum — 3,500  or  4,000 
pesos — to  insure  a  successful  undertaking,  but  he  promised  to  raise  the 
whole  amount,  without  taking  a  single  maravedi  from  the  royal  treas- 
ury, by  means  of  a  more  careful  collection  of  dues,  and  especiallj'  by 
enforcing  the  payment  of  overdue  sums,  the  collection  of  which  hitherto 
had  been  considered  impossible.  This  reform  in  the  collection  of  rents 
and  other  royal  exactions  and  the  careful  attention  to  all  the  details  of 
the  fiscal  administration  were  among  the  most  valuable  of  the  many 
services  rendered  by  Mendoza  as  viceroy.  The  expedition  under  I)o- 
rantes  never  started,  though  why  nothing  came  of  all  the  preparations, 
wrote  Mendoza  in  his  next  letter  to  the  King,  "I  never  could  find  out.'" 

The  three  Spaniards  wrote  several  narratives  of  their  experiences  on 
the  expedition  of  Narvaez,  and  of  their  adventurous  journey  from  the 
gulf  coast  of  Texas  to  the  Pacific  coast  of  Mexico.^  These  travelers, 
who  had  lived  a  savage  life  for  so  long  that  they  could  wear  no  clothes, 
and  were  unable  to  sleep  except  upon  the  bare  ground,  had  a  strange 
tale  to  tell.  The  story  of  their  eight  years  of  wandering  must  have 
been  often  repeated — of  their  slavery,  their  buffalo-hunting  expedi- 
tions, of  the  escape  from  their  Indian  masters,  and  their  career  as 
traders  and  as  medicine  men.     These  were  wonderful  and  strange  expe- 


'  Besides  the  general  historians,  we  have  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  own  aeconnt  of  his  career  in  Paraguay 
in  his  Comentarios,  reprinted  in  Vedia,  Historiadores  Primitivos,  vol.  i,  Ternaux  translated  this 
narrative  int«  French  for  hia  Voyages,  part  vi, 

*The  Spanish  text  of  this  letter  has  not  been  seen  since  Hamusio  uswl  it  in  making  the  translation 
for  his  Viaggi,  vol.  iii,  fol.  355,  ed.  1556.  There  is  no  date  to  the  letter  as  Kamusio  gives  it.  Ternaux- 
Compans  translated  it  from  Ilamusio  for  hia  Cibola  volume  (Voyages,  vol.  ix,  p.  287).  It  is  usually-cited 
from  Ternaux's  title  as  the  *' Premiere  lettredc  ilendoza."  I  quote  from  the  French  text  the  portion  of 
the  letter  which  explains  my  narrative :  ".  .  .  Andrea  Dorantt^s,  un  do  ceux  qui  firentpartie  de  Tar- 
m^e  de  I'amphilo  Xarvaez,  vint  prfes  de  moi.  J'oua  de  frequents  entretiens  avec  lui;  .je  pensaiqu'il 
poavait  rendre  un  grand  service  k  votreniajeste ;  si.je  I'exp^diais  avec  quarante  ou  cinquante  clievauxet 
tons  les  objets  n^^cessaires  pour  d^couvrir  ce  pays.  Je  d^penaai  beaucoup  d'argent  pour  I'exp^'dition, 
niais  je  ne  aais  pas  comment  il  ae  fit  queTalfaire  n'eut  pas  de  suite.  Be  tousles  pr6paratifs  (luej'avais 
taits,  il  ne  me  resta  qu'un  n^gre  qui  eat  venu  avec  Dorant^s,  quelqnes  eaclaves  que  j'avais  achet^s, 
ft  dos  Indiens.  naturels  de  ce  pays,  que  j'avais  fait  raasembler." 

*Two  of  these  are  extant — the  Relacion  of  Cabeza  deVjvcaand  Oviedo's  version  of  an  account  signed 
by  the  three  Spaniards  and  sent  to  the  Real  Audiencia  at  Santo  Domingo,  in  his  Historia  General  de 
las  Indias,  lib.  xxxv,  vol.  iii,  p.  582,  ed.  1853. 


350  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.asn.U 

riences,  but  the  story  contained  little  to  arouse  the  eager  interest  of 
the  colonists  in  New  Spain,  whose  minds  had  been  stirred  by  the 
accounts  which  came  from  Peru  telling  of  the  untold  wealth  of  the 
lucas.  A  few  things,  however,  had  been  seen  and  heard  by  the  wan- 
derers which  suggested  the  possibility  of  lands  won  h  conquering.  "A 
copper  hawks- bell,  thick  and  large,  figured  with  a  face,"  had  been  given 
to  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  soon  after  he  started  on  his  journey  toward  Mexico. 
The  natives  who  gave  this  to  him  said  that  they  had  received  it  from 
other  Indians,  "who  had  brought  it  from  the  north,  where  there  was 
much  copper,  which  was  highly  esteemed."  After  the  travelers  had 
crossed  the  Eio  Grande,  they  showed  this  bell  to  some  other  Indians, 
who  said  that  "  there  were  many  plates  of  this  same  metal  buried  in 
the  ground  in  the  place  whence  it  had  come,  and  that  it  was  a  thing 
which  they  esteemed  highly,  and  that  there  were  fixed  habitations 
where  it  came  from."'  This  was  all  the  treasure  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
could  say  that  he  had  seen.  He  had  heard,  however,  of  a  better  region 
than  any  he  saw,  for  the  Indians  told  him  "that  there  are  pearls  and 
great  riches  on  the  coast  of  the  South  sea  (the  Pacific),  and  all  the 
best  and  most  opulent  countries  are  near  there."  We  may  be  sure  that 
none  of  this  was  omitted  whenever  he  told  the  Spanish  colonists  the 
story  of  the  years  of  his  residence  in  Texas  and  of  the  months  of  his 
journey  across  northern  Mexico.'' 

THE    GOVERNORS    OF    NEW    SPAIN,  1530-1537 

Don  Antonio  de  Menrtoza,  "  the  good  viceroy,"  had  been  at  the  head 
of  the  government  of  New  Spain  for  two  years  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
arrived  in  Mexico.  The  effects  of  his  careful  and  intelligent  adminis- 
tration were  already  beginning  to  appear  in  the  increasing  prosperity 
of  the  province  and  the  improved  condition  of  the  colonists  and  of 
their  lands.  The  authority  of  the  viceroy  was  ample  and  extensive, 
although  he  was  limited  to  some  extent  by  the  andiencia,  the  members  of 
which  had  administered  the  government  of  the  province  since  the  retire- 
ment of  Cortes.  The  viceroy  was  the  president  of  this  court,  which  had 
resumed  more  strictly  judicial  functions  after  his  arrival,  and  he  was 
officially  advised  by  his  instructions  from  the  King  to  consult  with  his 
fellow  members  on  all  matters  of  importance. 

Nuno  de  Guzman  departed  for  New  Spain  in  1528,  and  became  the 
head  of  the  first  audiencia.  Within  a  year  he  had  made  himself  so 
deservedly  unpopular  that  when  he  heard  that  Cortes  was  coming  back 
to  Mexico  from  Spain,  with  the  new  title  of  marquis  and  fresh  grants 
of  power  from  the  King,  he  thought  it  best  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  his 
rival.    Without  relinquishing  tlie  title  to  his  position  in  the  capital 

'  See  Buckingham  Smith's  translation  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  Narrative,  p.  150. 

*The  eifect  of  the  stories  tohl  by  Cal>eza  de  Vaca,  and  later  by  Friar  ^[arcos,  is  considered  in  apaper 
priute<l  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Hiatorical  Association  at  Waahington,  1894,  "Why  Coro- 
nado  went  to  New  Mexico  in  1540." 


WIH8H1P]  GUZMAN,  TORRE,  AND    ONATE  851 

city,  Gazman  collected  a  considerable  force  and  marched  away  toward 
the  Wf  st  and  north,  determined  to  win  honor  and  security  by  new  con- 
quests. He  explored  and  subdued  the  country  for  a  considerable  dis- 
tance along  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  but  he  could 
find  nothing  there  to  rival  the  Mexico  of  Motecuhzoma.  Meanwhile 
reports  reached  Charles  Y  of  the  manner  in  which  Guzman  had  been 
treating  the  Indians  and  the  Spanish  settlers,  and  so,  March  17, 1536,^ 
the  King  appointed  the  Licentiate  Diego  Perez  de  la  Torre  to  take  the 
residencia^  of  Guzman.  At  the  same  time  Torre  was  commissioned  to 
replace  Guzman  as  governor  of  New  Galicia,  as  this  northwestern  prov- 
ince had  been  named.  The  latter  had  already  determined  to  return  to 
Spain,  leaving  Don  Christobal  de  Onate,  a  model  executive  and  admin- 
istrative official,  in  charge  of  his  province.  Guzman  almost  succeeded 
in  escaping,  but  his  judge,  who  had  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  by  the  end  of 
1536,  met  him  at  the  viceroy's  palace  in  Mexico  city,  and  secured  his 
arrest  before  he  could  depart.  After  his  trial  he  was  detained  in  Mex- 
ico until  June  30,  1538,- when  he  was  enabled  to  leave  Kew  Spain  by  an 
order  which  directed  him  to  surrender  his  jierson  to  the  ofiicers  of  the 
Casa  de  Contratacion,^  at  Seville.  Guzman  lost  no  time  in  going  to 
Spain,  where  he  speut  the  next  four  years  in  urging  his  claims  to  a  right 
to  i)articipate  in  the  northern  conquests. 

Torre,  the  licentiate,  had  barely  begun  to  reform  the  abuses  of  Guz- 
man's government  when  he  was  killed  in  a  conflict  with  some  revolted 
Indian  tribes.  Onate  again  took  charge  of  affairs  until  Mendoza 
appointed  Luis  Galindo  chief  justice  for  jSTew  Galicia.  This  was  merely 
a  temporary  appointment,  however,  until  a  new  governor  could  be 
selected.  The  viceroy's  nomination  for  the  position  was  confirmed  by 
the  King,  in  a  cedula  dated  April  18, 1539,  which  commissioned  Fran- 
cisco Vazquez  Coronado  as  governor.* 

Cortes  had  been  engaged,  ever  since  his  return  from  Spain,  in  fitting 
out  expeditions  which  came  to  nothing,^  but  by  which  he  hoped  to 
accomplish  his  schemes  for  completing  the  exx^loration  of  the  South  sea. 
His  leisure  was  more  than  occupied  by  his  efforts  to  outwit  the  agents 
of  the  viceroy  and  the  audiencia,  who  had  received  orders  from  the 
King  to  investigate  the  extent  and  condition  of  the  estates  held  by 
Cortes.  In  the  spring  of  1.535,  Cortes  established  a  colony  on  the  oppo- 
site coast  of  California,  the  supposed  Island  of  the  Marquis,  at  Santa 

'The  beat  sources  for  these  proceedings  is  in  Mota  Padilla's  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  {ed. 
Icazbalceta,  pp.  104-109).  A  xuore  available  account  in  English  is  in  H.  H.  Bancroft's  Mexico,  vol.  ii. 
p.  457. 

^An  official  investigation  into  the  administration  of  an  official  who  is  about  to  be  relieved  of  his 
duties. 

'The  best  account,  in  English,  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  is  given  by  Professor  Bernard  Mo.ses,  of 
Berkeley,  California,  in  the  volume  of  papers  read  before  the  American  Historical  Association  at  its 
1894  meeting. 

*See  Fragmentos  de  una  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia,  by  Father  Tello  (Icazbalceta,  Documentos  de 
Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  369). 

'Mendoza,  in  the  "premiere  lettre,"  gives  a  brief  sketch  of  the  etforts  which  Cortes  had  been  mak- 
ing, and  then  adds .-  '  ^  II  ne  put  done  .jamais  eu  faire  la  conqu6t« ;  il  semblait  meme  que  Dieu  vouliit 
miraculeusement  Ten  Eloigner."    Ternaux,  Cibola  volume,  p.  287.      ^ 


352  THE    OORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

Cruz/  near  the  modern  La  Paz.  Storms  and  shipwreck,  hunger  and 
surfeiting,  reduced  the  numbers  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  men  whom 
he  had  conducted  thither,  and  when  his  vessels  returned  from  the 
mainland  with  the  news  that  Mendoza  had  arrived  in  Mexico,  and 
bringing  letters  from  his  wife  urging  him  to  return  at  once,  Cortes 
went  back  to  Mexico.  A  few  months  later  he  recalled  the  settlers 
whom  he  had  left  at  Santa  Cruz,  in  accordance,  it  may  be,  with  the 
command  or  advice  of  Mendoza.^  When  the  stories  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
suggested  the  possibility  of  making  desirable  conquests  toward  the 
north,  Cortes  possessed  a  better  outfit  for  undertaking  this  work  than 
any  of  the  others  who  were  likely  to  be  rivals  for  the  privilege  of 
exploring  aud  occupying  that  region. 

Pedro  de  Alvarado  was  the  least  known  of  these  rival  claimants. 
He  had  been  a  lieutenant  of  Cortes  until  he  secured  an  independent 
command  in  Guatemala,  Yucatan  and  Honduras,  where  he  subdued  the 
natives,  but  discovered  nothing  except  that  there  was  nowhere  in  these 
regions  any  store  of  gold  or  treasures.  Abandoning  this  field,  he 
tried  to  win  a  share  in  the  conquests  of  Pizarro  and  Almagro.  He 
approached  Peru  from  the  north,  and  conducted  his  army  across  the 
mountains.  This  march,  one  of  the  most  disastrous  in  colonial  history, 
so  comijletely  destroyed  the  efficiency  of  his  force  that  the  conquerors 
of  Peru  easily  compelled  him  to  sell  them  what  was  left  of  his  expedi- 
tion. They  paid  a  considerable  sum,  weighed  out  in  bars  of  silver 
which  he  found,  after  his  return  to  Panama,  to  be  made  of  lead  with 
a  silver  veneering.^  Alvarado  was  ready  to  abandon  the  work  of  con- 
quering America,  and  had  forwarded  a  petition  to  the  King,  asking 
that  he  might  be  allowed  to  return  to  Spain,  when  Mendoza,  or  the 
audiencia  which  was  controlled  by  the  enemies  of  Alvarado,  furthered 
his  desires  by  ordering  him  to  go  to  the  mother  country  and  present 
himself  before  the  throne.  This  was  in  1536.  While  at  court  Alvarado 
must  have  met  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  He  changed  his  plans  for  making  a 
voyage  to  the  South  seas,  and  secured  from  the  King,  whose  favor  he 
had  easily  regained,  a  commission  which  allowed  him  to  build  a  fleet 
in  Central  America  and  explore  the  South  sea — the  Pacific — toward 
the  west  or  the  north.  He  returned  to  America  early  in  1539,  bringing 
with  him  everything  needed  in  the  equipment  of  a  large  fleet. 

Mendoza,  meanwhile,  1536-1539,  had  been  making  plans  and  prepa- 
rations. He  had  not  come  to  the  !N^ew  World  as  an  adventurer,  and  he 
lacked  the  spirit  of  eager,  reckless,  hopeful  expectation  of  wealth  and 
fame,  which  accomplished  so  much  for  the  geographical  unfolding  of  the 
two  Americas.  Mendoza  appears  to  have  arranged  his  plans  as  carefully 
as  if  he  had  been  about  to  engage  in  some  intrigue  at  court.    He  rec- 

1  On  the  maps  it  is  usually  designated  as  S.  f. 

2  The  details  of  this  episode  are  given  in  the  relations  and  petitions  of  Cortes.  H.  H.  Bancroft  tells 
the  story  in  his  North  Mexican  States,  vol.  i,  p.  77.  The  Cortes  map  of  1536  is  reproduced,  from  a 
traciiij;,  in  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vol.  ii,  p.  442. 

^This  is  the  story  which  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega  tells  iu  his  Commentales  Keales,  pt.  ii,  lib.  il. 


3 


BUREAU   OF   ETHNOLOGY 


SEBASTIAN  CABOT'S 
Af1«r  Krattc 


FOURTEENTH   ANNUAL   REPORT       PI.    XL 


OF  1544 


wmsHip]  EXPEDITIONS   PLANNED   BY   MENDOZA  353 

ognized  bis  rivals  and  tlieir  strength.  Nuiio  de  Guzman  was  in  disgrace 
and  awaiting  a  trial,  but  he  was  at  the  court,  where  he  could  urge  his 
claims  ])ersistently  in  person.  Cortes  was  active,  but  he  was  where 
Mendoza  could  watch  everything  that  he  tried  to  do.  He  might  suc- 
ceed in  anticipating  the  viceroy's  plans,  but  his  sea  ventures  heretofore 
had  all  been  failures.  So  lo7ig  as  he  kept  to  the  water  there  seemed 
to  be  little  danger.  Mendoza's  chief  concern  appears  to  have  been  to 
make  sure  that  his  rivals  should  have  uo  chance  of  uniting  their 
claims  against  him.  Eepresenting  the  Crown  and  its  interests,  he  felt 
sure  of  everything  else.  The  viceroy  had  no  ambition  to  take  the  field 
in  person  as  an  explorer,  and  he  selected  Alvarado  as  the  most  available 
leader  for  the  expedition  which  he  had  in  mind,  probably  about  the 
time  that  the  latter  came  back  to  the  New  World.  He  wrote  to 
Alvarado,  suggesting  an  arrangement  between  them,  and  after  due 
consideration  on  both  sides,  terms  and  conditions  mutually  satisfactory 
were  agreed  on.  Mendoza  succeeded  in  uniting  Alvarado  to  his  inter- 
ests, and  engaged  that  he  should  conduct  an  expedition  into  the  country 
north  of  Mexico.  This  arrangement  was  completed,  apparently,  before 
the  return  of  Friar  Marcos  from  his  reconnoissance,  which  added  so 
largely  to  tlie  probabilities  of  success. 

THE  RECONNOISSANCE  OF  FRIAR  MARCOS  DE  NIZA 

Mendoza  did  not  confine  himself  to  diplomatic  measures  for  bringing 
about  the  exploration  and  conquest  which  he  had  in  mind.  In  his 
undated  "premiere  lettre"  the  viceroy  wrote  that  he  was  prepared  to 
send  Dorantes  with  forty  or  fifty  horses  and  everything  needed  for  an 
expedition  into  the  interior ;  but  nothing  was  done. 

About  this  time,  1.537-38,  Friar  Juan  de  la  Asuncion  seems  to  have 
visited  the  inland  tribes  north  of  the  Spanish  settlements,  Mr  Ban- 
delier  has  presented  all  the  evidence  obtainable  regarding  the  labors  of 
this  friar.'  The  most  probable  interpretation  of  the  statements  which 
refer  to  his  wanderings  is  that  Friar  Juan  went  alone  and  without 
ofiBcial  assistance,  and  that  he  may  have  traveled  as  far  north  as 
the  river  Gila.  The  details  of  his  journey  are  hopelessly  confused.  It 
is  more  than  probable  that  there  were  a  number  of  friars  at  work 
among  the  outlying  Indian  tribes,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  one  or 
more  of  them  may  not  have  wandered  north  for  a  considerable  dis- 
tance. During  the  same  year  the  viceroy  made  an  attempt,  possibly 
in  person,  to  penetrate  into  the  country  of  Topira  or  Topia,  in  north- 
western Durango,^  but  the  mountains  and  the  absence  of  provisions 
forced  the  party  to  return.  It  may  be  that  this  fruitless  expedition  was 
the  same  as  that  in  which,  according  to  Castaiieda,  Coronado  took  part, 
while  Friar  Marcos  was  on  his  way  to  Cibola.     It  is  not  unlikely,  also, 

■Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Soutliwest,  pp  79-103. 

^This  region  is  identified  by  Bandelier  in  his  Contributions,  p.  104,  note.  The  letter  from  which 
the  details  are  obtained,  written  to  accompany  the  report;  of  lYlar  Marcos  when  this  was  transmitted 
to  the  King:,  is  in  Ramusio,  and  also  in  Ternaux,  Cibola  volume,  p.  285. 

14  ETH 23 


354  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [KTH.Aini.l4 

that  Friar  Marcos  may  have  made  a  preliminary  trip  toward  the  north, 
during  the  same  year,  although  this  is  hardly  more  than  a  guess  to  ex- 
plain statements,  made  by  the  old  chroniclers,  which  we  can  not  under- 
stand. 

As  yet  nothing  had  been  found  to  verify  the  reports  brought  by 
Cabeza  de  Vaca,  which,  by  themselves,  were  hardly  sufficient  to  justify 
the  equipment  of  an  expedition  on  a  large  scale.  But  Mendoza  was 
bent  on  discovering  what  lay  beyond  the  northern  mountains.  He  still 
had  the  negro  Estevan,  whom  he  had  purchased  of  Dorantes,  besides 
a  number  of  Indians  who  had  followed  Cabeza  de  Vaca  to  Mexico  and 
had  been  trained  there  to  serve  as  interpreters.  The  experience  which 
the  negro  had  gained  during  the  years  he  lived  among  the  savages 
made  him  invaluable  as  a  guide.  He  was  used  to  dealing  with  the 
Indians,  knew  something  of  their  languages,  and  was  practiced  in  the 
all-important  sign  manual. 

Friar  Marcos  de  Niza  was  selected  as  the  leader  of  the  little  party 
which  was  to  find  out  what  the  viceroy  wanted  to  know.  Aside  from 
his  reconnoitering  trip  to  Cibola,  very  little  is  known  about  this  friar. 
Born  in  Xice,  then  a  part  of  Savoy,  he  was  called  by  his  contemporaries 
a  Frenchman.  He  had  been  with  Pizarro  in  Peru,  and  had  witnessed 
the  death  of  Atahualpa.  Eeturning  to  Central  America,  very  likely 
with  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  he  had  walked  from  there  barefooted,  as  was 
his  custom,  up  to  Mexico.  He  seems  to  have  been  somewhere  in  the 
northwestern  provinces  of  New  Spain,  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca  appeared 
there  after  his  wanderings.  A  member  of  the  Franciscan  brother- 
hood, he  had  already  attained  to  some  standing  in  the  order,  for  he 
signs  his  repojl;  or  personal  narration  of  his  explorations,  as  vice- 
commissary  of  the  Franciscans.  The  father  provincial  of  the  order, 
Friar  Antonio  de  Ciudad-Rodrigo,  on  August  26, 1539,'  certified  to  the 
high  esteem  in  which  Friar  Marcos  was  held,  and  stated  that  he  was 
skilled  in  cosmography  and  in  the  arts  of  the  sea,  as  well  as  in 
theology. 

This  choice  of  a  leader  was  beyond  question  an  excellent  one,  and 
Mendoza  had  every  reason  to  feel  confidence  in  the  success  of  his  under- 
taking. The  viceroy  drew  up  a  set  of  instructions  for  Friar  Marcos, 
which  directed  that  the  Indians  whom  he  met  on  the  way  should  receive 
the  best  of  treatment,  and  provided  for  the  scientific  observations 
which  all  Spanish  explorers  were  expected  to  record.  Letters  were  to 
be  left  wherever  it  seemed  advisable,  in  order  to  communicate  with  a 
possible  sea  expedition,  and  information  of  the  progress  of  the  party 
■was  to  be  sent  back  to  the  viceroy  at  convenient  intervals.  These 
instructions  are  a  model  of  careful  and  explicit  directions,  and  show 
the  characteristic  interest  taken  by  Mendoza  in  the  details  of  every- 
thing with  which  he  was  concerned.     They  supply  to  some  extent, 


I  This  certification,  with  the  report  of  Friar  Marcos  and  other  doooments  relating  to  him,  is  printed 
in  the  Pacheco  y  Cardenas  Coleccion,  vol.  iii,  pp.  325-351. 


WIK8H1P]  NIZA   AND    ESTEVAN  355 

also,  the  loss  of  the  similar  instructions  which  Coronado  must  have 
received  when  he  started  on  his  journey  in  the  following  February.' 

Friar  Marcos,  accompanied  by  a  lay  brother,  Friar  Onorato,  accord- 
ing to  Mendoza's  "premifere  lettre,"  left  Culiacan  on  March  7,  1539. 
Coronado,  now  acting  as  governor  of  New  Galicia,  had  escorted  them 
as  far  as  this  town  and  had  assured  a  quiet  journey  for  a  part  of  the 
way  beyond  by  sending  in  advance  six  Indians,  natives  of  this  region, 
who  had  been  "kept  at  Mexico  to  become  proiicient  in  the  Spanish 
language  and  attached  to  the  ways  of  the  Christians."^  The  friars 
proceeded  to  Petatlan,  where  Friar  Onorato  fell  sick,  so  that  it  was 
necessary  to  leave  liim  behind.  During  the  rest  of  the  journey.  Friar 
Marcos  was  the  only  white  man  in  the  party,  which  consisted  of  the 
negro  Estevan,  the  Indian  interpreters,  and  a  large  body  of  natives  who 
followed  him  from  the  different  villages  near  which  he  passed.  The 
friar  continued  his  journey  to  "Vacapa,"  which  Mr  Bandelier  identi- 
fies with  the  Eudeve  settlement  of  Matapa  in  central  Sonora,  where  he 
arrived  two  days  before  Passion  Sunday,  which  in  1539  fell  on  March  23.' 
At  this  place  he  waited  until  April  6,  in  order  to  send  to  the  seacoast 
and  summon  some  Indians,  from  whom  he  hoped  to  secure  further 
information  about  the  pearl  islands  of  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had 
heard. 

The  negro  Estevan  had  been  ordered  by  the  viceroy  to  obey  Friar 
Marcos  in  everything,  under  pain  of  serious  punishment.  While  the  friar 
was  waiting  at  Vacapa,  he  sent  the  negro  toward  the  north,  instruct- 
ing him  to  proceed  50  or  60  leagues  and  see  if  he  could  find  anything 
which  might  help  them  in  their  search.  If  he  found  any  signs  of  a 
rich  and  populous  country,  it  was  agreed  that  he  was  not  to  advance 
farther,  but  should  return  to  meet  the  friar,  or  else  wait  where  he  heard 
the  good  news,  sending  some  Indian  messengers  back  to  the  friar,  with 
a  white  cross  the  size  of  the  palm  of  his  hand.  If  the  news  was  very 
promising,  the  cross  was  to  be  twice  this  size,  and  if  the  country  about 
which  he  heard  promised  to  be  larger  and  better  than  ^ew  Spain,  a 
cross  still  larger  than  this  was  to  be  sent  back.  Castaueda  preserves 
a  story  that  Estevan  was  sent  ahead,  not  only  to  explore  and  pacify 
the  country,  but  also  because  he  did  not  get  on  well  with  his  superior, 
who  objected  to  his  eagerness  in  collecting  the  turquoises  and  other 
things  which  the  natives  prized  and  to  the  moral  effect  of  his  relations 
with  the  women  who  followed  him  from  the  tribes  which  they  met  on 
their  way.  Friar  Marcos  says  nothing  about  this  in  his  narrative,  but 
he  had  different  and  much  more  important  ends  to  accomplish  by  his 
report,  compared  with  those  of  Castaneda,  who  may  easily  have  gathered 
the  gossip  from  some  native. 

'The  instructions  given  to  Friar  Marcos  have  been  translated  by  Bandelier  in  his  Contributions, 
p.  109.    The  best  account  of  Friar  Marcos  and  his  explorations  is  given  in  that  volume. 

^Herrera,  Historia  General,  dec,  vi,  lib.  vii,  cap.vii. 

'Bandelier,  in  bis  Contributions,  p.  122,  says  this  was  ^'about  the  middle  of  April,"  but  his  chro- 
nology at  this  point  must  be  at  fault. 


356  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

Estevan  started  ou  Passion  Sunday,  after  dinner.  Four  days  later 
messengers  sent  by  liiui  brought  to  the  friar  "  a  very  hirge  cross,  as  tall 
as  a  man."  One  of  the  Indians  who  had  given  the  negro  his  informa- 
tion accompanied  the  messengers.  This  man  said  and  affirmed,  as  the 
friar  carefully  recorded,  ''that  there  are  seven  very  large  cities  in  the 
first  province,  all  under  one  lord,  with  large  houses  of  stone  and  lime; 
the  smallest  one-story  high,  with  a  flat  roof  above,  and  others  two  and 
three  stories  high,  and  the  house  of  the  lord  four  stories  high.  They 
aie  all  united  under  his  rule.  And  on  the  portals  of  the  principal  houses 
there  are  many  designs  of  turquoise  stones,  of  which  he  says  they 
have  a  great  abundance.  And  the  people  in  these  cities  are  very  well 
clothed.  .  .  .  Concerning  other  provinces  farther  on,  he  said  that 
each  one  of  them  amounted  to  much  more  than  these  seven  cities."  All 
this  which  the  Indian  told  Friar  Marcos  was  true;  and,  what  is  more, 
the  Spanish  friar  seems  to  have  correctly  understood  what  the  Indian 
meant,  except  that  the  Indian  idea  of  several  villages  having  a  common 
allied  form  of  government  was  interpreted  as  meaning  the  rule  of  a 
single  lord,  who  lived  in  what  was  to  the  Indians  the  chief,  because  the 
most  i^opulous,  village.  These  villages  of  stone  and  lime — or  rather  of 
stone  and  rolls  or  balls  of  adobe  laid  in  mud  mortar  and  sometimes 
whitened  with  a  wash  of  gypsum' — were  very  large  and  wondrous 
affairs  when  compared  with  the  huts  and  shelters  of  the  Seri  and  some 
of  the  Piman  Indians  of  Sonora.^  The  priest  can  hardly  be  blamed  for 
translating  a  house  entrance  into  a  doorway  instead  of  picturing  it  as 
a  bulkhead  or  as  the  hatchway  of  a  ship.  The  Spaniards — those  who 
had  seen  service  in  the  Indies — had  outgrown  their  earlier  custom  of 
reading  into  the  Indian  stories  the  ideas  of  government  and  of  civiliza- 
tion to  which  they  were  accustomed  in  Europe.  But  Friar  Marcos  was 
at  a  disadvantage  hardly  less  than  that  of  the  companions  of  Cortes, 
when  they  first  heard  of  Moctecuhzoma,  because  his  experience  with 
the  wealth  of  the  Xew  World  had  been  in  the  realm  of  the  Incas.  He 
interpreted  what  he  did  not  understand,  of  necessity,  by  what  he  had 
seen  in  Peru. 

The  story  of  this  Indian  did  not  convince  the  friar  that  what  he  heard 
about  the  grandeur  of  these  seven  cities  was  all  true,  and  he  decided 
not  to  believe  anything  until  he  had  seen  it  for  himself,  or  had  at  least 
received  additional  proof.  The  friar  did  not  start  immediately  for  the 
seven  cities,  as  the  negro  had  advised  him  to  do,  but  waited  until  he 
could  see  the  Indians  who  had  been  summoned  from  the  seacoast. 
These  told  him  about  pearls,  which  were  found  near  their  homes.  Some 
'•painted"  Indians,  living  to  the  eastward,  having  their  faces,  chests, 
and  arms  tattooed  or  decorated  with  pigments,  who  were  perhaps  the 
Pima  or  Sobaipuri  Indians,  also  visited  him  while  he  was  staying  at 
Vacapa  and  gave  him  an  extended  account  of  the  seven  cities,  very 
similar  to  that  of  the  Indian  sent  by  Estevan. 

>  See  Y.  W.  Hodge,  "  Aborigiual  Use  of  Adobes,"  The  Archseologist,  Columbus,  Ohio,  August,  1896, 
'  These  are  described  in  tbe  Casta&eda  narrative. 


wiNSHip)  MARATA,  ACUS,  AND   TOTONTEAC  357 

Friar  Marcos  started  on  the  second  day  following  Pasciia  Florida,  or 
Easter,  whicli  came  on  April  6,  1539.  He  expected  to  find  Bstevan 
waiting  at  the  village  where  he  had  first  heard  about  the  cities.  A 
second  cross,  as  big  as  the  first,  had  been  received  from  the  negro,  and 
the  messengers  who  brought  this  gave  a  fuller  and  much  more  specific 
account  of  the  cities,  agreeing  in  every  respect  with  what  had  previ- 
ously been  related.  When  the  friar  reached  the  village  where  the 
negro  had  obtained  the  first  information  about  the  cities,  he  secured 
many  new  details.  He  was  told  that  it  was  thirty  days'  journey  from 
this  village  to  the  city  of  Cibola,  which  was  the  first  of  the  seven.  Not 
one  person  alone,  but  many,  described  the  houses  very  particularly  and 
showed  him  the  way  in  which  they  were  built,  just  as  the  messengers 
had  done.  Besides  these  seven  cities,  he  learned  that  there  were 
other  kingdoms,  called  Marata,  Acus,  and  Totonteac.  The  linguistic 
students,  and  especially  Mr  Frank  Hamilton  Gushing,  have  identified 
the  first  of  these  with  Matyata  or  Makyata,  a  cluster  of  pueblos  about 
the  salt  lakes  southeast  of  Zuui,  which  were  in  ruins  when  Alvarado 
saw  them  in  1540,  although  they  appeared  to  have  been  despoiled  not 
very  long  before.  Acus  is  the  Acoma  pueblo  and  Totonteac  was  in  all 
probability  the  province  of  Tusayan,  northwestward  from  Zufii.  The 
friar  asked  these  people  why  they  went  so  far  away  from  their  homes, 
and  was  told  that  they  went  to  get  turquoises  and  cow  skins,  besides 
other  valuable  things,  of  all  of  which  he  saw  a  considerable  store  in 
the  village. 

Friar  Marcos  tried  to  find  out  how  these  Indians  bartered  for  the 
things  they  brought  from  the  northern  country,  but  all  he  could  under- 
stand was  that  "  with  the  sweat  and  service  of  their  persons  they  went 
to  the  first  city,  which  is  called  Cibola,  and  that  they  labored  there  by 
digging  the  earth  and  other  services,  and  that  for  what  they  did  they 
received  turquoises  and  the  skins  of  cows,  such  as  those  people  had." 
We  now  know,  whatever  Friar  Marcos  may  have  thought,  that  they 
doubtless  obtained  their  turquoises  by  digging  them  out  of  the  rocky 
ground  in  which  they  are  still  found  in  New  Mexico,  and  this  may 
easily  have  seemed  to  them  perspiring  labor.  It  is  not  clear  just  how 
they  obtained  the  buffalo  skins,  although  it  was  doubtless  by  barter. 
The  friar  noticed  fine  turquoises  suspended  in  the  ears  and  noses  of 
many  of  the  people  whom  he  saw,'  and  he  was  again  informed  that 
the  principal  doorways  of  Cibola  were  ceremonially  ornamented  with 
designs  made  of  these  stones.  Mr  Cushing  has  since  learned,  through 
tradition,  that  this  was  their  custom.  The  dress  of  these  people  of 
Cibola,  including  the  belts  of  turquoises  about  the  waist,  as  it  was 
described  to  the  friar,  seemed  to  him  to  resemble  that  of  the  Bohe- 
mians, or  gypsies.  The  cow  skins,  some  of  which  were  given  to  him, 
were  tanned  and  finished  so  well  that  he  thought  it  was  evident  that 
they  had  been  prepared  by  men  who  were  skilled  in  this  work. 


'In  lieu  of  turquoiBes  the  Pima  and  Maricopa  today  frequently  wear  Hmall  beaded  rings  j>endent 
from  the  ears  and  Hcptura 


358  THE   COBONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

At  this  point  iu  his  narrative  Friar  Marcos  first  uses  the  word  pueblo^ 
village,  in  referring  to  the  seven  cities,  a  point  which  would  be  of 
some  interest  if  only  we  could  be  sure  that  the  report  was  written 
firom  notes  made  as  he  went  along.  He  certainly  implies  that  he  kept 
some  such  record  when  he  speaks  of  taking  down  the  statements  of 
the  Indian  who  first  told  him  about  the  seven  cities.  It  looks  as  if  the 
additional  details  which  he  was  obtaining  gradually  dimmed  his  vision 
of  cities  comparable  to  those  into  which  he  had  seen  Pizarro  gather  the 
golden  ransom  of  Atahualpa. 

Friar  Marcos  had  not  heard  from  Estevau  since  leaving  Vacapa,  but 
the  natives  told  him  that  the  negro  was  advancing  toward  Cibola,  and 
that  he  had  been  gone  four  or  five  days.  The  friar  started  at  once  to 
follow  the  negro,  who  had  proceeded  up  Sonora  valley,  as  Mr  Bandelier 
traces  the  route.  Estevan  had  planted  several  large  crosses  along 
the  way,  and  soon  began  to  send  messengers  to  the  friar,  urging  the 
latter  to  hasten,  and  promising  to  wait  for  him  at  the  edge  of  the  wilder- 
ness which  lay  between  them  and  the  country  of  Cibola.  The  friar 
followed  as  fast  as  he  could,  although  constantly  hindered  by  the 
natives,  who  were  always  ready  to  verify  the  stories  he  had  already 
heard  concerning  Cibola.  They  pressed  him  to  accept  their  offers  of 
turquoises  and  of  cow  skins  in  spite  of  his  persistent  refusals.  At  one 
village,  the  lord  of  the  place  and  his  two  brothers  gi-eeted  the  friar, 
having  collars  of  turquoises  about  their  necks,  while  the  rest  of  the 
people  were  all  encaconados,  as  they  called  it,  with  turquoises,  which 
hung  from  their  ears  and  noses.  Here  they  supplied  their  visitor  with 
deer,  rabbits,  and  quailj  besides  a  great  abundance  of  corn  and  pifion 
seed.  They  also  continued  to  offer  him  turquoises,  skins,  fine  gourds, 
and  other  things  which  they  valued.  The  Sobaipuri  Indians,  who  were 
a  branch  of  the  Papago,  among  whom  the  friar  was  now  traveling, 
according  to  Bandelier,  seemed  to  be  as  well  acquainted  with  Cibola 
as  the  natives  of  2few  Spain  were  with  Mexico,  or  those  of  Peru  with 
Cuzco.  They  bad  visited  the  place  many  times,  and  whatever  they 
possessed  which  was  made  with  any  skill  or  neatness  had  been  brought, 
so  they  told  him,  from  that  country. 

Soon  after  he  encountered  these  people,  the  friar  met  a  native  of 
Cibola.  He  was  a  well-favored  man,  rather  old,  and  appeared  to  be 
much  more  intelligent  than  the  natives  of  this  valley  or  those  of  any  of 
the  districts  through  which  the  friar  had  passed  in  the  course  of  his 
march.  This  man  reported  that  the  lord  of  Cibola  lived  and  had  his 
seat  of  government  in  one  of  the  seven  cities  called  Abacus,  and  that 
he  appointed  men  in  the  other  cities  who  ruled  for  him.  Abacus  is 
readily  identified  with  Hawikuh,  one  of  the  present  ruins  near  K'iap- 
kwainakwiu,  or  Ojo  Caliente,  about  15  miles  southwest  of  Zuiii.  On 
questioning  this  man  closely,  the  friar  learned  that  Cibola — by  which, 
as  Bandelier  and  Cushing  maintain,  the  Indian  meant  the  whole  range 
occupied  by  the  Zuni  people — was  a  large  city,  in  which  a  great  many 


wiNSHip]  THE    ROUTE    OF    NIZA  359 

people  dwelt  and  which  had  streets  and  open  squares  or  plazas.  In  some 
parts  of  it  there  were  very  large  houses,  which  were  ten  stories  high, 
and  the  leading  men  met  together  in  these  on  certain  days  of  the  year. 
Possibly  this  is  one  of  the  rare  references  in  the  accounts  of  these  early 
visits  to  Zuiii,  to  the  ceremonials  of  the  Pueblo  Indians,  which  have 
been  studied  and  described  with  so  much  care  by  later  visitors,  notably 
by  Mrs  M.  C.  Stevenson  and  by  Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes  of  the  Hemen- 
way  Southwestern  Archeological  Expedition. 

This  native  of  Cibola  verified  all  the  reports  which  the  friar  had 
already  heard.  Marata,  he  said,  had  been  greatly  reduced  by  the  lord 
of  Cibola  during  recent  wars.  Totonteac  was  a  much  larger  and  richer 
place,  while  Acus  was  an  independent  kingdom  and  province.  The 
strange  thing  about  all  these  reports  is  not  that  they  are  true,  and  that 
we  can  identify  them  by  what  is  now  known  concerning  these  Indians, 
but  the  hard  thing  to  understand  is  how  the  Spanish  friar  could  have 
comprehended  so  well  what  the  natives  must  have  tried  to  tell  him. 
When  one  considers  the  difliculties  of  language,  with  all  its  technicali- 
ties, and  of  radically  different  conceptions  of  every  phase  of  life  and  of 
thought,  the  result  must  be  an  increased  confidence  in  the  common  sense 
and  the  inherent  intelligence  of  mankind. 

On  his  way  up  this  valley  of  Sonora,  Friar  Marcos  heard  that  the  sea- 
coast  turned  toward  the  west.  Eealizing  the  importance  of  this  point, 
he  says  that  he  "went  in  search  of  it  and  saw  clearly  that  it  turns  to 
the  west  in  35  degrees."  He  was  at  the  time  between  31  and  31^  degrees 
north.  Just  opposite  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  California.  If  Bande- 
lier's  identification  of  the  friar's  route  is  accepted — and  it  has  a  great 
deal  more  iu  its  favor  than  any  other  that  can  be  proposed  with  any  due 
regard  to  the  topography  of  the  country — Friar  Marcos  was  then  near 
the  head  of  San  Pedro  valley,  distant  200  miles  in  a  direct  line  from  the 
coast,  across  a  rough  and  barren  country.  Although  the  Franciscan 
superior  testified  to  Marcos'  proficiency  in  the  arts  of  the  sea,  the  friar's 
calculation  was  3  J  degrees  out  of  the  way,  at  a  latitude  where  the  usual 
error  in  the  contemporary  accounts  of  expeditions  is  on  the  average  a 
degree  and  a  half.  The  direction  of  the  coast  line  does  change  almost 
due  west  of  where  the  friar  then  was,  and  he  may  have  gone  to  some 
point  among  the  mountains  from  which  he  could  satisfy  himself  that 
the  report  of  the  Indians  was  reliable.  There  is  a  week  or  ten  days, 
during  this  part  of  the  journey,  for  which  his  narrative  gives  no  specific 
reckoning.  He  traveled  rather  slowly  at  times,  making  frequent  stops, 
so  that  the  side  trip  is  not  necessary  to  fill  this  gap.  The  point  is  a 
curious  one;  but,  in  the  absence  of  any  details,  it  is  hardly  likely  that 
the  friar  did  more  than  secure  from  other  Indians  stories  confirming 
what  he  had  already  been  told. 

Friar  Marcos  soon  reached  the  borders  of  the  wilderness — the  country 
in  and  about  the  present  Wh  ite  Mountain  Apache  reservation  in  Arizona. 
He  entered  this  region  on  May  9,  and  twelve  days  later  a  young  man 


360  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  Tuthann-U 

who  had  beeu  with  Estevan,  the  son  of  one  of  the  Indian  chiefs  accom- 
panying the  friar,  met  him  and  told  tlie  story  of  the  negro's  death. 
Estevan  had  hastened  to  reach  Cibola  before  the  friar,  and  just  prior  to 
arriving  at  the  first  city  he  had  sent  a  notice  of  his  approach  to  the 
chief  of  the  place.  As  evidence  of  his  position  or  autliority,  he  sent  a 
gourd,  to  which  were  attached  a  few  strings  of  rattles  and  two  plumes, 
one  of  which  was  white  and  the  other  red. 

While  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions  were  traveling  through 
Texas,  the  natives  had  flocked  to  see  these  strange  white  men  and  soon 
began  to  worship  them,  pressing  about  them  for  even  a  touch  of  their 
garments,  from  which  the  Indians  trusted  to  receive  some  healing  power. 
While  taking  advantage  of  the  prestige  which  was  thus  obtained, 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  says  that  he  secured  some  gourds  or  rattles,  which  were 
greatly  reverenced  among  these  Indians  and  which  never  failed  to 
produce  a  most  respectful  behavior  whenever  they  were  exhibited.  It 
was  also  among  these  southern  plains  Indians  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
heard  of  the  permanent  settlements  toward  the  north.  Castaiieda  says 
that  some  of  these  plains  Indians  came  each  year  to  Cibola  to  pass  the 
winter  under  the  shelter  of  the  adobe  villages,  but  that  they  were  dis- 
trusted and  feared  so  much  that  they  were  not  admitted  into  the  villages 
unless  unarmed,  and  under  no  conditions  were  they  allowed  to  spend 
the  night  within  the  flat-roof  houses.  The  connection  between  these 
Indian  rattles  and  the  gourd  which  Estevan  prized  so  highly  can  not 
be  proven,  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  negro  announced  his  arrival 
to  the  Cibola  chiefs  by  sending  them  an  important  part  of  the  para- 
phernalia of  a  medicine  man  of  a  tribe  with  which  they  were  at  enmity. 

There  are  several  versions  of  the  story  of  Estevan's  death,  besides 
the  one  given  in  Friar  Marcos'  narrative,  which  were  derived  from  the 
natives  of  Cibola.  Castaiieda,  who  lived  among  these  people  for  a  while 
the  next  year,  states  that  the  Indians  kept  the  negro  a  prisoner  for 
three  days,  "questioning  him,"  before  they  killed  him.  He  adds  that 
Estevan  had  demanded  from  the  Indians  treasures  and  women,  and 
this  agrees  with  the  legends  still  current  among  these  people.'  When 
Alarcon  ascended  Colorado  river  a  year  later,  and  tried  to  obtain  news 
of  Coronado,  with  whom  he  was  endeavoring  to  cooperate,  he  heard 
of  Estevan,  who  was  described  as  a  black  man  with  a  beard,  wearing 
things  that  sounded,  rattles,  bells,  and  plumes,  on  his  feet  and  arms — 
the  regular  outfit  of  a  southwestern  medicine  man,'  Friar  Marcos  was 
told  that  when  the  messengers  bearing  the  gourd  showed  it  to  the  chief 
of  the  Cibola  village,  he  threw  it  on  to  the  ground  and  told  the  messen- 
gers that  when  their  people  reached  the  village  they  would  find  out 
what  sort  of  men  lived  there,  and  that  instead  of  entering  the  place 
they  would  all  be  killed.  Estevan  was  not  at  all  daunted  when  this 
answer  was  reported  to  him,  saying  that  everything  would  be  right 


'Bandelier,  Contributions,  pp.  154,155. 

^There  is  an  admirable  and  extended  account,  with  many  illustrations,  of  the  .Vpache  medicine  men, 
by  Captain  John  G.  Bourke.  in  the  ninth  report  of  the  Bureau  of  Kthnology. 


BUREAU   OF   FTHNOLOGV 


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BATTISTA  AGNESE'S  NEW 
AHet  K 


FOURTEENTH    ANNUAL   REPORT      PL.    XLIl 


I,  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 


WLvsHii]  THE    DEATH    OF    ESTEVAN  361 

when  he  reached  the  village  in  person.  He  proceeded  thither  at  once, 
but  instead  of  being  admitted,  he  was  placed  under  guard  in  a  house 
near  by.'  All  the  turquoises  and  other  gifts  which  he  had  received 
from  the  Indians  during  his  journey  were  taken  from  him,  and  he  was 
confined  with  the  people  who  accomi)anied  him,  over  night,  without 
receiving  anything  to  eat  or  drink.  The  next  morning  Estevan  tried  to 
run  away,  but  was  overtaken  and  killed.  The  fugitives  who  brought 
this  news  to  Friar  Marcos  said  that  most  of  their  companions  also  had 
been  killed.  The  Indians  who  had  followed  the  friar  forthwith  began 
to  mourn  for  three  hundred  of  their  relations  -and  friends,  who  had  per- 
ished, they  declared,  as  a  result  of  their  confidence  in  his  forerunner. 
This  number  was  undoubtedly  an  exaggeration.  Oastaiieda  heard  that 
the  natives  of  Cibola  kept  a  few  lads  from  among  those  who  were  with 
the  negi-o,  "and  sent  back  all  the  rest,  numbering  about  sixty."  The 
story  of  Estevan's  death  is  reputed  to  have  been  preserved  among  the 
legends  of  the  Indians  of  Zuni.  According  to  this  tradition,  the  village 
at  which  the  "  Black  Mexican"  was  killed  was  K'iakima,  a  village  now 
in  ruins,  situated  on  a  bluft'  at  the  southwestern  angle  of  Thunder 
mountain  mesa;  but  this  is  totally  at  variance  with  the  historical  evi- 
dence, which  seems  to  point  quite  conclusively  to  Hawikuh,  the  first 
village  encountered  from  the  southwest,  as  the  scene  of  Estevan's 
death.^  One  of  the  Indian  stories  of  Estevan's  death  is  that  their  wise 
men  took  the  negro  out  of  the  pueblo  during  the  night,  and  "gave  him 
a  powerful  kick,  which  sped  him  through  the  air  back  to  the  south, 
whence  he  came!" 

The  killing  of  Estevan  made  it  impossible  for  Friar  Marcos,  alone  and 
unprepared  for  fighting,  to  enter  the  Cibola  region.  The  first  reports 
of  the  disaster,  as  is  usually  the  custom,  told  of  the  death  of  all  who 
accompanied  the  negro,  and  in  consequence  there  was  much  wailing 
among  the  Indians  who  had  followed  the  friar.  They  threatened  to 
desert  him,  but  he  pacified  them  by  opening  his  bundles  and  distribut- 
ing the  trinkets  brought  from  Mexico.  While  they  were  enjoying 
these,  he  withdrew  a  couple  of  stone-throws  for  an  hour  and  a  half  to 
pray.  Meanwhile,  the  Indians  began  again  to  think  of  their  lost  friends, 
and  decided  to  kill  the  friar,  as  the  indirect  cause  of  the  catastrophe. 
But  when  he  returned  from  his  devotions,  reinvigorated,  and  learned  of 
their  determination,  he  diverted  their  thoughts  by  producing  some  of 
the  things  which  had  been  kept  back  from  the  first  distribution  of  the 
contents  of  his  jiacks.  He  expounded  to  them  the  folly  of  killing  him, 
since  this  would  do  him  no  hurt  because  he  was  a  Christian  and  so  would 
go  at  once  to  his  home  in  the  sky,  while  other  Christians  would  come 
in  search  of  him  and  kill  all  of  them,  in  spite  of  his  own  desires  to 
prevent,  if  possible,  any  such  revenge.     "With  many  other  words"  he 

1  This  is  precisely  the  method  pursued  by  the  Zafiis  today  against  any  Mexicans  who  may  be  foand 
in  tlieir  vicinity'  during  the  performance  of  an  outdoor  ceremonial. 

i'This  question  lian  been  fully  discussed  by  F.  W.  Hodge.  See  "The  First  Discovered  City  of 
Cibola,"  American  Anthropologist.  Washington,  Aiiril.  1895. 


362  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.aihi.ii 

succeeded  at  last  in  quieting  them  and  in  persuading  two  of  the  chief 
Indians  to  go  with  him  to  a  point  where  he  could  obtain  a  view  of  the 
"city  of  Cibola."  He  proceeded  to  a  small  hill,  from  which  he  saw 
that  it  was  situated  on  a  plain  on  the  slope  of  a  round  height.  "  It  has 
a  very  fine  appearance  for  a  village,"  he  writes,  "the  best  that  I  have 
seen  in  these  parts.  The  houses,  as  the  Indians  had  told  me,  are  all  of 
stone,  built  in  stories,  and  with  flat  roofs.  Judging  by  what  I  could  see 
from  the  height  where  I  placed  myself  to  observe  it,  the  settlement  is 
larger  than  the  city  of  Mexico.  ...  It  appears  to  me  that  this 
land  is  the  best  and  largest  of  all  those  that  have  been  discovered." 

"  With  far  more  fright  than  food,"  the  friar  says  he  retraced  his  way 
toward  New  Spain,  by  hasty  marches.  During  his  journey  to  Cibola, 
he  had  heard  of  a  large  and  level  valley  among  the  mountains,  dis- 
tant four  or  five  days  from  the  route  which  he  followed,  where  he 
was  told  that  there  were  many  very  large  settlements  in  which  the 
people  wore  clothes  made  of  cotton.  He  showed  his  informants  some 
metals  which  he  had,  in  order  to  find  out  what  there  was  in  that  region, 
and  they  picked  out  the  gold,  saying  that  the  people  in  the  valley  had 
vessels  made  of  this  material  and  some  round  things  which  they  hung 
from  their  ears  and  noses.  They  also  had  some  little  shovels  of  this 
same  metal,  with  which  they  scraped  themselves  to  get  rid  of  their 
sweat.  On  bis  way  back,  although  he  had  not  recovered  from  his  fright, 
the  friar  determined  to  see  this  valley.  He  did  not  dare  to  venture 
into  it,  because,  as  he  says,  he  thought  that  those  who  should  go  to 
settle  and  rule  the  country  of  the  seven  pities  could  enter  it  more 
safely  than  he.  He  did  not  wish  to  risk  his  own  life,  lest  he  should  be 
prevented  from  making  the  report  of  what  he  had  already  seen.  He 
went  as  far  as  the  entrance  to  the  valley  and  saw  seven  good-looking 
settlements  at  a  distance,  in  a  very  attractive  country,  from  which 
arose  a  great  deal  of  smoke.  He  understood  from  the  Indians  that 
there  was  much  gold  in  the  valley,  and  that  the  natives  used  it  for  ves- 
sels and  ornaments,  repeating  in  his  narrative  the  reports  which  he  had 
heard  on  his  outward  journey. 

The  friar  then  hastened  down  the  coast  to  Culiacan,  where  he  hoped, 
but  failed,  to  find  Coronado,  the  governor  of  the  province.  He  went 
on  to  Compostela,  where  Coronado  was  staying.  Here  he  wrote  his 
report,  and  sent  the  announcement  of  his  safe  return  to  the  viceroy. 
A  similar  notification  to  the  provincial  of  his  order  contained  a  request 
for  instructions  as  to  what  he  should  do  next.  He  was  still  in  Com- 
postela on  September  2,  and  as  Mendoza  and  Coronado  also  were  there, 
he  took  occasion  to  certify  under  oath  before  them  to  the  truth  of  all 
that  he  had  written  in  the  report  of  his  expedition  to  Cibola. 

THE  EFFECT  OF  FRIAR  MARCOS'  REPORT 

In  his  official  report  it  is  evident  that  Friar  Marcos  distinguished 
with  care  between  what  he  had  himself  seen  and  what  the  Indians  had 
told  him.    But  Cortes  began  the  practice  of  attacking  the  veracity  and 


wrosHip]  DECLARATIONS    AGAINST    NIZA  363 

good  faith  of  the  friar,  Oastafieda  continued  it,  and  scarcely  a  writer 
on  these  events  failed  to  follow  their  guidance  until  Mr  Bandelier 
undertook  to  examine  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  applied  the  rules  of 
ordinary  fairness  to  his  historical  judgment.  This  vigorous  defender 
of  the  Mar  has  successfully  maintained  his  strenuous  contention  that 
Marcos  neither  lied  nor  exaggerated,  even  when  he  said  that  the  Cibola 
pueblo  appeared  to  him  to  be  larger  than  the  City  of  Mexico.  All  the 
witnesses  agree  that  these  light  stone  and  adobe  villages  impress  one 
who  first  sees  them  from  a  distance  as  being  much  larger  than  they 
really  are.  Mexico  in  1539,  on  the  other  hand,  was  neither  imposing 
nor  populous.  The  great  communal  houses,  the  "  palace  of  Monte- 
zuma," had  been  destroyed  during  or  soon  after  the  siege  of  1521.  The 
pueblo  of  Hawikuh,  the  one  which  the  friar  doubtless  saw,  contained 
about  200  houses,  or  between  700  and  1,000  inhabitants.  There  is  some- 
thing naive  in  Mr  Bandelier's  comparison  of  this  with  Eobert  Tomson's 
report  that  the  City  of  Mexico,  in  1556,  contained  1,500  Spanish  house- 
holds.' He  ought  to  have  added,  what  we  may  be  quite  sure  was  true, 
that  the  population  of  Mexico  probably  doubled  in  the  fifteen  years  pre- 
ceding Tomson's  visit,  a  fact  which  makes  Niza's  comparison  even  more 
reasonable.^ 

The  credit  and  esteem  in  which  the  friar  was  held  by  the  viceroy, 
Mendoza,  is  as  convincing  proof  of  his  integrity  as  that  derivetl  from 
a  close  scrutiny  of  the  text  of  his  narrative.  Mendoza's  testimony  was 
given  in  a  letter  which  he  sent  to  the  King  in  Spain,  inclosing  the 
report  written  by  Friar  Marcos,  the  "premiere  lettre"  which  Ternaux 
translated  from  Eamusio.  This  letter  spoke  in  laudatory  terms  of 
the  friar,  and  of  course  is  not  wholly  unbiased  evidence.  It  is  at  least 
sufiicient  to  counterbalance  the  hostile  declarations  of  Cortes  and  Cas- 
tafieda,  both  of  whom  had  far  less  creditable  reasons  for  traducing 
the  friar  than  Mendoza  had  for  praising  him.  "These  friars,"  wrote 
Mendoza  of  Marcos  and  Onorato,  "had  lived  for  some  time  in  the 
neighboring  countries;  they  were  used  to  hard  labors,  experienced  in 
the  ways  of  the  Indies,  conscientious,  and  of  good  habits."  It  is  pos- 
sible that  Mendoza  felt  less  confidence  than  is  here  expressed,  for 
before  he  organized  the  Coronado  expedition,  late  in  the  fall  of  this 
year  1539,  he  ordered  Melchior  Diaz  to  go  and  see  if  what  he  could  dis- 
cover agreed  with  the  account  which  Friar  Marcos  gave.^ 

However  careful  the  friar  may  have  been,  he  presented  to  the  vice- 
roy a  report  in  which  gold  and  precious  stones  abounded,  and  which 
stopped  just  within  sight  of  the  goal — the  Seven  Cities  of  Nuuo  de  Guz- 
man and  of  the  Indian  traders  and  story  tellers.    Friar  Marcos  had 

^Tumsou's  exceedingly  interesting  narrative  of  his  experiences  in  Mexico  is  print«d  in  Hakluyt, 
vol.  iii,  p.  U^,  ed.  1600. 

^Compare  the  ground  plan  of  HawikuJi,  by  Victor  Mindeleft',  in  the  eighth  annual  report  of  the 
Bureau  of  Ethnology,  pi.  XLVl,  with  the  map  of  the  city  of  Mexico  (1550?),  by  Alonzo  de  Santa  Cruz, 
pi.  XLiii  of  this  paper. 

3  Diaz  started  November  17,  1539.  The  report  of  his  trip  is  given  in  Mendoza's  letter  of  April  17, 
1540,  in  Facheco  y  Cardenas,  ii,  p.  356,  and  translated  herein. 


364  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

something  to  tell  which  interested  his  readers  vastly  more  than  the 
painful,  wonderful  story  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  The  very  fact  that  he 
took  it  for  gi-anted,  as  he  says  in  his  report,  that  they  would  go  to 
populate  and  rule  over  this  land  of  the  Seven  Cities,  with  its  doorways 
studded  with  turquoises,  was  enough  to  insure  interest.  He  must, 
indeed,  have  been  a  popular  preacher,  and  when  the  position  of  father 
provincial  to  the  Franciscans  became  vacant,  just  now,  brotlier  Marcos, 
already  high  in  the  order  and  with  all  the  fresh  prestige  of  his  latest 
achievements,  was  evidently  the  subject  for  i^romotiou.  Castaueda, 
who  is  not  the  safest  authority  for  events  i)receding  the  expedition, 
says  that  the  promotion  was  arranged  by  the  viceroy.  This  may  have 
been  so.  His  other  statement  is  probable  enough,  that,  as  a  result  of 
the  promotion,  the  pulpits  of  the  order  were  filled  with  accounts  of  such 
marvels  and  wonders  that  large  numbers  were  eager  to  join  in  the  con- 
quest of  this  new  land.  Whatever  Friar  Marcos  may  have  sacrificed 
to  careful  truth  was  atoned  for,  we  may  be  sure,  by  the  zealous,  loyal 
brethren  of  blessed  Saint  Francis. 

Don  Joan  Suarez  de  Peralta  was  born,  as  Senor  Zaragoza  shows  in 
his  admirable  edition  of  the  Tratado  del  Descubrimiento  de  las  Yndias 
y  fell  Gonquista,  in  Mexico  between  1535  and  1540,  and  probably  nearer 
the  first  of  these  five  years.  In  the  Tratado,  Suarez  de  Peralta  gives  a 
most  interesting  description  of  the  effect  produced  in  Mexico  by  the 
departure  and  the  return  of  the  Corouado  expedition.  He  can  hardly 
have  had  very  vivid  personal  recollections  of  the  excitement  produced 
by  the  reports  of  Friar  Marcos,  yet  his  account  is  so  clear  and  circum- 
stantial that  it  evidently  must  be  the  narrative  of  an  eyewitness,  though 
recorded,  it  may  be,  at  secondhand.  He  tells  us  that  ''the  country 
was  so  stirred  up  by  the  news  which  the  friar  had  brought  from  the 
Seven  Cities  that  nothing  else  was  thought  about.  For  he  said  that 
the  city  of  Cibola  was  big  enough  to  contain  two  Sevilles  and  over, 
and  the  other  places  were  not  much  smaller;  and  that  the  houses 
were  very  fine  edifices,  four  stories  high;  and  in  the  country  there  are 
many  of  what  they  call  wild  cows,  and  sheep  and  goats  and  rich 
treasures.     He  exaggerated  things  so  much,  that  everybody  was  for 

going  there  and  leaving  Mexico  depoi)ulated The  news 

from  the  Seven  Cities  inspired  so  eager  a  desire  in  every  one  that  not 
only  did  the  viceroy  and  the  marquis  (Cortes)  make  ready  to  start  for 
there,  but  the  whole  country  wanted  to  follow  them  so  much  that  they 
traded  for  the  licenses  which  permitted  them  to  go  as  soldiers,  and  peo- 
ple sold  these  as  a  favor,  and  whoever  obtained  one  of  these  thought 
that  it  Avas  as  good  as  a  title  of  nobility  at  the  least.  For  the  friar 
who  had  come  from  there  exaggerated  and  said  that  it  was  the  best 
place  in  the  world;  the  people  in  that  country  very  prosperous,  and 
all  the  Indians  wearing  clothes  and  the  possessors  of  much  cattle; 
the  mountains  like  those  of  Spain,  and  the  climate  the  same.  For 
wood,  they  burnt  very  large  walnut  trees,  which  bear  quantities  of 


'"^X  ^ 


i\ 


« 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


':^^^^^^r^^^.^^.^i 


THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO  ABOU 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT       PL.    XLIII 


>0,    BY  ALONZO   DE  SANTA  CRUZ 


wiNSHip]  ACCOUNTS  OF  niza's  joukney  365 

walnuts  better  than  those  of  Spain.  They  have  many  mountain  grapes, 
which  are  very  good  eating,  chestnuts,  and  filberts.  According  to  the 
way  he  painted  it,  this  should  have  been  the  terrestrial  paradise.  For 
game,  there  were  partridges,  geese,  cranes,  and  all  the  other  winged 
creatures — it  was  marvelous  what  was  there."  And  then  Suarez  adds, 
writing  half  a  century  later,  "He  told  the  truth  in  all  this,  because 
there  are  mountains  in  that  country,  as  he  said,  and  herds,  especially 

of  cows There  are  grapes  and  game,  without  doubt,  and  a 

climate  like  that  of  Spain." ' 

Second-hand  evidence,  recorded  fifty  years  after  the  occurrence,  is 
far  from  conclusive.  Fortunately,  we  are  able  to  supplement  it  by 
legal  testimony,  taken  down,  and  recorded  under  oath,  with  all  the  for- 
malities of  the  old  Spanish  law  customs.  When  the  news  of  Friar 
Marcos'  journey  reached  Spain  there  was  much  rivalry  among  those 
who  claimed  the  privilege  of  completing  the  discovery.  Much  evi- 
dence was  presented  and  frequent  pleas  were  entered  by  all  the  men 
who  had  an  active  part  and  leadership  in  the  conquest  of  the  northern 
portion  of  the  Xew  World.  In  the  course  of  the  litigation  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  adelantado  Hernando  de  Soto,  presented  some  testi- 
mony which  had  been  given  in  the  town  of  San  Cristobal  de  la  Habana 
de  la  Isla  Fernandina^Habana  and  Cuba — dated  November  12,  1539. 
There  were  seven  witnesses,  from  a  ship  which  had  been  obliged  to  put 
into  this  port  in  order  to  procure  water  and  other  supplies,  and  also 
because  some  persons  aboard  had  become  very  sick.  Each  witness 
declared  that  a  month  or  more  before — Friar  Marcos  arrived  back 
in  Mexico  before  the  end  of  August,  1539 — he  had  heard,  and  that 
this  was  common  talk  in  Mexico,  Vera  Cruz,  and  in  Puebla  de  los  An- 
geles, that  a  Franciscan  friar  named  Fray  Marcos,  who  had  recently 
come  from  the  inland  regions,  said  that  he  had  discovered  a  very  rich 
and  very  populous  country  400  or  500  leagues  north  of  Mexico.  "  He 
said  that  the  country  is  rich  in  gold,  silver  and  other  treasures,  and 
that  it  contains  very  large  villages;  that  the  houses  are  built  of  stone, 
and  terraced  like  those  of  Mexico,  and  that  they  are  high  and  imposing. 
The  people,  so  he  said,  are  shrewd,  and  do  not  marry  more  than  one 
wife  at  a  time,  and  they  wear  coarse  woolen  cloth  and  ride  on  some  ani- 
mals," the  name  of  which  the  witness  did  not  know.  Another  testified 
that  the  common  report  was  that  this  country  "  was  very  rich  and  i)op- 
ulous  and  had  great  walled  cities,  and  that  the  lords  of  the  cities  were 
called  knigs,  and  that  the  people  were  very  shrewd  and  use  the  Mexican 
language."  But  the  witness  to  whose  deposition  we  are  most  indebted 
was  Andres  Garcia.  This  man  declared  that  he  had  a  son-in-law  who 
was  a  barber,  who  had  shaved  the  friar  after  he  came  back  from  the  new 
country.    Tlie  son-in-law  had  told  the  witness  that  the  friar,  while  being 

iThe  Spanisli  text  from  wliicli  I  liaTO  translated  may  be  found  on  pages  14-t  and  348  of  Zaragoza's 
edition  of  Suarez  de  Peralta's  Tratado.  This  edition  is  of  the  greatest  usefulness  to  every  student  of 
early  Mexican  historj-. 


366  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ETH.AirN.U 

shaved,  had  talked  about  the  country  which  he  had  discovered  beyond 
the  mountains.  '^  After  crossing  the  mountains,  the  friar  said  there 
was  a  river,  and  that  many  settlements  were  there,  in  cities  and  towns, 
and  that  the  cities  were  surrounded  by  walls,  with  their  gates  guarded, 
and  were  very  wealthy,  having  silversmiths,  and  that  the  women  wore 
strings  of  gold  beads  and  the  men  girdles  of  gold  and  white  woolen 
dresses;  and  that  they  had  sheep  and  cows  and  i^artridges  and  slaugh- 
terhouses and  iron  forges."^ 

Friar  Marcos  undoubtedly  never  willfally  told  an  untruth  about  the 
country  of  Ciboja,  even  in  a  barber's  chair.  But  there  seems  to  be 
little  chance  for  doubting  that  the  reports  which  he  brought  to  New 
Spain  were  the  cause  of  much  talk  as  w^ll  as  many  sermons,  which 
gave  rise  to  a  considerable  amount  of  excitement  among  the  settlers, 
whose  old-world  notions  had  been  upset  by  the  reputed  glory  of 
the  Montezumas  and  the  wealth  of  the  Incas.  Yery  many,  though 
perhaps  not  all,  of  the  colonists  were  stirred  with  an  eager  desire  to 
participate  in  the  rich  harvest  awaiting  the  conquerors  of  these  new 

'The  depositions  as  printed  in  the  Pacheco  y  Cardenas  Docs,  de  Indiaa,  toI.  xv.,  pp.  392-398,  are  as 
follows:  Pedro  Nnfiez,  testigo  roscebido  en  la  dicha  razon,  jur6  segun  derecho,  6  d^o;  .  .  .  qne 
estando  en  la  ciudad  do  Mexico,  puedo  haber  Ires  meses  [the  evidence  being  taken  November  12, 1539], 
poco  mas  6  menos,  oy6  decir  este  testigo  publicamente,  que  habia  renido  nn  fraile  Francisco,  que  ae 
dice  Fray  Marcos,  que  venia  la  tjerra  adentro,  6  que  decia  el  dicho  fraile  que  se  habia  descobierto  una 
tierra  muy  rica  6  mny  poblada;  6  que  habia  cuatrocientas  leguaa  dende  Mexico  alU;  6  que  dice  que 
han  de  ir  alldporcerca  del  riode  Palmas;    .    .    . 

G-arcia  Xavarro,  .  ,  .  oy6  decir  publicamente,  puede  haber  un  mes  6  mes  y  medio  [and  so  all  the 
remaining  witnesses]  que  habia  renido  un  fraile,  nuevamente,  de  una  tierra,  nueramente  descobierta, 
qne  dicen  qnes  quinientas  leguas  de  Mexico,  en  la  tierra  de  la  Florida,  que  dicen  qnes  hdcia  la  parte 
del  Korte  de  la  dicba  tierra ;  la  cual  diz,  que  es  tierra  rica  de  oro  t-  plata  6  otros  resgates,  6  grandea 
pueblos ;  que  las  casas  son  de  piedra  6  terrados  &  la  manera  de  Mexico,  e  que  tienen  peso  f  medida,  6 
gente  de  razon,  6  que  no  casan  mas  de  nna  vez,  6  que  visten  albomocea,  ^  qne  andan  cabalgando  en 
unos  animales,  qne  no  sabe  c6mo  se  llaman,     .... 

Francisco  Serrano,  ...  el  fraile  venia  por  tierra,  por  la  via  de  Xalisco;  6  ques  muy  rica  6  muy 
poblada  6  grandea  cindades  cercadas ;  6  que  los  seiiores  dellas,  se  nombran  Reyes ;  6  que  las  caaas  son 
aobi'adas,  ^  ques  gente  de  roncha  razon ;  que  la  lengna  es  mexicana,    .    .    . 

Pero  Sanchez,  tinturero  .  .  .  una  tierra  nueva  muy  rica  6  muy  poblada  de  cindades  6  villas; 
.    .    ,    por  la  via  de  Xalisco    .    .    .    h&cia  en  medio  de  la  tierra.    .    ,    . 

Francisco  de  Leyva  .  .  .  en  la  Vera-Cruz,  oy6  decir  que  habia  venido  un  fraile  de  una  tierra 
nueva  muy  rica  6  muy  poblada  de  cindades  6  villas,  e  ques  &  la  banda  del  Sur,  .  .  .  Otroei, 
dixo:  que  es  verdad  que  no  embargante  que  no  toca  en  este  puerto,  dejaba  de  seguir  su  via.ie;  pero 
que  entr6  en  este  puerto  por  necesidad  que  llevaba  de  agua  ^  otros  baatiraentos  i  de  ciertas  personas 
que  venian  muy  enfermos. 

Hernando  de  Sotomayor  .  .  .  questando  en  la  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  .  .  .  publicamente  se 
decia  .  .  .  u  que  las  casas  son  de  piedras  sobradadas,  e  las  cindades  cercadas,  ^  gente  de  razon; 
.  .  .  e  qucata  dicha  tierra  es  la  parte  donde  vino  Dorantes  6  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  los  cuales  escaparon 
de  la  armada  de  Narvaez ;  6  que  sabe  6  vido  este  testigo,  que  fu6  mandado  al  maestre  por  mandado  del 
Virey  6  con  su  mandamiento,  que  no  tocase  en  parte  ninguna,  salvo  que  fuese  derechamente  &  Fspafia, 
con  la  dicha  nao,  6  quel  secretario  del  Virey  hizo  un  requiriraieuto  al  dicho  maestre,  viniendo  por  la 
mar,  que  no  tocase  en  este  puerto  ni  en  otra  parte  destas  islas.  .  .  .  [This  statement  appears  in 
each  deposition.] 

Andres  Garcia,  dlxo:  .  .  .  questando  en  la  ciudad  de  Mexico,  un  Francisco  de  Billegas  le 
dio  cartas  para  dar  en  esta  villa,  para  dar  al  Adelantado  D.  Hernando  de  Soto,  6  si  no  lo  hallase, 
que  las  llevase  &  Espaiia  6  las  diese  al  bacedor  suyo;  6  queate  testigo  tiene  nn  yemo  barbero  que 
afeitaba  al  fraile  quo  vino  de  la  dicba  tierra;  6  quel  dicho  su  yerno,  le  dixo  este  testigo,  qnestando 
afeitando  al  dicho  fraile,  le  dixo  como  antes  que  llegasen  A  Ta  dicha  tierra  estaba  una  sierra,  6  que 
pasando  la  dicba  sierra  estaba  un  rio,  e  que  habia  muchas  poblazones  de  cindades  6  villas,  6  que  las 
cindades  son  cercadas  6  guardadas  &  Us  puertas,  6  muy  ncaa ;  6  que  habia  plateroa ;  e  que  las  mugerea 
traian  sartaa  de  oro  e  los  hombres  cintos  de  oro,  6  que  babia  albamios  u  obojaa  6  vacas  6  perdices  6 
camicerias  6  berreria,  6  peso  6  medida;  e  (lue  uu  Bocanegra,  dixo  &  este  testigo  que  se  quedare,  que 
se  habia  descobierto  uu  nuevo  muudo.    .    .    . 


WIKSHIP] 


CHARACTER   OF   NIZA  367 


lands.  Friar  Marcos  was  not  a  liar,  but  it  is  impossible  to  ignore  the 
charges  against  him  quite  as  easily  as  Mr  Bandelier  has  done. 

Pedro  Castaneda  makes  some  very  damaging  statements,  which  are  not 
conclusive  proof  of  the  facts.  Like  the  statements  of  Suarez  de  Peralta, 
they  represent  the  popular  estimation  of  the  father  provincial,  and  they 
repeat  the  stories  which  passed  current  regarding  him,  when  the  later 
explorations  had  destroyed  the  vision  that  had  been  raised  by  the 
reports  of  the  friar's  exploration.  The  accusations  made  by  Cortes 
deserve  more  careful  consideration.  Cortes  returned  to  Spain  about 
the  time  that  the  preparations  for  the  Coronado  expedition  were  defi- 
nitely begun.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at  court,  June  25,  1540,'  he 
addressed  a  formal  memorial  to  the  King,  setting  forth  in  detail  the 
ill  treatment  which  he  had  received  from  Mendoza.  In  this  he  declared 
that  after  the  viceroy  had  ordered  him  to  withdraw  his  men  from  their 
station  on  the  coast  of  the  mainland  toward  the  north — where  they 
were  engaged  in  making  ready  for  extended  inland  explorations — he 
had  a  talk  with  Friar  Marcos.  "And  I  gave  him,"  says  Cortes,  "an 
account  of  this  said  country  and  of  its  discovery,  because  I  had  deter- 
mined to  send  him  in  my  ships  to  follow  up  the  said  northern  coast 
and  conquer  that  country,  because  he  seemed  to  understand  something 
about  matters  of  navigation.  The  said  friar  communicated  this  to  the 
said  viceroy,  and  he  says  that,  with  his  permission,  he  went  by  land 
in  search  of  the  same  coast  and  country  as  that  which  I  had  discov- 
ered, and  which  it  was  and  is  my  right  to  conquer.  And  since  his 
return,  the  said  friar  has  published  the  statement  that  he  came  within 
sight  of  the  said  country,  which  I  deny  that  he  has  either  seen  or  dis- 
covered ;  but  instead,  in  all  that  the  said  friar  reports  that  he  has  seen, 
he  only  repeats  the  account  I  had  given  him  regarding  the  information 
which  I  obtained  from  the  Indians  of  the  said  country  of  Santa  Cruz, 
because  everything  which  the  said  friar  says  that  he  discovered  is  just 
the  same  as  what  these  said  Indians  had  told  me:  and  in  enlarging 
upon  this  and  in  pretending  to  report  what  he  neither  saw  nor  learned, 
the  said  Friar  Marcos  does  nothing  new,  because  he  has  done  this 
many  other  times,  and  this  was  his  regular  habit,  as  is  notorious  in  the 
provinces  of  Peru  and  Guatemala;  and  sufficient  evidence  regarding 
this  will  be  given  to  the  court  whenever  it  is  necessary."  ^ 

This  is  a  serious  charge,  but  so  far  as  is  known  it  was  never  substan- 
tiated. Cortes  was  anxious  to  enforce  his  point,  and  he  was  not  always 
scrupulous  in  regard  to  the  exact  truth.  The  important  point  is  that 
such  charges  were  made  by  a  man  who  was  in  the  position  to  learn  all 

•  The  document,  as  printed  in  Doc.  In6d.  Hi&t.  Espafla,  vol.  iv,  pp.  209-217,  is  not  dated.  The  date 
given  in  the  text  Is  taken  from  the  heading  or  title  to  the  petition,  which,  if  not  the  original,  has  at 
least  the  authority  of  Sefior  Navarrete,  the  editor  of  this  Coleccion  when  the  earlier  volumes  were 
printed.  This  memorial  appears,  from  the  contents,  to  have  been  one  of  the  documents  suhmitted  In 
the  litigation  then  going  on  between  the  rival  claimants  for  the  privilege  of  exploring  the  country 
discovered  by  Friar  Marcos,  although  the  document  is  not  printed  with  the  other  papers  in  the  case. 

'Documentos  In('ditos  Hist.  EspaDa,  vol.  iv,  p.  211  :  Memorial  que  dio  el  Marques  del  Valle  en 
Madrid  d  25  de  Jnnio  de  1540.    .    .    .    "Al  tiempo  que  yo  vino  de  la  dicha  tierra  el  dicho  Fray  Marcos 


368  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (ethaxnU 

the  facts,  and  that  the  accusations  were  made  before  anyone  knew  how 
little  basis  there  was  for  the  stories  which  were  the  cause  of  the  whole 
trouble.  Without  trying  to  clear  the  character  of  Cortes,  it  is  possible 
to  suggest  the  answer  to  the  most  evident  reply  to  his  accusations — 
that  he  never  published  the  stories  which  he  says  he  received  from  the 
Indians.  Cortes  certainly  did  persist  iu  his  endeavors  to  explore  the 
country  lying  about  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  California.  If  he  ever 
heard  from  the  Indians  anything  concerning  the  Cibola  region — which 
is  doubtful,  partly  because  Cortes  himself  complains  that  if  Mendoza 
had  not  interfered  with  the  efficiency  of  his  expeditious,  he  would  have 
secured  this  information — it  would  still  have  been  the  best  policy  for 
Cortes  to  keep  the  knowledge  to  himself,  so  that  possible  rivals  might 
remain  ignorant  of  it  until  he  had  perfected  his  own  plans.  It  may  be 
questioned  how  long  such  secrecy  would  have  been  possible,  but  we 
know  how  successfully  the  Spanish  authorities  managed  to  keep  from 
the  rest  of  the  world  the  correct  and  complete  cartographical  informa- 
tion as  to  what  was  being  accomi)lished  iu  the  New  World,  throughout 
the  period  of  exploration  and  conquest. 

The  truce — it  can  hardly  be  called  »  friend  shii) — between  Mendoza 
and  Cortes,  which  prevailed  during  the  first  years  of  the  viceroy's  admin- 
istration, could  not  last  long.  Mendoza,  as  soon  as  he  was  fairly  set- 
tled in  his  -position  in  New  Spain,'  asked  the  King  for  a  license  to  make 
explorations.  Cortes  still  looked  on  every  rival  in  the  work  of  extend- 
ing this  portion  of  the  Spanish  world  as  an  interloper,  even  though  he 
must  have  recognized  that  his  prestige  at  the  court  and  in  the  New 
World  was  rapidly  lessening.  The  distrust  with  which  each  of  the  two 
regarded  the  other  increased  the  trouble  which  was  inevitable  so  soon 
as  the  viceroy,  urged  on  by  the  audiencia,  undertook  to  execute  the 
royal  orders  which  instructed  him  to  investigate  the  extent  of  the 
estates  held  by  Cortes,  and  to  enumerate  the  Indians  held  to  service  by 
the  conqueror.  Bjid  feeling  was  inevitable,  and  the  squabbles  over 
forms  of  address  and  of  precedence,  which  Suarez  de  I'eralta  records, 
were  only  a  few  of  many  things  which  reveal  the  relations  of  the  two 
leading  men  in  New  Spain. 

habl6  conmigo     .      .  6  yo  le  di  notioia  de  esta  dicha  tierra  t  descnbrimiento  de  ella,  porqae  tenia 

determinacioQ  de  enviarlo  en  mis  navlos  en  proaeguimiento  y  coiujuista  do  la  dieha  costa  y  tierra,  purque 
parescia  qne  se  le  entendia  algo  de  cosas  de  navegacion :  el  cual  dicfao  fraile  lo  comuuic6  con  el  diclio 
visorey,  y  con  sn  licencia  diz  que  fu6  por  tierra  en  demanda  de  la  misma  costa  y  tierra  que  yo  babia 
descubierto,  y  que  era  y  es  de  mi  conqnista;  y  despues  que  volvi6  el  dicbo  fraile  ba  publicado  que  diz 
que  lleg6  &  Tista  de  la  dicba  tierra ;  lo  canl  yo  niego  Itaber  61  viato  ni  descubierto,  antea  lo  qne  el  dicbo 
fraile  refiere  liaber  viato,  lo  ba  dicbo  y  dice  por  sola  la  relacion  que  yo  le  bnbia  bccbo  de  la  noticia  que 
tenia  de  loa  indioa  de  la  dicba  tierra  de  Santa  Cruz  que  yo  troje,  porque  tedo  lo  que  el  dicbo  fraile  ae 
dice  qne  refiere,  ea  lo  miamo  que  loa  dicboa  indios  li  mi  me  dijeron;  y  en  baberae  en  eato  adelantjido  el 
dicbo  Fray  Alarcos  tingiendo  y  refiriendo  lo  que  no  aabo  ni  viii,  no  bizo  coaa  nuovu,  porque  otraa 
mucbas  vecea  loba  becbo  y  lo  tiene  por  coatumbre  como  es  notorio  en  laa  provinciaa  del  Peni  y  Guate- 
mala, y  ae  darii  de  el]o  informacion  bastante  luego  en  estA  corte,  aiendo  neccaario." 

'Tbe  request  occurs  in  the  earlieat  letters  from  tbe  viceroy,  and  ia  repeated  in  tbat  of  l>eccmber 
10,  1537.  This  privilege  was  withdrawn  from  all  govemora  in  tbe  colonics  by  one  of  tbe  New  Lawa  of 
1513.  (Icazbalceta,  Col.  Hist.  Mexico,  ii,  2(M.)  The  ill  aucceas  of  Coronado'a  efforta  did  not  weaken 
Mendoza'a  desire  to  enlarge  bia  territory,  for  he  begs  hi.H  agent  in  Spain,  Juan  de  Aguilar,  to  secure 
for  bin)  a  fresh  grant  of  the  privilege  in  a  later  letter.  (Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Doc.  de  Indiaa,  vol.  iii, 
p.  506;  li.  Smith,  Florida,  p.  7.) 


6 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOt-OOV 


FOURTFFNTM  ANNUAL  REPORT       PI. 


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MARE     DELc^A 


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MARE    DEL    NORT 


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wiNSHip]  PLANS   OF   CORTES  369 

We  can  not  be  certain  what  the  plans  of  Cortes  were,  nor  can  we 
tell  just  how  much  he  did  to  carry  his  schemes  into  execution,  during 
the  years  from  1537  to  1540.  Shortly  after  the  men  whom  Cortes  had 
established  at  Santa  Cruz  were  recalled,  a  decree  was  issued,  in  the 
name  of  the  audiencia,  to  forbid  the  sending  of  any  expedition  for 
exploration  or  conquest  from  New  Spain.  Cortes  declared  that  he  had 
at  this  time,  September,  1538,  nine  good  ships  already  built.  He  was 
naturally  unwilling  to  give  up  all  hope  of  deriving  any  benefit  from 
his  previous  undertakings,  as  would  be  inevitable  if  Mendoza  should 
succeed  in  his  projects  for  taking  advantage  of  whatever  good  things 
could  be  found  toward  the  north.  The  danger  must  have  seemed  clear 
so  soon  as  he  learned  of  the  departure  of  Friar  Marcos  and  the  negro 
on  their  journey  toward  the  Seven  Cities.  There  is  no  means  of  know- 
ing whether  Cortes  had  learned  of  the  actual  discovery  of  Cibola,  when 
he  suddenly  ordered  Francisco  de  Ulloa  to  take  three  vessels  and  sail 
up  the  coast  toward  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  California.  The  friar  may 
have  sent  Indian  messengers  to  the  viceroy  so  soon  as  he  heard  the 
native  reports  about  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola,  and  it  is  i>ossible  that 
the  news  of  his  approaching  return  may  have  reached  New  Spain  before 
the  departure  of  ITlloa,  which  took  place  July  8,  1530,  from  Acapulco.' 
It  seems  clear  that  this  action  was  unexpected,  and  that  it  was  a  suc- 
cessful anticipation  of  preventive  measures.  In  the  statement  of  his 
grievances,  Cortes  declares  that  Mendoza  not  only  threw  every  jiossible 
obstacle  in  his  way,  seizing  six  or  seven  vessels  which  failed  to  get  away 
with  TJlloa,  but  that  even  after  Ulloa  had  gone,  the  viceroy  sent  a  strong 
force  up  the  coast  to  prevent  the  ships  from  entering  any  of  the  ports. 
When  stress  of  weather  forced  one  of  the  ships  to  put  into  Guatulco, 
the  pilot  and  sailors  were  imprisoned  and  the  viceroy  persistently 
refused  to  return  the  ship  to  its  owner.  About  the  same  time,  a  mes- 
senger who  had  been  sent  to  Cortes  from  Santiago  in  Colima  was  seized 
and  tortured,  in  the  hope  of  procuring  from  him  information  about  the 
plans  of  Cortes.^ 

After  Friar  Marcos  came  back  from  the  north  and  filled  the  people  in 
New  Spain  with  the  desire  of  going  to  this  new  country,  Cortes  realized 
that  he  could  do  nothing,  even  in  the  city  which  he  had  won  for  his 
King  and  for  Europe,  to  prevent  the  expedition  which  Mendoza  was 
already  organizing.  Early  in  1540 — we  know  only  that  he  was  on  his 
way  when  he  wrote  to  Oviedo  from  Habana^  on  February  5 — the  con- 
queror of  Motecuhzoma's  empire  left  Mexico  for  the  last  time,  and  went 
to  see  what  he  could  gain  by  a  personal  application  at  the  court  of  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor,  Charles  V. 

'Ullott's  Relation  is  translated  from  Kamuaio  in  Haltluyt,  vol.  iii,  p.  397,  ed.  1600. 

'Memorial  que  di6  al  Key  el  Marques  del  Valle,  en  Madrid,  25  de  Junio,  1540 :  Printed  in  Doc.  ln(d. 
Enpafia,  vol.  iv,  p.  209.  Compare  with  tliia  aoconnt  that  in  H.  H.  Bancroft's  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  425. 
Mr  Bancroft  is  always  a  strong  advocate  of  the  cause  of  Cortes. 

'Oviedo,  Historia  General,  vol.  iv,  p.  19. 

14  ETH 24 


370  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

Mendoza  had  guarded  against  rival  expeditions  from  his  own  terri- 
tory, and  so  soon  as  he  knew  that  Friar  Marcos  had  succeeded  in  his 
quest,  he  took  precautions  to  prevent  the  news  of  the  discovery  from 
reaching  other  portions  of  the  New  World.  His  chief  fear,  probably, 
was  lest  De  Soto,  who  had  recently  received  a  license  to  explore  the 
country  between  the  Rio  de  las  Palmas,  in  the  present  Texas,  and 
Florida,'  might  direct  his  expedition  toward  the  western  limits  of  his 
territory,  if  he  should  learn  of  the  rich  prospects  there.  Although 
Mendoza  probably  did  not  know  it,  De  Soto  had  sailed,  from  Habana  in 
May,  1539,  and  in  July,  sending  back  his  largest  ships,  he  began  the  long 
march  through  the  everglatles  of  Florida,  which  was  to  end  in  the  Missis- 
sippi. Mendoza,  with  all  the  formality  of  the  viceregal  authority,  ordered 
that  no  vessel  sailing  from  Xew  Spain  should  touch  at  any  port  in  the 
New  World  on  its  way  back  to  the  home  peninsula,  and  this  notice  was 
duly  served  on  all  departing  shipmasters  by  the  secretaries  of  the 
viceroy.  By  the  middle  of  November,  however,  despite  all  this  care,  a 
ship  from  Vera  Cruz  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  Habana.  The  master 
declared,  on  his  oath,  that  he  had  been  forced  to  put  in  there,  because 
sickness  had  broken  out  aboard  his  vessel  soon  after  the  departure  from 
New  Spain  and  because  he  had  discovered  that  his  stock  of  provisions 
and  water  was  insufficient  for  the  voyage  across  the  Atlantic.  Curi- 
ously enough,  one  of  the  crew,  possibly  one  of  those  who  had  been  seized 
with  the  sickness,  had  in  his  possession  some  letters  which  he  had  been 
asked  to  deliver  to  Hernando  De  Soto,  in  Habana.  Apparently  the 
agent  or  friend  of  De  Soto  living  in  Mexico,  one  Francisco  de  Billegas, 
did  not  know  that  the  adelantado  had  left  Cuba,  although  he  had 
arranged  to  have  the  letters  carried  to  Spain  and  given  to  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  adelantado  there  if  De  Soto  was  not  found  at  Habana. 
De  Soto  had  taken  care  that  his  interests  should  be  watched  and  pro- 
tected, in  Spain  as  well  as  in  the  New  World,  when  he  started  on  his 
search  for  the  land  of  wealth  north  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  search 
on  which  Ayllon  and  Narvaez  had  failed  so  sadly. 

It  was  the  regular  practice  of  all  the  governors  and  successful 
explorers  in  the  colonies  of  the  empire  to  maintain  representatives  in 
Spain  who  should  look  after  their  interests  at  court  and  before  the 
administrative  bureaus.  When  the  news  of  Friar  Marcos'  discovery 
reached  Europe,  accompanied  by  reports  of  the  preparations  which 
Mendoza  was  making  for  an  expedition  to  take  possession  of  the  new 
territory,  protests  and  counterclaims  were  immediately  presented  in 
behalf  of  all  those  who  could  claim  any  right  to  participate  in  this 
new  field  of  conquest.  The  first  formal  statements  were  filed  with  the 
Council  for  the  Indies,  March  3,  1540,  and  on  June  10,  1541,  the  factor 
or  representative  of  Cortes,  whose  petition  is  first  among  the  papers 
relating  to  the  case,  asked  for  an  extension  of  six  days.    This  ends  the 

>  The  eapitulacion  or  agreement  witli  De  Soto  ia  printed  in  Faobeoo  y  Cardenas,  Doc.  de  Indias.  vol. 
XV,  pp.  351-363. 


WINSHIP] 


EXPEDITION   OF   DE    SOTO  371 


documents  concerning  the  litigation,  so  far  as  they  have  been  printed.^ 
Petitions,  testimony,  narratives  of  explorations  and  discoveries,  acts 
taking  possession  of  new  lands,  notifications  and  decisions,  appeals 
and  countercharges,  were  filed  and  referred,  each  claimant  watching  his 
rivals  so  closely  and  objecting  to  their  claims  so  strenuously  that  the 
fiscal,  Villalobos,  in  his  report  on  the  case,  May  25, 1540,  gives  as  one  of 
the  most  conclusive  reasons  in  favor  of  the  advice  which  he  oflPers  to  the 
Council,  that  each  of  the  parties  has  clearly  proved  that  none  of  the 
others  have  any  right  to  claim  a  share  in  the  newly  discovered  region 
by  virtue  of  any  grants,  licenses,  or  achievements  whatsoever. 

Of  the  various  claimants,  the  representative  of  the  adelantado  Her- 
nando De  Soto  offered  perhaps  the  best  argument.  The  territory 
granted  to  De  Soto  extended  on  the  west  to  the  Eio  de  las  Palmas,  and 
this  grant  was  the  same  as  that  previously  made  to  Narvaez.  The  dis- 
covery had  grown  out  of  the  expedition  of  ]^arvaez,  to  whose  rights 
De  Soto  had  succeeded,  through  the  reports  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
carried  to  New  Spain.  The  newly  discovered  region  was  evidently 
inland,  and  this  fact  disposed  of  the  two  prominent  rivals,  Cortes  and 
Alvarado.  The  adelantado  had  expended  large  sums  in  preparing  for 
this  undertaking — a  claim  advanced  with  equal  vigor  by  all  the  par- 
ties, and  usually  supported  by  specific  accounts,  which  unfortunately 
are  not  printed — and  it  was  only  right  that  he  should  be  given  every 
opportunity  to  reap  the  full  advantage  from  these  outlays.  Most  impor- 
tant of  all  was  the  fact  that  De  Soto  was  already  in  the  country  north 
of  the  gulf,  in  command  of  a  large  and  well  equipped  force,  and  pre- 
sumably on  his  way  toward  the  region  about  which  they  were  disputing. 
Because  De  Soto  was  there,  urged  his  representative  with  strong  and 
persistent  emphasis,  all  other  exploring  expeditions  ought  to  be  kept 
away.  It  was  clearly  probable  that  great  and  notorious  scandals  would 
ensue  unless  this  was  guarded  against,  just  as  had  happened  in  Peru. 
If  this  precaution  was  not  taken,  and  two  expeditions  representing 
conflicting  interests  should  be  allowed  to  come  together  in  the  country 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  royal  restraint,  many  lives  would  inevitably  be 
lost  and  great  damage  be  done  to  the  Spaniards,  and  to  the  souls  of 
the  Indians  as  well,  while  the  enlargement  of  the  royal  patrimony 
would  be  hindered.^ 

Cortes  reached  Spain  some  time  in  April,  1540,'  and  was  able  to  direct 
his  case  in  person  for  much  of  the  time.    He  urged  the  priority  of  his 

'  TheBe  documents  fill  108  pages  in  volume  xv  of  the  Pacheco  j  Cardenas  Docnmentos  de  Indias. 
At  least  one  other  document  presented  in  the  case,  the  Capitulacion  .  .  .  que  liizo  Ayllon,  is 
printed  elsewhere  in  the  same  Culeccion.  This,  also,  does  not  include  the  two  long  memorials  which 
Cortes  succeeded  in  presenting  to  the  King  in  person. 

*  This  much  feared  couj unction  came  very  near  to  being  realized.  A  comparison  of  the  various  plot- 
tings  of  the  routes  Be  Soto  and  Coronado  may  have  followed  and  of  their  respective  itineraries  shows 
that  the  two  parties  could  not  have  been  far  apart  in  the  present  Oklahoma  or  Indian  territory,  or 
perhaps  north  of  that  region.  This  evidence  is  confirmed  by  the  story  of  the  Indian  woman,  related 
by  Castaueda.  Dr  J.  G.  Shea,  in  Win.sor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  vol.  ii,  p.  '292,  states  that 
Coronodo  heard  of  his  countryman  De  Soto,  and  sent  a  letter  to  him.  This  is  almost  certainly  a 
mistake,  which  probably  originated  in  a  misinterpretation  of  a  statement  made  by  Jaramillo. 

'  See  hi.s  Carta  in  Doc.  In^d.  Espafia,  vol.  civ,  p.  491. 


372  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.M 

claims  under  the  royal  liceuse,  dating  from  1529.i  He  told  of  Lis  many 
efforts  to  enlarge  the  Spanish  domain,  undertaken  at  great  exi)ense, 
personal  sacrifit'e  and  danger,  and  resulting  in  the  loss  of  relations 
and  friends.  From  all  of  this,  as  he  carefully  pointed  out,  neither 
His  Majesty  nor  himself  had  received  any  proper  benefit,  though  this 
was  not  the  result  of  any  fault  or  lack  of  diligence  on  his  part,  as  he 
hastened  to  explain,  but  had  been  caused  by  the  persistent  and  ill- 
concealed  hostility  of  the  audiencia  and  the  viceroy  in  New  Spain, 
"concerning  all  of  which  His  Majesty  must  have  been  kept  heretofore 
in  ignorance." 

Nuiio  de  Guzman  presented  his  case  in  person,  though  perhaps  this 
was  not  so  much  because  it  was  more  efiective  as  because  his  resources 
must  have  been  limited  and  his  time  little  occupied.  He  was  able, 
indeed,  to  make  out  a  very  good  argument,  assuming  his  right  to  the  gov- 
ernorship of  New  Galicia,  a  province  which  had  been  greatly  enlarged 
by  his  conquests.  These  conquests  were  toward  the  north,  and  he 
had  taken  possession  of  all  the  land  in  that  direction  in  behalf  of 
His  Catholic  Majesty.  He  would  have  extended  the  Spanish  territory 
much  farther  in  the  same  direction,  if  only  his  zealous  efforts  had  not 
been  abruptly  cut  short  by  his  persecutors,  through  whose  malicious 
efforts  he  was  even  yet  nominally  under  arrest.  Nor  was  this  all,  for 
all  future  expeditions  into  the  new  region  must  go  across  the  territory 
which  was  rightfully  his,  and  they  could  only  succeed  by  the  assistance 
and  resources  which  would  be  drawn  from  his  country.  Thus  he  was 
the  possessor  of  the  key  to  all  that  lay  beyond. 

The  commission  or  license  which  Pedro  de  Alvarado  took  with  him 
from  Spain  the  year  before  these  proceedings  opened,  granted  him  per- 
mission to  explore  toward  the  west  and  the  north — the  latter  provision 
probably  inserted  as  a  result  of  the  reports  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
brought  to  Spain.  Alvarado  had  prepared  an  expedition  at  great 
expense,  and  since  the  new  region  lay  within  his  grant,  his  advocate 
pleaded,  it  would  evidently  pertain  to  him  to  conquer  it.  Moreover,  he 
was  in  very  high  favor  at  court,  as  is  shown  by  the  ease  with  which  he 
regained  his  position,  in  spite  of  the  attack  by  the  Mexican  audiencia, 
and  also  by  the  ease  with  which  he  obtained  the  papal  permission 
allowing  him  to  marry  the  sister  of  his  former  wife.  But  Alvarado 
figures  only  slightly  in  the  litigation,  and  he  may  have  appeared  as  a 
party  in  order  to  maintain  an  opposition,  rather  than  with  any  hope 
or  intention  of  establishing  the  justice  of  his  claims.  Everything  seems 
to  add  to  the  probability  of  the  theory  that  Mendoza  effected  an  alli- 
ance with  him  very  early.  It  is  possible  that  the  negotiations  may 
have  begun  before  Alvarado  left  Spain,  although  there  is  no  certainty 
about  anything  which  preceded  the  written  articles  of  agreement. 
Some  of  the  contemporary  historians  appear  to  have  been  ignorant 
even  of  these. 

1  Tlie  Titiilo,  etc,  tlatod  6  Jnlio,  1529,  is  in  Pacbeco  y  Canlenas,  Coleceiou  de  Doonmentos  In6ditos  de 
Indias,  vol.  iv.  pp.  572-574. 


UJ 

I 
I- 


WIN8HIP]  OPPOSITION    TO    THE    EXPEDITION  373 

The  Council  for  the  Indies  referred  the  whole  matter  of  the  petitions 
and  accompanying  evidence  to  the  fiscal,  the  licentiate  Villalobos,  April 
21, 1540.  He  made  a  rei)ort,  which  virtually  decided  the  case.  May  25. 
The  parties  were  given  an  opportunity  of  replying  to  this,  and  they 
continued  to  present  evidence  and  petitions  and  countercharges  for  a 
year  longer.  The  final  decision,  if  any  was  made,  has  not  been  printed, 
so  far  as  I  know,  but  the  Council  could  hardly  have  done  anything 
beyond  formally  indorsing  the  report  of  Villalobos.  The  duty  of  the 
fiscal  was  plain,  and  his  report  advises  His  Majesty  not  to  grant  any  of 
the  things  asked  for  by  the  petitioners.  He  states  that  this  discovery 
ought  to  be  made  by  and  in  behalf  of  His  Majesty,  since  the  region 
was  not  included  in  any  previous  grant.  Although  the  Crown  had 
forbidden  any  further  unlicensed  explorations,  this  would  not  prevent 
expeditions  being  undertaken  on  the  part  of  the  Crown,  which  is  always 
at  liberty  to  explore  at  will.  In  effect,  of  course,  the  report  sanctioned 
the  exploration  by  Mendoza,  who  represented  the  royal  interests  and 
power.  An  objection  wixs  at  once  entered  in  belialf  of  De  Soto,  using 
the  very  good  argument  that  Mendoza's  expedition  would  be  sent  out 
either  at  the  expense  of  the  Crown  or  of  his  private  fortune.  If  the 
former,  it  was  claimed  that  as  the  explorer  would  have  the  glory  in  any 
event,  the  Crown  ought  to  save  the  expense  by  allowing  De  Soto,  who 
had  already  undertaken  the  same  thing  at  his  own  cost,  to  make  these 
discoveries,  which  he  promised  should  redound  to  as  great  an  extent  to 
the  glory  and  advantage  of  the  Emperor.  If  Mendoza  was  undertak- 
ing this  at  his  own  expense,  it  was  evident  that  he  would  desire  to 
recover  his  outlay.  Here  he  was  merely  on  the  same  footing  as  De 
Soto,  who  was  prepared  to  make  a  better  offer  to  his  Eoyal  Master  than 
Mendoza  could  possibly  afford.  In  either  case  there  was  the  danger  of 
scandal  and  disaster,  in  case  the  two  expeditions  shonld  be  allowed  to 
come  together  beyond  the  range  of  the  royal  oversight.  "No  answer  to 
this  appeal  is  recorded,  and  the  parties  continued  to  argue  down  their 
opponents'  cases,  while  the  viceroy  in  New  Spain  started  the  expedition 
which,  under  the  command  of  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado,  discovered 
the  Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  the  Grand  canyon  of  the  Colorado, 
and  the  bison  of  the  great  plains. 

The  Expedition  to  New  Mexico  and  the  Great  Plains 
the  organization  of  the  expedition 

Two  classes  of  coloiusts  are  essential  to  the  security  and  the  perma- 
nent prosperity  of  every  newly  opened  country.  In  New  Spain  in  the 
sixteenth  century  these  two  classes,  sharply  divided  and  almost  antago- 
nistic— the  established  settlers  and  the  free  soldiers  of  fortune — were 
both  of  considerable  importance.  Cortes,  so  soon  as  he  had  conquered 
the  country,  recognized  the  need  of  providing  for  its  settlement  by  a 
stable  population.    In  the  petitions  and  memorials  which  he  wrote  iu 


374  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.anji.  u 

1539  and  1540  he  continually  reiterates  the  declaration  of  the  pains 
and  losses  sustained  on  account  of  his  efforts  to  bring  colonists  from 
Spain  to  populate  the  New  World.  Whether  he  accomplished  all  that 
these  memorials  claim  is  doubtful,  for  there  are  comparatively  few  ref- 
erences to  this  class  of  immigrants  during  the  years  when  Cortes  was 
in  a  position  to  accomplish  his  designs.  Mendoza  declared  that  the 
increase  of  the  European  population  in  New  Spain  came  largely  after 
his  own  arrival  there,  in  1535,  and  this  was  probably  true.  The  "good 
viceroy"  unquestionably  did  more  than  anyone  else  to  place  the  prov- 
ince on  a  permsiuent  basis.' 

Mendoza  supervised  with  great  care  the  assignment  of  land  to  the 
newcomers,  and  provided  tools  and  stock  for  those  who  had  not  the 
means  of  equipping  their  farms.  As  a  royal  decree  forbade  the  grant- 
ing of  land  to  unmarried  men,  besides  directing  an  increase  of  royal 
favor  and  additional  grants  proportionate  to  the  increase  of  children, 
the  viceroy  frequently  advanced  the  money  which  enabled  men  who 
■were  desirous  of  settling  down  to  get  married.  When  he  came  from 
Spain  in  1535,  he  brought  with  him  a  number  of  eligible  spinsters,  and 
it  is  quite  probable  that,  after  these  had  found  husbands,  he  main- 
tained the  supply  of  maids  suitable  to  become  the  wives  of  those  colo- 
nists who  wished  to  experience  the  royal  bouutj^  and  favor.  Alvarado 
engaged  in  a  similar  undertaking  when  he  came  out  to  Guatemala  in 
1539,  but  with  less  success  than  we  may  safely  hope  rewarded  the 
thoughtfuluess  of  Mendoza.^  A  royal  order  in  1538  had  decreed  that 
all  who  held  encomiendas  should  marry  within  three  years,  if  not 
already  possessed  of  a  wife,  or  else  forfeit  their  estates  to  married  men. 
Some  of  the  bachelor  landholders  protested  against  the  enforcement  of 
this  order  in  Guatemala,  because  eligible  white  women  could  not  be 
found  nearer  than  Mexico.  To  remove  this  objection,  Alvarado  brought 
twenty  maidens  from  Spain.  Soon  after  their  arrival,  a  reception  was 
held,  at  which  they  were  given  a  chance  to  see  their  prospective  hus- 
bands. During  the  evening,  one  of  the  girls  declared  to  her  companions 
that  she  never  could  marry  one  of  these  "old  fellows,  .  .  .  who 
were  cut  up  as  if  they  had  just  escaped  from  the  infernal  regions, 
.  .  .  for  some  of  them  are  lame,  some  have  only  one  hand,  others 
have  no  ears  or  only  one  eye,  and  some  of  them  have  lost  half  their 
faces.    The  best  of  them  have  one  or  two  scars  across  their  foreheads." 

'  Fragmento  Visita :  Mendoza,  Icazbalceta's  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  90,  §  86.  "  Porque  antes  que  el  dicho 
visorey  Tiniese  .  .  .  habia  may  poca  gente  y  los  corregimieutos  bastaban  para  proveellos  y  siiateu- 
tallos,  y  corao  despiiea  de  la  venida  del  dicho  visorey  creci6  la  gente  y  se  aumentii,  y  de  cada  dia  vieuen 
gentes  pobres  &  qnien  se  ba  de  proveer  de  comer,  con  la  dicba  ba,ia  y  vacaciones  so  ban  jiroveido  y 
remediado,  y  ain  ella  bubierau  padecido  y  padecieran  gran  necesidad.  y  no  se  poblara  tanto  la  tierra, 
y  dello  86  di6  noticia  A  S.  M.  y  lo  aprob6  y  ae  tuvo  por  aervido  en  ello.  ^  194  (p.  117) :  Despues  que  el 
dicho  visor«y  vino  &  esta  Nueva  Eapana,  continaniente  ba  acogido  en  au  casa  A  caballeroa  y  otraa  per- 
sonas  que  vienen  necesitadoa  de  Espa&a  y  de  otras  partes,  ddndolea  de  comer  y  veat.ir,  caballos  y 
arraaa  con  que  airvaii  A  S.  M."    .    .    . 

'Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  Comentarioa  Reales,  part  ll,  cap.  i,  lib.  ii,  p.  58  (e<l.  1722),  tells  the  story  of 
Alvarado's  experiment.  The  picture  of  the  life  and  character  of  tlie  Spaniah  conquerors  of  America, 
in  the  eyes  of  a  girl  fresh  from  Europe,  is  so  vivid  and  suggeative  that  its  omission  would  bo  ui^usti- 
flable. 


wiNSHip]  EARLY   CONDITION    OP    NEW    SPAIN  375 

The  story  is  that  one  of  the  "old  fellows"  overheard  this  outburst, 
reported  it  to  his  friends,  and  promptly  went  oft'  and  married  the 
daughter  of  a  powerful  cacique. 

Besides  assisting  his  colonists  to  get  wives,  Mendoza  did  a  great  deal 
to  foster  the  agiicultural  interests  of  the  province.  He  continued  the 
importation  of  cattle,  which  Cortes  had  begun,  and  also  procured 
horses  and  sheep  from  Spain.  He  writes  in  one  of  his  letters  of  the  espe- 
cial satisfaction  that  he  felt  because  of  the  rapid  increase  of  his  merino 
sheep,  in  spite  of  the  depredations  of  the  natives  and  of  wild  animals. 
The  chief  concern  of  the  otflcials  of  the  audiencia  had  been  the  gold 
mines,  which  yielded  a  considerable  revenue  in  certain  districts;  but 
Mendoza,  without  neglecting  these,  proved  how  large  and  reliable  was 
the  additional  revenue  which  could  be  derived  from  other  sources. 
The  viceroy's  success  in  developing  the  province  can  not  be  shown 
more  clearly  than  by  repeating  the  description  of  New  Spain  in  1555, 
written  by  Eobert  Tomson,  an  English  merchant  engaged  in  the  Span- 
ish trade.  In  the  course  of  a  business  tour  Tomson  visited  the  City 
of  Mexico.  His  commercial  friends  in  the  city  entertained  him  most 
hospitably,  and  did  their  best  to  make  his  visit  pleasant.  He  refused, 
however,  to  heed  their  warnings,  and  his  indiscreet  freedom  of  speech 
finally  compelled  the  ofBcials  of  the  Inquisition  to  imprison  him,  thus 
adding  considerably  to  the  length  of  his  residence  in  the  city.  After 
he  returned  home,  he  wrote  a  narrative  of  his  tour,  in  which  he  says  of 
New  Spain: 

"As  for  victuals  in  the  said  Citie,  of  beefe,  mutton,  and  hennes,  capons,  quailes, 
Guifiy-cockes,  and  such  like,  all  are  very  good  cheape :  To  say,  the  whole  quarter  of 
an  oxe,  as  much  as  a  slaue  can  carry  away  from  the  Butchers,  for  fine  Tomynes,  that 
is,  fine  Royals  of  plate,  which  is  iust  two  shillings  and  sixe  pence,  and  a  fat  sheepe 
at  the  Butchers  for  tliree  Royals,  which  is  18.  pence  and  no  more.  Bread  is  as  good 
cheape  as  in  Spaine,  and  all  other  kinde  of  fruites,  as  apples,  peares,  pomegranats, 
and  quinces,  at  a  reasonable  rate.  .  .  .  [The  country]  doth  yeeld  great  store  of 
very  good  silke,  and  C'ochinilla.  .  .  .  Also  there  are  many  goodly  fruits,  whereof 
we  haue  none  such,  as  Plantanos,  Gnyaues,  Sapotes,  Tunas,  and  in  the  wildemes 
great  store  of  hiacke  cheries,  and  other  wholsome  fruites.  .  .  .  Also  the  Indico 
that  doeth  come  from  thence  to  die  blew,  is  a  certaine  hearbe.  .  .  .  Balme, 
Salsaperilla,  caua  fistula,  suger,  oxe  hides,  and  many  other  good  and  serniceablo 
things  the  Countrey  doeth  yeeld,  which  are  yeerely  brought  into  Spaine,  and  there 
solde  and  distributed  to  many  nations." ' 

The  other  class  among  the  colonists  of  New  Spain  in  the  second 
quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century  "floated  like  cork  on  the  water"  on 
those  who  had  established  their  homes  in  the  New  World.^    The  men 

'  ToniBon's  whole  uarrative,  in  Haklayt,  Voyages,  vol.  iii,  p.  447  (ed.  1600),  is  -well  worth  reading. 
Considerahle  additional  inlomiatiim  in  regard  to  the  internal  condition  of  New  Spain,  at  a  little 
later  date,  may  be  fonnd  in  tlie  "  Discoursea  "  which  follow  Tomaon's  Narrative,  in  the  same  volume 
of  Hakluyt. 

*  The  proof  text  for  this  quotation,  as  for  many  of  the  following  statements  which  are  taken  from 
Mota  Padilla  a  Historia  de  la  Kiieva  Galicia,  may  be  fountl  in  footnotes  to  the  passages  which  they 
illustrate  in  the  translation  of  Castaheda's  narrative.  I  hope  this  arrangement  will  prove  most  con- 
venient for  those  who  study  the  documents  included  in  this  memoir.  I  shall  not  attempt  in  the 
introductory  narrative  to  make  any  further  references  showing  my  indebtedness  to  Kota  Padilla's 
invaluable  work. 


376  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ExH.Aira.U 

who  made  it  i^ossible  to  live  in  security  on  the  farms  and  ranches 
of  the  province  had  rendered  many  and  indispensable  services,  and 
there  was  much  that  tbey  might  still  do  to  enlarge  its  boundaries  and 
make  the  security  more  certain.  They  were,  nevertheless,  a  serious 
hindrance  to  the  prosperity  of  the  settlements.  For  the  most  part  they 
were  young  men  of  all  sorts  and  degrees.  Among  them  were  many 
sons  of  Spanish  noblemen,  like  Mendoza  the  viceroy,  whose  brother 
had  just  succeeded  his  father  as  Marquis  de  Mondejar.  Very  much  of 
the  extension  of  the  Spanish  world  by  discovery  and  conquest  was  due 
to  the  sons  of  men  of  rank,  who  had,  perhaps  generally,  begun  to  sow 
their  wild  oats  in  Spain  and  were  sent  across  the  Atlantic  in  order  to 
keep  them  out  of  mischief  at  home,  or  to  atone,  it  may  be,  for  mischief 
already  done.  In  action,  these  young  caballeros  were  most  efficient. 
By  personal  valor  and  ability,  they  held  the  positions  of  leadership 
everywhere,  among  men  who  followed  whom  and  when  they  chose,  and 
always  chose  the  man  who  led  them  most  successfully.  When  inactive, 
these  same  cavaliers  were  a  most  trying  annoyance  to  any  community 
in  which  they  happened  to  be.  Armed  with  royal  letters  and  compre- 
hensive introductions,  they  had  to  be  entertained,  at  heavy  charges. 
Masters  of  their  own  movements,  they  came  as  they  liked,  and  very 
often  did  not  go  away.  Lovers  of  excitement,  they  secured  it  regard- 
less of  other  men's  wives  or  property. 

There  had  been  few  attractions  to  draw  these  adventurers  away 
from  Mexico,  the  metropolis  of  the  mainland,  for  some  time  previous 
to  1539.  Peru  still  offered  excitement  for  those  who  had  nothing  to 
gain  or  lose,  but  the  purely  personal  struggle  going  on  there  between 
Pizarro  and  Almagro  could  not  arouse  the  energies  of  those  who  were 
in  search  of  glory  as  well  as  of  employment.  A  considerable  part  of 
the  rabble  which  followed  Nuiio  de  Guzman  during  the  conquest  of 
New  Galicia  went  to  Peru  after  their  chief  had  been  superseded  by  the 
Licentiate  de  la  Torre,  so  that  one  town  is  said  to  have  disappeared 
entirely  from  this  cause;  but  among  these  there  were  few  men  of  good 
birth  and  spirit.  Mendoza  had  been  able,  at  first,  to  accommodate 
and  employ  those  who  accompanied  him  from  Spain,  like  Vazquez 
Coronado,  "being  chiefly  young  gentlemen."  But  every  vessel  com- 
ing from  home  brought  some  companion  or  friend  of  those  who  were 
already  in  New  Spain,  and  after  Oabeza  de  Vaca  carried  the  reports  of 
his  discoveries  to  the  Spanish  court,  an  increasing  number  came  each 
season  to  join  the  already  burdensome  body  of  useless  members  of  the 
viceregal  household.  The  viceroy  recognized  the  necessity  of  relieving 
the  community  of  this  burden  very  soon  after  he  had  established  him- 
self in  Mexico,  and  he  was  continually  on  the  watch  for  some  suitable 
means  of  freeing  himself  from  these  guests.  By  1539  the  problem  of 
looking  after  these  young  gentlemen — whose  number  is  determined 
quite  accurately  by  the  two  hundred  and  lifty  or  three  hundred  "gen- 
tlemen on   horseback"  who  left  New   Spain  with  Coronado  in  the 


8 


>' 


W1N8HIP]  OBGANIZATION   OP   THE   EXPEDIIION  377 

spriug  of  1540 — had  become  a  serious  one  to  the  viceroy.  The  most 
desirable  employment  for  all  this  idle  energy  would  be,  of  course,  the 
exploration  and  conquest  of  new  country,  or  the  opening  of  the  border 
territory  for  permanent  settlement.  But  no  mere  work  for  work's  sake, 
no  wild-goose  chase,  would  do.  These  young  gentlemen  had  many 
friends  near  to  Charles  V,  who  would  have  resented  any  abuse  of 
privilege  or  of  confidence.  A  suitable  expedition  could  be  undertaken 
only  at  considerable  expense,  and  unless  the  cost  could  all  be  made 
good  to  the  accountants  in  Spain,  complaints  were  sure  to  be  preferred 
against  even  the  best  of  viceroys.  So  Mendoza  entertained  his  guests 
as  best  he  <;ould,  while  they  loafed  about  his  court  or  visited  his  stock 
farms,  and  he  anxiously  watched  the  reports  which  came  from  the  offi- 
cials of  the  northwestern  province  of  New  Galicia  and  from  the  priests 
who  were  wandering  and  working  among  the  outlying  Indian  tribes. 
When, late  in  the  summer  of  1539,  Friar  Marcos  returned  from  tlie  north, 
bringing  the  assurance  that  Cibola  was  a  desirable  field  for  conquest, 
the  viceroy  quickly  improved  the  opportunity  for  which  he  had  been 
waiting.  Within  a  month  and  a  half  Mendoza  had  begun  to  organize 
the  force  which  was  to  conquer  this  new  country. 

Compostela,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  was  announced  as  the  place  at 
which  the  force  should  assemble.  The  viceroy  desired  to  have  the 
army  begin  its  march  so  soon  as  the  roads  were  passable  in  the  spring, 
and  he  wished  also  to  relieve  the  Indians  living  in  the  districts  between 
Mexico  and  the  coast  from  as  much  as  possible  of  the  annoyance  and  loss 
which  would  be  inevitable  if  the  army  started  from  Mexico  and  marched 
through  this  territory  in  a  body.  How  much  this  forethought  for  the 
Indians  was  needed  appears  from  Mendoza's  reply  to  the  accusations 
against  him  filed  during  the  visita  of  1547,  which  showed  that  all  his 
care  had  not  saved  the  Indians  of  Michoacan  from  needless  injury  at 
the  hands  of  those  who  were  on  their  way  to  join  the  gathering  at  Com- 
postela. Incidentally,  this  arrangement  also  gave  the  capital  city  an 
earlier  relief  from  its  unwelcome  guests. 

Popular  as  was  the  expedition  to  the  Seven  Cities,  there  was  a  little 
opposition  to  the  undertaking.  When  it  became  evident  that  a  large 
force  was  about  to  leave  the  country,  some  of  those  who  were  to  re- 
main behind  complained  that  all  New  Spain  was  being  depopulated, 
and  that  no  one  would  be  left  to  defend  the  country  in  case  of  an 
Indian  uprising.  When  Mendoza  reached  Compostela,  by  the  middle 
of  February,  1540,  Coronado  asked  him  to  make  an  official  investiga- 
tion of  these  complaints.  The  formal  lequest  is  dated  February  21, 
and  on  the  following  day,  Sunday,  the  viceroy  held  a  grand  review  of 
the  whole  array,  with  everyone  ready  equipped  for  the  march.  As  the 
men  passed  before  the  viceregal  party  the  secretaries  ma<le  an  exact 
count  and  description  of  the  force,  but  this  document  is  not  now  known. 
Its  loss  is  partly  supplied  by  the  sworn  testimony  of  the  officials  who 
were  best  acquainted  with  the  inhabitants  of  all  parts  of  New  Spain, 


378  THE    COEONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [BTH.Ara.U 

recorded  a  few  days  after  the  departure  of  the  expedition.  They  declare 
that  in  the  whole  array  there  were  only  two  or  three  men  who  had  ever 
been  settled  residents  in  the  country ;  that  these  few  were  men  who  had 
failed  to  make  a  living  as  settlers,  and  that,  in  short,  the  whole  force 
was  a  good  riddance.' 

The  men  who  assembled  at  Oompostela  to  start«for  the  Seven  Cities 
numbered,  Mendoza  stated  at  the  time  of  the  visita  in  1547,  "about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  on  horseback,  .  .  .  and  about 
three  hundred  Indians,  a  few  more  or  less."  Mota  Padilla,  who 
must  have  used  documents  of  the  very  best  authority,  nearly  all  of 
which  have  since  disappeared,  gives  the  number  of  the  force  as  "  two 
hundred  and  sixty  horsemen,  .  .  seventy  footmen,  .  .  and  more 
than  a  thousand  friendly  Indians  and  Indian  servants."  Herrera,  wlio 
used  ofiflcial  documents,  says  that  there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty 
horsemen  and  two  hundred  footmen.  Mendoza's  statement  of  the  num- 
ber of  Indians  may  be  explained,  if  we  suppose  him  to  have  referred 
only  to  the  friendly  Indians  who  went  on  the  expedition  as  native 
allies.  His  statement  is  made  in  the  course  of  a  defense  of  his  adminis- 
tration, when  he  was  naturally  desirous  of  giving  as  small  a  number 
as  possible.  Castaneda  says  that  there  were  three  hundred  horsemen, 
and  this  number  occurs,  in  other  early  narratives. 

Mendoza  spared  neither  pains  nor  expense  to  insure  the  success  of  the 
expedition.  Arms,  horses,  and  supplies  were  furnished  in  abundance; 
money  was  advanced  from  the  royal  chest  to  any  who  had  debts  to  pay 
before  they  could  depart,  and  provision  was  made  for  the  support  of 
those  who  were  about  to  be  left  behind  by  fathers,  brothers,  or  hus- 
bands. The  equipment  of  the  force  was  all  that  the  viceroy  could 
desire.  Arms  and  military  supplies  had  been  among  the  things  greatly 
needed  in  New  Spain  when  Mendoza  reported  its  condition  in  his  first 
letters  to  the  home  government.  In  1537  he  repeated  his  request  for 
these  supplies  with  increased  insistence.  The  subject  is  not  again  men- 
tioned in  his  letters,  and  we  may  fairly  suppose  that  he  had  received  the 
weapons  and  munitions  of  war,  fresh  from  the  royal  arsenals  of  Spain, 
with  which  he  equipped  the  exi)edition  on  whose  success  he  had  staked 
so  much.  It  was  a  splendid  array  as  it  passed  in  review  before  Mendoza 
and  the  officials  who  helped  and  watched  him  govern  ^ew  Spain,  on  this 
Sunday  in  February,  1540.  The  young  cavaliers  curbed  the  picked 
horses  fiom  the  large  stock  farms  of  the  viceroy,  each  resplendent  in 
long  blankets  flowing  to  the  ground.  Each  rider  held  his  lance  erect, 
while  his  sword  and  other  weapons  hung  in  their  proper  jjlaces  at  his 
side.  Some  were  arrayed  in  coats  of  mail,  polished  to  shine  like  that  of 
their  general,  whose  gilded  armor  with  its  brilliant  trappings  was  to 
bring  him  many  hard  blows  a  few  months  later.  Others  wore  iron  hel- 
mets or  vizored  headpieces  of  the  tough  bullhide  for  which  the  country 

>  The  Testimonio  contains  so  much  that  is  of  interest  to  the  historical  student  that  I  have  trans- 
lated it  in  full  herein. 


{jr/i4^' 


wmsHip]  ANTECEDENTS    OF    CORONADO  379 

has  ever  been  famous.  The  footmen  carried  crossbows  and  harquebuses, 
■while  some  of  them  were  armed  with  sword  and  shield.  Looking  on  at 
these  white  men  with  their  weapons  of  European  warfare  was  the  crowd 
of  native  allies  in  their  paint  and  holiday  attire,  armed  with  the  club  and 
the  bow  of  an  Indian  warrior.  When  all  these  started  off  next  morning, 
in  duly  ordered  companies,  with  their  banners  flying,  upward  of  a  thou- 
sand servants  and  followers,  black  men  and  red  men,  went  with  them, 
leading  the  spare  horses,  driving  the  pack  animals,  bearing  the  extra 
baggage  of  their  masters,  or  herding  the  large  droves  of  "big  and  little 
cattle,"  of  oxen  and  cows,  sheep,  and,  maybe,  swine,'  which  had  been 
collected  by  the  viceroy  to  assure  fresh  food  for  the  army  on  its  march. 
There  were  more  than  a  thousand  horses  in  the  train  of  the  force, 
besides  the  mules,  loaded  with  camp  supplies  and  provisions,  and  car- 
rying half  a  dozen  pieces  of  light  artillery — the  i^edreros,  or  swivel 
guns  of  the  period. 

After  the  review,  the  army  assembled  before  the  viceroy,  who 
addressed  to  them  an'  exhortation  befitting  the  occasion.  Each  man, 
whether  captain  or  foot  soldier,  then  swore  obedience  to  his  commander 
and  officers,  and  promised  to  prove  himself  a  loyal  and  faithful  vassal 
to  his  Lord  the  King.  During  the  preceding  week  the  viceroy  had 
divided  the  force  into  companies,  and  now  he  assigned  to  each  its  cap- 
tain, as  Castaneda  relates,  and  announced  the  other  oflQcers  of  the  army. 

Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado — de  Coronado  it  is  sometimes  written — 
was  captain  general  of  the  whole  force.  "Who  he  is,  what  he  has 
already  done,  and  his  personal  qualities  and  abilities,  which  may  be 
made  useful  in  the  various  affairs  which  arise  in  these  parts  of  the 
Indies,  I  have  already  written  to  Your  Majesty,"  writes  Mendoza  to 
the  Emperor,  in  the  letter  of  December  10,  1537.  This  previous  letter 
is  not  known  to  exist,  and  there  is  very  little  to  supply  the  place  of 
its  description  of  the  character  and  antecedents  of  Vazquez  Coronado. 
His  home  was  in  Salamanca,'^  and  he  came  to  America  in  the  retinue 
of  Mendoza  in  1535.  His  relations  with  his  patron,  the  viceroy,  previ- 
ous to  the  return  of  the  expedition  from  Cibola,  appear  always  to  have 
been  most  cordial  and  intimate.  In  1537  Coronado  married  Beatrice 
de  Estrada,  a  cousin  by  blood,  if  gossip  was  true,  of  the  Emperor, 
Charles  V.  Her  father,  Alonso,  had  been  royal  treasurer  of  New  Spain. 
From  his  mother-in-law  Coronado  received  as  a  marriage  gift  a  consid- 
erable estate,  "the  half  of  Tlapa,"  which  was  confirmed  to  him  by  a 
royal  grant.  Cortez  complained  that  the  income  from  this  estate  was 
worth  more  than  3,000  ducados,  and  that  it  had  been  unduly  and  incon- 
siderately alienated  from  the  Crown.  Coronado  obtained  also  the 
estate  of  one  Juan  de  Burgos,  apparently  one  of  those  who  forfeited 


'Herrera,  Histoiia  General,  dec.  VI,  111),  ix,  cap.  xi,  vol.  iii,  p.  204  (ed.  17:10),  niontions  pigs  among 
the  food  supply  of  the  army.  For  the  above  description,  which  is  not  so  fanciful  as  it  sounds,  see 
Dotes  from  Slota  Pa<lilla.  etc,  accompanying  th«  translation  of  Castaueda. 

'Castafieda's  statement  is  supported  by  Herrera,  Hist4>ria  General,  dec.  vi,  lib.  v,  cap.  ix,  vol.  iii, 
p.  121  (ed.  1730),  and  by  Telle,  in  Icazbalceta  s  Mexico,  vol.  li,  p.  370. 


380  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

their  land  because  they  persisted  in  the  unmarried  state.  This  ar- 
rangement likewise  received  the  royal  approval.^  When,  however,  "the 
new  laws  and  ordinances  for  the  Indies"  came  out  from  Spain  in  1544,* 
after  Corouado's  return  from  the  northern  expedition,  one  of  the  sec- 
tions expressly  ordered  an  investigation  into  the  extent  and  value  of 
the  estates  held  by  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  since  it  had  been 
reported  to  the  King  that  the  number  of  Indians  held  to  service  on  these 
estates  was  very  excessive.  Mendoza  had  to  answer  the  same  charge 
at  his  visita  in  1547. 

Mendoza  sent  Coronado,  in  1537,  to  the  mines  at  Amatepeque,  where 
the  negroes  had  revolted  and  "elected  a  king,"  and  where  they  threat- 
ened to  cause  considerable  trouble.  The  revolt  was  quelled,  after  some 
fighting,  with  the  help  of  the  Indians  of  the  district.  A  couple  of 
dozen  of  the  rebels  were  hung  and  quartered  at  the  mines  or  in  the  City 
of  Mexico.' 

In  the  following  August,  Coronado  was  legally  recognized  as  a  citizen 
of  the  City  of  Mexico,  where  he  was  one  of  three  witnesses  chosen  to 
testify  to  the  formal  recognition  by  Cortes  of  the  royal  order  which 
permitted  De  Soto  to  explore  and  conquer  Florida."  A  month  later. 
September  7,  1538,  the  representative  of  De  Soto,  Alvaro  de  Sanjtirjo, 
summoned  Coronado  himself  to  recognize  and  promise  obedience  to  the 
same  royal  order,  "as  governor,  as  the  said  Sanjurjo  declared  him  to 
be,  of  New  Galicia."  Coronado  readily  promised  his  loyal  and  respect- 
ful obedience  to  all  of  His  Majesty's  commands,  but  observed  that  this 
matter  did  not  concern  him  at  all,  "since  he  was  not  governor,  nor  did 
he  know  that  His  Majesty  desired  to  have  him  serve  in  such  a  position; 
and  if  His  Majesty  should  desire  his  services  in  that  position,  he  would 
obey  and  submit  to  the  royal  provision  for  him  whenever  he  was  called 
on,  and  would  do  what  was  most  serviceable  to  the  royal  interests." 
He  adds  that  he  knows  nothing  about  the  government  of  Ayllon  or 
that  of  Narvaez,  which  were  mentioned  in  the  license  to  De  Soto.  This 
part  of  his  statement  can  hardly  have  been  strictly  true.  The  answer 
was  not  satisfactory  to  Sanjurjo,  who  replied  that  he  had  received 
information  that  Coronado  was  to  be  appointed  governor  of  New  Galicia. 
The  latter  stated  that  he  had  already  given  his  answer,  and  thereupon 
Sanjurjo  formally  protested  that  the  blame  for  any  expenditures,  dam- 
ages, or  scandals  which  might  result  from  a  failure  to  observe  the  royal 
order  must  be  laid  at  the  door  of  the  oue  to  whom  they  rightfully 
belonged,  and  that  they  would  not  result  from  any  fault  or  omission  on 
the  part  of  De  Soto.  Sanjurjo  may  have  received  some  hint  or  sugges- 
tion of  the  intention  to  appoint  Coronado,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that 
DO  definite  steps  had  yet  been  taken  to  supplant  the  licentiate,  De  la 

'See  the  Fragmento  de  Visita,  in  Icazbalceta's  Doo.  Hist.  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  95. 

'The  laws  were  signed  at  Valladolid,  June  4  and  June  26, 1543,  aud  the  copy  printed  in  Icazbalceta's 
Doo.  Hist.  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  214,  was  promulgated  in  ^few  Spain,  March  13,  1544. 
'See  Mendoza's  letter  to  the  King.  December  10,  1537. 
4  The  proc£so  which  was  served  on  Cortes  is  In  Paoheoo  y  Cardenas,  Doo.  de  Indias,  vol.  xv,  p.  371. 


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wiNSHip]  EVENTS   OF   1538-1539  381 

Torre,  as  governor  of  New  Galicia.  Coronado's  answer  sLows  plainly 
that  he  intentionally  refused  to  commit  himself  when  so  many  things 
were  uncertain,  and  when  nothing  was  definitely  known  about  the 
country  of  which  Gabeza  de  Yaca  had  heard.  Meudoza  may  have  sug 
gested  his  appointment  at  an  earlier  date,  but  the  King  apparently 
waited  until  he  learned  of  De  la  Torre's  untimely  death  before  approv- 
ing the  selection.  The  confirmation  was  signed  April  18,  1530,  and  at 
the  same  time  Coronado  was  appointed  to  take  the  residencia  of  his 
predecessor.  The  King  agreed  to  allow  the  new  governor  a  salary  of 
1,000  ducats  from  the  royal  treasure  chests  and  1,500  more  from  the 
province,  with  the  proviso  that  the  royal  revenues  were  not  to  be  held 
responsible  for  this  latter  sum  in  case  New  Galicia  proved  too  poor  to 
yield  so  large  an  amount.  Coronado  probably  went  at  once  to  his 
province  when  he  received  the  notice  of  his  nomination,  for  he  was  in 
Guadalajara  on  November  19, 1538,  where  he  approved  the  selection  of 
judges  and  magistrates  for  the  ensuing  year  by  the  city  of  Compostela, 
which  had  held  its  election  before  his  arrival.  At  the  same  time  he 
appointed  the  judges  for  Guadalajara. 

Coronado  probably  spent  the  winter  of  1538-39  in  New  Galicia, 
arranging  the  administration  and  other  affairs  of  his  government.  He 
entertained  Friar  Marcos,  when  the  latter  passed  through  liis  province 
in  the  spring  of  1539,  and  accompanied  the  friar  as  far  as  Culiacan,  the 
northernmost  of  the  Spanish  settlements.  Here  he  provided  the  friar 
with  Indians,  provisions,  and  other  things  necessary  for  the  journey  to 
the  Seven  Cities.  Later  in  the  spring,  the  governor  returned  to  Gua- 
dalajara, and  devoted  considerable  attention  to  the  improvement  and 
extension  of  this  city,  so  that  it  Avas  able  to  claim  and  obtain  from  the 
King  a  coat  of  arms  and  the  title  of  "city"  during  the  following  sum- 
mer.' He  was  again  here  on  January  9,  1540,  when  he  promulgated 
the  royal  order,  dated  December  20, 1538,  which  decreed  that  inasmuch 
as  it  was  reported  that  the  cities  in  the  Indies  were  not  built  with  suf- 
ficient permanency,  the  houses  being  of  wood  and  thatched  with  straw, 
so  that  fires  and  conflagrations  were  of  frequent  occurrence,  tiierefore 
no  settler  should  thereafter  build  a  house  of  any  material  except  stone, 
brick,  or  unbaked  brick,  and  the  houses  should  be  built  after  the  fash- 
ion of  those  in  Spain,  so  that  they  might  be  permanent,  and  an  adorn- 
ment to  the  cities.  Between  these  dates  it  is  very  likely  that  Coronado 
may  have  made  some  attempt  to  explore  the  mountainous  regions 
north  of  the  province,  as  Castaueda  says,  although  his  evidence  is  by 
no  means  conclusive. 

About  midsummer  of  1539,  Friar  Marcos  came  back  from  Cibola. 
Coronado  met  him  as  he  passed  through  New  Galicia,  and  together  they 
returned  to  Mexico  to  tell  the  viceroy  what  the  friar  had  seen  and 
heard.    Coronado  remained  at  the  capital  during  the  autumn  and  early 

'The  grant,  dated  at  Madrid,  NoTemberS,  1539,  is  given  in  Tello's  Fragmento  (Icazbalceta's  Doc. 
Hist.  Mexico,  vol.  ii,  p.  371). 


382  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  X540-1542  tETH.ANN.U 

winter,  taking  an  active  part  in  all  the  preparations  for  the  expedition 
"which  he  was  to  command.  After  the  final  review  in  Compostela,  he 
"was  placed  in  command  of  the  army,  with  the  title  of  captain-general. 

THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 

Monday,  February  23,  1540,  the  army  which  was  to  conquer  the 
Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  started  on  its  northward  march  from  Com- 
postela.^ For  80  leagues  the  march  was  along  the  "much-used  roads" 
which  followed  the  coast  up  to  Culiacan.^ 

Everyone  was  eager  to  reach  the  wonderful  regions  which  were  to 
be  their  destination,  but  it  was  impossible  to  make  rapid  progress. 
The  cattle  could  not  be  hurried,  while  the  baggage  animals  and  the  car- 
riers were  so  heavily  laden  with  equipments  and  provisions  that  it  was 
necessary  to  allow  them  to  take  their  own  time.  Several  days  were 
lost  at  the  Oentizpac  river,  across  which  the  cattle  had  to  be  trans- 

1  Before  the  end  of  the  montli  Mendoza  wrote  a  lett«r  to  the  King,  in  -which  he  gave  a  detailed 
account  of  the  preparations  he  had  made  to  insure  the  snccesa  of  the  expedition,  and  of  the  departure 
of  the  army.    This  letter  is  not  known  to  exist. 

^This  march  from  Compostela  to  Culiaoan,  according  to  the  letter  which  Coronado  wrote  from 
Granada-Zuni  on  August  3,  occupied  eighty  days.  The  same  letter  gives  April  22  as  the  date  when 
Coronado  left  Coliacan,  after  stopping  for  several  days  in  that  town,  and  this  date  is  corroborated  by 
another  account,  the  Traslado  de  las  Xuevas.  April  22  is  only  sixty  days  after  February  23,  the  date 
of  the  departure,  which  is  fixed  almost  beyond  question  by  the  legal  formaliUes  of  the  Testimonio  of 
February  21-26.  We  have  only  Kamusio's  Italian  text  of  Coronado's  August  3  letter,  so  that  it  is 
easy  to  suspect  that  a  slip  on  the  part  of  the  translator  causes  the  trouble.  Cut  to  complicate  mat- 
ters, eighty  days  previous  to  April  22  is  about  the  1st  of  February.  Mota  Padilla,  who  used  material 
of  great  value  in  his  Ilistoria  de  la  Nueva  Galicia,  says  that  the  army  marched  from  Compostela  "  el 
1°  de  Febrero  del  aiio  de  1540."  Castaneda  does  not  give  much  help,  merely  stating  that  the  whole 
force  was  assembled  at  ComxxMtela  by  "el  dia  de  cames  tollendas,"  the  carnival  preceding  Shrove 
tide,  which  in  1540  fell  on  February  10,  Faster  being  March  28.  Mendoza,  who  had  spent  the  New 
Tear's  season  at  Pasquaro,  the  seat  of  the  bishopric  of  Michoacan,  did  not  hasten  his  journey  across 
the  country,  and  we  know  only  that  the  whole  force  had  assembled  before  he  arrived  at  Compostela. 
At  least  a  fortnight  would  have  been  necessary  for  completing  the  organization  of  the  force,  and  for 
collecting  and  arranging  all  the  supplies. 

Another  combination  of  dates  makes  it  hard  to  decide  how  rapidly  the  army  marched.  Mendoza 
was  at  Compostela  February  26.  He  presumably  started  on  his  return  to  Mexico  very  soon  after  that 
date.  He  went  down  the  coast  to  Colima,  where  he  was  detained  by  an  attack  of  fever  for  some  days. 
Thence  he  proceeded  to  Jacona,  where  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  King,  April  17,  3540.  March  20  Men- 
doza received  the  report  of  MelchiorDiaz,  who  had  spent  the  precetling  winter  in  the  countrj'  through 
which  Friar  Marcos  had  traveled,  trying  to  verify  the  friar's  report.  Diaz,  and  Saldivar  his  lieuten- 
ant, on  their  return  from  the  north,  met  the  army  at  Chiametla  as  it  was  about  to  resume  its  march, 
after  a  few  days'  delay.  Diaz  stopped  at  Chiametla,  while  Saldivar  carried  the  report  to  the  viceroy, 
and  he  must  have  travele<l  very  rapidly  to  deliver  bis  packets  on  March  20,  when  Mendoza  had  left 
Colima,  although  he  probably  had.  not  arrived  at  Jacona. 

Everything  points  to  the  very  slow  progress  of  the  force,  hampered  by  the  long  baggage  and  pro- 
vision trains.  Castaneda  says  that  they  reached  Culiacan  just  before  Easter,  March  28.  less  than 
thirty -five  daysaft*r  February  23.  Here  Coronado  stopped  for  a  fortnight's  entertainment  and  rest, 
according  to  Castaneda,  who  was  present.  Mota  Padilla  Says  that  the  army  8taye<l  here  a  month,  and 
this  agrees  with  Castafieda's  statement  that  the  main  body  started  a  fortnight  later  than  their  general. 

The  attempt  to  arrange  an  itinerary  of  the  expedition  is  perplexing,  and  has  not  been  made  easier  by 
modem  students.  Professor  Haynes,  in  his  Early  Explorations  of  New  Mexico  (Winsor's  Narra- 
tive and  Critical  History,  vol.  ii,  p.  481),  following  Bandelier's  statement  on  page  26  of  his  Docu- 
mentary History  of  Zufii,  says  that  the  start  from  Compostela  was  made  "in  the  last  days  of  Febru- 
ary, 1540."  Mr  Bandolier,  however,  who  has  given  much  more  time  to  the  study  of  everything 
connected  with  this  expedition  than  has  been  possible  for  any  other  investigator,  in  his  latest  work — 
The  Gilded  Man,  p.  164 — adopts  the  date  which  is  given  by  Mota  Padilla.  The  best  and  the  safest 
way  out  of  this  tangle  in  chronology  is  gained  by  accepting  the  three  specific  dates,  Febrtiary  23 — 
or  possibly  24— Easter,  and  April  22,  disregarding  every  statement  about  the  number  of  days  inter- 
Tening. 


wmsHip]  DEATH    OF    SAMANIEOO  383 

ported  one  at  a  time.  At  Chiametla  theie  was  another  delay.  Here 
the  army  camped  in  the  remains  of  a  village  which  Kuuo  de  Guzman 
had  established.  The  settlers  had  been  driven  away  by  a  pestilence 
caught  from  the  Indians,  and  by  the  fierce  onslaught  of  the  natives 
who  came  down  upon  them  from  the  surrounding  mountains.  The  food 
supply  of  Coronado's  force  was  beginning  to  fail,  and  as  the  tribes  here- 
about were  still  in  rebellion,  it  became  necessary  to  send  a  force  into 
the  mountains  to  obtain  provisions.  The  army  master,  Samaniego,  who 
had  been  warden  of  one  of  the  royal  fortresses,'  commanded  the  forag- 
ing party.  The  men  found  themselves  buried  in  the  thick  underbrush 
as  soon  as  they  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  the  clearing.  One  of  the 
soldiers  inadvertently,  but  none  the  less  in  disregard  of  strict  orders, 
became  separated  from  the  main  party,  and  the  Indians,  who  were  no- 
where to  be  seen,  at  once  attacked  him.  In  reply  to  his  cries,  the  watch- 
ful commander  hastened  to  his  assistance.  The  Indians  who  had  tried 
to  seize  him  suddenly  disappeared.  When  everything  seemed  to  be 
safe,  Samaniego  raisedhis  visor,  and  as  he  did  so  an  arrow  from  among 
the  bushes  pierced  his  eye,  passing  through  the  skull.  The  death  of 
Samaniego  was  a  severe  loss  to  the  expedition.  Brave  and  skillful,  he 
was  beloved  by  all  who  were  with  him  or  under  him.  He  was  buried 
in  the  little  chapel  of  the  deserted  village.  The  army  postponed  its  de- 
parture long  eTiough  to  capture  several  natives  of  the  district,  whose 
bodies  were  left  hanging  on  the  trees  in  order  to  counteract  the  bad 
augury  which  followed  from  the  loss  of  the  first  life.^ 

A  much  more  serious  presage  was  the  arrival  at  Chiametla,  as  the 
army  was  preparing  to  leave,  of  Melchior  Diaz  and  Juan  de  Saldivar, 
or  Zaldivar,  returning  from  their  attempt  to  verify  the  stories  told  by 
Friar  Marcos.  Melchior  Diaz  went  to  New  Galicia  with  Nufio  de  Guz- 
man, and  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca  appeared  in  that  province,  in  May 
1536,  Diaz  was  in  command  of  the  outpost  of  Culiacan.  He  was  still 
at  Culiacan,  in  the  autumn  of  1539,  when  Mendoza  directed  him  to  take 
a  mounted  force  and  go  into  the  country  toward  the  north  "to  see  if 
the  account  which  Friar  Marcos  brought  back  agreed  with  what  he 
could  observe."  He  left  Culiacan  November  17,  with  fifteen  horsemen, 
and  traveled  as  far  north  as  the  wilderness  beyond  which  Cibola  was 
situated,  following  much  the  same  route  as  the  friar  had  taken,  and 
questioning  the  Indians  with  great  care.  Many  of  the  statements  made 
by  Friar  Marcos  were  verified,  and  some  new  facts  Avere  obtained,  but 
nowhere  could  he  find  any  foundation  for  the  tales  of  a  wealthy  and 
attractive  country,  except  in  the  descriptions  given  by  the  Indians. 
The  cold  weather  had  begun  to  trouble  his  men  seriously  before  he 
reached  the  limit  of  his  explorations.  He  pushed  on  as  far  as  Chichil- 
ticalli,  however,  but  here  the  snows  and  fierce  winds  from  across  the 

'Mota  Padilla  says,  "  warden  of  one  of  the  royal  storehouses  in  Mexico,"  whicli  may  refer  to  some 
other  position  lield  by  Samaniego,  or  may  have  arisen  from  some  confusion  of  names. 

*Thi8  is  taken  from  Mota  Padilla's  account  of  the  incident,  withoutany  attempt  to  compare  or  to  har. 
monize  it  with  the  story  told  by  Caatafleda.    Mota  Padilla's  Tersion  seems  much  the  more  reasonable. 


384  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.annU 

wilderness  forced  him  to  turn  back.  At  Cbiauietla  he  enconntered 
Ooronado's  force.  He  joined  tlie  army,  sending  his  lieutenant,  Saldivar, 
with  three  other  horsemen,  to  carry  his  report  to  the  viceroy.  This  was 
delivered  to  Mendoza  on  March  20,  and  is  embodied  in  the  letter  to  the 
King,  dated  April  17, 1540. 

Coronado  did  not  allow  Diaz  to  announce  the  results  of  his  reconnois- 
sance  to  the  soldiers,  but  the  rumor  quickly  spread  that  the  visions  in- 
spired by  Friar  Marcos  had  n6t  been  substantiated.  Fortunately,  the 
friar  was  himself  in  the  camp.  Although  he  was  now  the  father  pro- 
vincial of  the  Franciscan  order  in  New  Spain,  he  had  determined  to  ac- 
company the  expedition,  in  order  to  carry  the  gospel  to  the  savages 
whose  salvation  had  been  made  possible  by  his  heroic  journey  of  the 
preceding  spring.  The  niutterings  of  suspicion  and  discontent  among 
the  men  grew  rapidly  louder.  Friar  Marcos  felt  obliged  to  exhort  them 
in  a  special  sermon  to  keep  up  a  good  courage,  and  by  his  eloquence  he 
succeeded  in  persuading  them  that  all  their  labors  would  soon  be  well 
repaid. 

From  Chiametla  the  army  resumed  its  march,  procuring  provisions 
from  the  Indians  along  the  way.  Mendoza  stated,  in  1547,  that  he 
took  every  precaution  to  prevent  any  Injury  or  injustice  being  done  to 
the  Indians  at  the  time  of  Corouado's  departure,  and  that  he  stationed 
officials,  especially  appointed  for  this  purpose,  at  convenient  points  on 
the  road  to  Culiacan,  who  were  ordered  to  procure  the  necessary  pro- 
visions for  the  expedition.  There  are  no  means  of  telling  how  well  this 
plan  was  carried  into  execution. 

A  day  or  two  before  Easter,  March  28,  1540,  the  army  approached 
Culiacan.  The  journey  had  occupied  a  little  over  a  month,  but  when 
Coronado,  from  his  lodging  in  the  Cibola  village  of  Granada,  three 
mouths  later,  recalled  the  slow  and  tedious  marches,  the  continual 
waiting  for  the  lazy  cattle  and  the  heavily  loaded  baggage  trains,  and 
the  repeated  vexatious  delays,  we  can  hardly  wonder  that  it  seemed  to 
him  to  have  been  a  period  of  fourscore  days'  journey. 

The  town  of  San  Miguel  de  Culiacan,  in  the  spring  of  1540,  was  one 
of  the  most  prosperous  in  Xew  Spain.  Nuiio  de  Guzman  had  founded 
the  settlement  some  years  before,  and  had  placed  Melchior  Diaz  in 
charge  of  it.  The  appointment  was  a  most  admirable  one.  Diaz  was 
not  of  gentle  birth,  but  he  had  established  his  right  to  a  position  of 
considerable  power  and  responsibility  by  virtue  of  much  natural  ability. 
He  was  a  hard  worker  and  a  skillfulorganizer  and  leader.  He  inspired 
confidence  in  his  companions  and  followers,  and  always  maintained  the 
best  of  order  and  of  diligence  among  those  who  were  under  his  charge. 
Barely  does  one  meet  with  a  man  whose  record  for  every  position  and 
every  duty  assigned  to  him  shows  such  uniform  and  thorough  efficiency. 
The  settlement  increased  rapidly  in  size  and  in  wealth,  and  when  Coro- 
nado's  force  encamped  in  the  surrounding  fields,  the  citizens  of  the  town 
insisted  on  entertaining  in  their  own  homes  all  of  the  gentlemen  who 


JO 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


DOURADO'S  TERRA  ANTIPOt 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL   REPORT       PL. 


T    E    R  R  A- ANTIPODV 

R  E   G   i    S  ■  C  A  S  T  E  L  E 
I  N  V  ETA:  A  XP  0^ 
R  q  C  O  L  V  B  0:i  A 
\"    E  S    I 


((TEN()/rr)"| 

AANCCffVlTAs' 


QIS  CASTELE  INVETA 


11 


WINSBIP] 


THE  SPANIARDS  AT  CULIACAN  385 


were  with  the  expedition.  The  granaries  of  the  i)lace  were  filled  with 
the  surplus  from  the  bountiful  harvests  of  two  preceding  years,  which 
sufficed  to  feed  the  whole  army  for  three  or  four  weeks,  besides  pro- 
viding supplies  sufficient  for  more  than  two  months  when  the  expedi- 
tion resumed  its  march.  These  comfortable  quarters  and  the  abundant 
entertainment  detained  the  general  and  his  soldiers  for  some  weeks.' 
This  was  the  outpost  of  Spanish  civilization,  and  Coronado  made  sure 
that  his  arrangements  were  as  complete  as  possible,  both  for  the  army 
and  for  the  administration  of  New  Galicia  during  his  absence. 

The  soldiers,  and  especially  the  gentlemen  among  them,  had  started 
from  Compostela  with  an  abundant  supply  of  luxurious  furnishings 
and  extra  equipment.  Many  of  them  were  receiving  their  first  rough 
lessons  in  the  art  of  campaigning,  and  the  experiences  along  the  way 
before  reaching  Culiacan  had  already  changed  many  of  their  notions 
of  comfort  and  ease.  When  the  preparations  for  leaving  Culiacan 
began,  the  citizens  of  the  town  received  from  their  guests  much  of  the 
clothing  and  other  surjylus  baggage,  which  was  left  behind  in  order  that 
the  expedition  might  advance  more  rapidly,  or  that  the  animals  might 
be  loaded  with  jjrovisions.  Aside  from  what  was  given  to  the  people 
of  the  place,  much  of  the  heavier  camp  equipage,  with  some  of  the 
superfluous  property  of  the  soldiers,  was  put  on  board  a  ship,  the  San 
Gabriel,  which  was  waiting  in  the  harbor  of  Culiacan.  An  additional 
supply  of  corn  and  other  provisions  also  was  furnished  for  the  vessel  by 
the  generous  citizens. 

THE  EXPEDITION  BY  SEA  UNDER  ALARCON 

A  sea  expedition,  to  cooperate  with  the  land  force,  was  a  part  of 
Mendoza's  original  plan.  After  the  viceroy  left  Coronado,  and  proba- 
bly while  he  was  at  Colima,  on  his  way  down  the  coast  from  Com- 
postela, he  completed  the  arrangements  by  appointing  Hernando  de 
Alarcon,  his  chamberlain  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  to  command  a  fleet 
of  two  vessels.  Alarcon  was  instructed  to  sail  northward,  following 
the  coast  as  closely  as  possible.  He  was  to  keep  near  the  army,  and 
communicate  with  it  at  every  opportunity,  transporting  the  heavy 
baggage  and  holding  himself  ready  at  all  times  to  render  any  assist- 
ance which  Coronado  might  desire.  Alarcon  sailed  May  9,  1540,  prob- 
ably from  Acapulco.^ 

1 A  note,  almost  as  complicated  as  that  ■which  concerns  the  date  of  the  army's  departure,  might  he 
written  regarding  the  length  of  the  stay  at  Culiacan.  Those  who  are  curious  can  find  the  facts  in 
Coronado's  letter  from  Granada,  in  Castaueda,  and  in  the  footnotes  to  the  translation  of  the  latter, 

^The  complete  text  of  Alarcon's  report  was  translated  into  Italian  by  Ramusio  (vol.  iii,  fol.  363, 
ed.  1556),  and  the  Spanisli  original  is  not  known  to  exist.  Herrera,  however,  gives  an  account  which, 
from  the  close  similarity  to  Kamusio's  text  and  from  the  personality  of  the  style,  must  have  been 
copied  from  Alarcon's  own  narrative.  Tlie  Kamusio  text  does  not  give  the  port  of  departure.  Her- 
rera says  that  the  ships  sailed  from  Acapulco.  Castaiieda  implies  that  the  start  was  made  from  La 
Natividad,  but  his  information  could  hardly  have  been  better  than  second  hand.  He  may  have  known 
what  the  viceroy  intended  to  do,  when  ho  bade  the  army  i'arewell,  two  days  north  of  Compostela, 
Alarcon  reports  that  he  put  into  the  port  of  Santiago  de  Buena  Esperanza,  and  as  the  only  Santiago 
on  the  coast  hereabout  is  south  of  La  Natividad,  which  is  on  the  coast  of  the  district  of  Colim% 
14  ETH 25 


386  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ann.U 

This  port  had  been  the  seat  of  the  shipbuilding  operations  of  Cortes 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  Alarcon's  two  ships 
were  the  same  as  those  which  the  marquis  claimed  to  liaA'^e  equipped 
for  a  projected  expedition.  Alarcou  sailed  north  to  Santiago,  where  he 
was  obliged  to  stop,  in  order  to  refit  his  vessels  and  to  replace  some 
artillery  and  stores  which  had  been  thrown  overboard  from  his  com- 
panion ship  during  a  storm.  Thence  he  sailed  to  Aguaiauale,  as  Ra- 
musio  has  it,  the  port  of  San  Miguel  de  Culiacan.  The  army  had  already 
departed,  and  so  Alarcon,  after  replenishing  his  store  of  provisions, 
added  the  San  Gabriel  to  his  fleet  and  continued  his  voyage.  He  fol- 
lowed the  shore  closely  and  explored  many  harbors  "  which  the  ships  of 
the  marquis  had  failed  to  observe,"  as  he  notes,  but  he  .nowhere  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  any  news  of  the  army  of  Coronado. 

THE  JOURNEY  FROM  CULIACAN  TO  CIBOLA 

Melchior  Diaz  had  met  with  so  many  diflQculties  in  traveling  through 
the  country  which  the  army  was  about  to  enter,  on  its  march  toward  the 
Seven  Cities,  and  the  supply  of  food  to  be  found  there  was  everywhere  so 
small,  that  Coronado  decided  to  divide  his  force  for  this  portion  of  the 
journey.  He  selected  seventy-five  or  eighty  horsemen,  including  his 
personal  friends,  and  twenty-five  or  thirty  foot  soldiers.  With  these 
picked  men,  equipped  for  rapid  marching,  he  hastened  forward,  clear- 
ing the  way  for  the  main  body  of  the  army,  which  was  to  follow  more 
slowly,  starting  a  fortnight  after  his  own  departure.  With  the  foot- 
men in  the  advance  party  were  the  four  friars  of  the  expedition,  whose 
zealous  eagerness  to  reach  the  unconverted  natives  of  the  Seven  Cities 
was  so  great  that  they  were  willing  to  leave  the  main  portion  of  the  army 
without  a  spiritual  guide.  Eortiinately  for  these  followers,  a  broken  leg 
compelled  one  of  the  brethren  to  remain  behind.  Coronado  attempted 
to  take  some  sheep  with  him,  but  these  soon  proved  to  be  so  great  a 
hindrance  that  they  were  left  at  the  river  Yaquimi,  in  charge  of  four 
horsemen,  who  conducted  them  at  a  more  moderate  pace. 

Leaving  Culiacan  on  April  22,  Coronado  followed  the  coast,  "bearing 
off'  to  the  left,"  as  Mota  Padilla  says,  by  an  extremely  rough  way,  to 
the  river  Cinaloa.  The  configuration  of  the  country  made  it  necessary 
to  follow  up  the  valley  of  this  stream  until  he  could  find  a  passage 
across  the  mountains  to  the  course  of  the  Yaquimi.  He  traveled  along- 
side this  stream  for  some  distance,  and  then  crossed  to  Sonora  river.* 

H.  H.  Bancroft  (North  Mexican  States,  vol.  i,  p.  90)  says  the  fleet  probably  started  from  Acapulco. 
Bancroft  does  not  mention  Herrera,  who  is,  I  suppose,  the  conclusive  authority.  Gen.  J.  H.  Simpson 
(Smithsonian  Keport  for  1869,  p.  315),  accepted  the  start  from  La  Natividad,  and  then  identified  this 
Santiago  with  the  port  of  Conipostela,  which  was  well  known  under  the  name  of  Kalisco.  The  distance 
of  Acapulco  from  Colima  would  explain  the  considerable  lapse  of  time  before  Alarcon  was  ready  to  start. 
'Coronado's  description  of  this  portion  of  the  route  in  the  letter  of  August  3  is  abbreviated,  he 
says,  because  it  was  accompanied  by  a  map.  As  this  is  lost,  I  am  following  here,  as  I  shall  do  through- 
out the  Introduction,  Bandelier's  identification  of  the  route  in  his  Historical  Introduction,  p.  10,  and 
in  his  Final  Report,  part  ii,  pp.  407-409.  The  itinerary  of  Jaramillo,  confused  and  perplexing  as  it  is, 
is  the  chief  guide  for  the  earlier  part  of  the  route.  There  is  no  attempt  in  tliia  introductory  narra- 
tive to  repeat  the  details  of  the  journey,  when  these  may  be  obtained,  much  more  satisfactorily,  from 
the  translation  of  the  contemporary  narratives  which  form  the  main  portion  of  this  memoir. 


wiNSHip]  THE   ARRIVAL   AT   CHICHILTICALLI  387 

The  Sonora  was  followed  nearly  to  its  source  before  a  pass  was  discov- 
ered. On  the  northern  side  of  the  mountains  he  found  a  stream — the 
Eexpa,  he  calls  it — which  may  have  been  either  the  Santa  Cruz  or  the 
San  Pedro  of  modern  maps.  The  party  followed  down  this  river  valley 
until  they  reached  the  edge  of  the  wilderness,  where,  as  Friar  Marcos 
had  described  it  to  them,  they  found  Chichilticalli.' 

Here  the  party  camped  for  two  days,  which  was  as  long  as  the  general 
dared  to  delay,  in  order  to  rest  the  horses,  who  had  begun  to  give  out 
sometime  before  as  a  result  of  overloading,  rough  roads,  and  poor  feed. 
The  stock  of  provisions  brought  from  Culiacan  was  already  growing 
dangerously  small,  although  the  food  supply  had  been  eked  out  by  the 
large  cones  or  nuts  of  the  pines  of  this  country,  which  the  soldiers  found 
to  be  very  good  eating.  The  Indians  who  came  to  see  him,  told  Coro- 
nado  that  the  sea  was  ten  days  distant,  and  he  expresses  surprise,  which 
Mr  Bandelier  has  reechoed,  that  Friar  Marcos  could  have  gone  within 
sight  of  the  sea  from  this  part  of  the  country. 

Coronado  entered  the  wilderness,  the  White  Mountain  Apache  coun- 
try of  Arizona,  on  Saint  John's  eve,  and  in  the  quaint  language  of 
Hakluyt's  translation  of  the  general's  letter,  "to  refresh  our  former 
trauailes,  the  first  dayes  we  founde  no  grasse,  but  worser  way  of  moun- 
taines  and  badde  passages."^  Coronado,  following  very  nearly  the  line 
of  the  present  road  from  Fort  Apache  to  Gila  river,  proceeded  until  he 
came  within  sight  of  the  first  of  the  Seven  Cities.  The  first  few  days  of 
the  march  were  very  trying.  The  discouragement  of  the  men  increased 
with  the  difficulties  of  the  way.  The  horses  were  tired,  and  the  slow 
progress  became  slower,  as  horses  and  Indian  carriers  fell  down  and 
died.  The  corn  was  almost  gone,  and  as  a  result  of  eating  the  fruits 
and  herbs  which  they  found  along  the  way,  a  Spaniard  and  some  of  the 
servants  were  poisoned  so  badly  that  they  died.  The  skull  and  horns 
of  a  great  mountain  goat,  which  were  lying  on  the  ground,  filled  the 
Europeans  with  wonder,  but  this  was  hardly  a  sign  to  inspire  them 
with  hopes  of  abundant  food  and  gold.  There  were  30  leagues  of  this 
travailing  before  the  party  reached  the  borders  of  the  inhabited  country, 
where  they  found  "fresh  grass  and  many  nutte  and  mulberrie  trees." 

The  day  following  that  on  which  they  left  the  wilderness,  the  advance 
guard  was  met,  in  a  peaceable  manner,  by  four  Indians.  The  Spaniards 
treated  them  most  kindly,  gave  them  beads  and  clothing,  and  "  willed 

'This  "Red  House,"  in  the  Nahuatl  tongue,  has  been  identified  with  the  Ca»a  Grande  ruins  in 
Arizona  ever  since  the  revival  of  interest  in  Coronado's  jonmey,  which  followed  the  explorations  in 
the  southwestern  portion  of  the  United  States  during  the  second  quarter  of  the  present  century. 
Bandolier's  study  of  the  descriptions  given  by  those  who  saw  the  "Red  House"  in  1539 and  1540.  how- 
ever, shows  conclusively  that  the  conditions  at  Casa  Grande  do  not  meet  the  requirements  for  Chichil- 
ticalli.  Bandelier  objects  to  Casa  Grande  because  it  is  white,  although  he  admits  that  it  may  once  have 
been  covered  with  the  reddish  paint  of  the  Indians.  This  would  suit  Mota  Padilla's  explanation  that 
the  place  was  named  from  a  house  there  which  was  daubed  over  witli  colored  earth— almagre,  as  the 
natives  called  it.  This  is  the  Indian  term  for  red  ocher.  Bandelier  thinks  that  Coronado  reached  the 
edge  of  the  wilderness,  the  White  Mountain  Apache  reservation  in  Arizona,  by  way  of  San  Pedro 
river  and  Arivaypa  creek.  This  retiuires  the  location  of  Chiohiltioalli  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
present  "Fort  Grant,  Arizona. 

'Hakluyt,  Voyages,  vol.  iii,  p.  375,  ed.  1600. 


388  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [bth.ask.m 

them  to  return  uuto  their  city  and  bid  them  stay  quiet  in  their  houses 
fearing  nothing."  The  general  assured  them  that  they  need  have  no 
anxiety,  because  the  newcomers  had  been  sent  by  His  Spanish  Majesty, 
"to  defend  and  ayde  them." 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  SEVEN   CITIES 

The  provisions  brought  from  Culiacan  or  collected  along  the  way  were 
now  exhausted,  and  as  a  sudden  attack  by  the  Indians,  during  the  last 
night  before  their  arrival  at  the  cities,  had  assured  the  Spaniards  of  a 
hostile  reception,  it  was  necessaiy  to  proceed  rapidly.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  first  city  had  assembled  in  a  great  crowd,  at  some  distance  in 
front  of  the  place,  awaiting  the  approach  of  the  strangers.  While  the 
army  advanced,  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
Samaniego's  position  as  field-master,  and  Hernando  Vermizzo,  appar- 
ently one  of  the  "  good  fellows"  whose  name  Castaiieda  forgot,  rode  for- 
ward and  summoned  the  Indians  to  surrender,  in  approved  Castilian 
fashion,  as  His  Majesty  commanded  always  to  be  done.  The  natives  had 
drawn  some  lines  on  the  ground,  doubtless  similar  to  those  whicli  they  still 
mark  with  sacred  meal  in  their  ceremonial  dramatizations,  and  across 
these  they  refused  to  let  the  Spaniards  pass,  answering  the  summons 
with  a  shower  of  arrows.  The  soldiers  begged  for  the  command  to 
attack,  but  Coronado  restrained  them  as  long  as  he  could.  When  the 
influence  of  the  friars  was  added  to  the  pleas  of  the  men — perhaps  with- 
out waiting  for  the  command  or  permission — the  whole  company  uttered 
the  Santiago,  the  sacred  war  cry  of  Saint  James,  against  the  infidels, 
and  rushed  upon  the  crowd  of  Indians,  who  turned  and  fled.  Coronado 
quickly  recalled  his  men  from  the  pursuit,  and  ordered  them  to  prepare 
for  an  assault  on  the  city.  The  force  was  divided  into  attacking  par- 
ties, which  immediately  advanced  against  the  walls  from  all  sides. 
The  crossbowmen  and  harquebusiers,  who  were  expected  to  drive  the 
enemy  back  from  the  tops  of  the  walls,  were  unable  to  accomplish  any- 
thing, on  account  of  their  physical  weakness  and  of  accidents  to  their 
weapons.  The  natives  showered  arrows  against  the  advancing  foes, 
and  as  the  Spaniards  approached  tlie  walls,  stones  of  all  sizes  were 
thrown  upon  them  with  skillful  aim  and  practiced  strength.  The  gen- 
eral, in  his  glittering  armor,  was  the  especial  target  of  the  defenders, 
and  twice  he  was  knocked  to  the  ground  by  heavy  rocks.  His  good 
headpiece  and  the  devotion  of  his  companions  saved  him  from  serious 
injury,  although  his  bruises  conttned  him  to  the  camp  for  several  days. 
The  courage  and  military  skill  of  the  white  men,  weak  and  tired  as  they 
were,  proved  too  much  for  the  Indians,  who  deserted  their  homes  after 
a  fierce,  but  not  protracted,  resistance.  Most  of  the  Spaniards  had  re- 
ceived many  hard  knocks,  and  Aganiez  Suarez — possibly  another  of  the 
gentlemen  forgotten  by  Castaueda — was  severely  wounded  by  arrows, 
as  were  also  three  foot  soldiers. 

The  Indians  had  been  driven  from  the  main  portion  of  the  town,  and 
with  this  success  the  Spaniards  were  satisfied.    Food — "that  which  we 


11 


BUREAU   OF   ETHNOLOGY 


WESTERN  HEMISi 
Aftt 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT   PL.  XlIX 


WIN8H1P]  THE   CAPTURE   OF   HAWIKUH  389 

needed  a  great  deal  more  than  gold  or  silver,"  writes  one  member  of 
tbe  victorious  force — was  found  in  the  rooms  already  secured.  The 
Spaniards  fortified  themselves,  stationed  guards,  and  rested.  During 
the  night,  the  Indians,  who  had  retired  to  the  wings  of  the  main  build- 
ing after  the  conflict,  packed  up  what  goods  they  could,  and  left  the 
Spaniards  in  undisputed  possession  of  the  whole  place. 

The  mystery  of  the  Seven  Cities  was  revealed  at  last.  The  Spanish 
conquerors  had  reached  their  goal.  July  7, 1540,  white  men  for  the  first 
time  entered  one  of  the  communal  villages  of  stone  and  mud,  inhabited 
by  the  Zuni  Indians  of  New  Mexico.'  Granada  was  the  name  which  the 
S])auiards  gave  to  tlie  first  village — the  Indian  Hawikuh — in  honor  of 
the  viceroy  to  whose  birthplace  they  say  it  bore  a  fancied  resemblance. 
Here  they  found,  besides  plenty  of  corn,  beans  and  fowls,  better  than 
those  of  New  Spain,  and  salt,  "the  best  and  whitest  I  have  seen  in  all 
my  life,"  writes  one  of  those  who  had  helped  to  win  the  town.  But 
even  the  abundance  of  food  could  not  wholly  satisfy  the  men  whose 
toilsome  march  of  more  than  four  months  had  been  lightened  by  dreams 
of  a  golden  haven.  Friar  Marcos  was  there  to  see  the  realization  of 
the  visions  which  the  zealous  sermons  of  his  brethren  and  the  prolific 
ardor  of  rumor  and  of  common  talk  had  raised  from  his  truthful  report. 
One  does  not  wonder  that  he  eagerly  accepted  the  earliest  opportunity 
of  returning  to  New  Spain,  to  escape  from  the  not  merely  muttered 
complaints  and  upbraidings,  in  expressing  which  the  general  was  chief.'' 

THE  EXPLORATION  OF  THE  COUNTRY 
THE   SPANIARDS   AT   ZUNI 

Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Hawikuh-Granada  returned  to  the  village, 
bringing  gifts,  while  Goronado  was  recovering  from  his  wounds.  The 
general  faithfully  exhorted  them  to  become  Christians  and  to  submit 
themselves  to  the  sovereign  over-lordshij)  of  His  Majesty  the  Spanish 


'  Hawikuh,  near  Qjo  Calieute,  was  the  first  Tillage  captured  by  the  Sj)aniards,  as  Bandelier  has 
shown  in  his  Contributions,  p.  166,  and  Documentary  History  of  Zuni,  p.  29.  The  definite  location  of 
this  village  is  an  important  j)oint,  and  the  problem  of  its  site  was  one  over  which  a  great  deal  of  argu- 
ment had  been  wasted  before  Sir  Bandelier  published  the  results  of  his  critical  study  of  the  sources, 
which  he  was  enabled  to  interpret  by  the  aid  of  a  careful  exploration  of  the  southwestern  country, 
undertaken  under  tlie  auspices  of  the  Archieological  Institute  of  America.  It  was  under  the  impetus 
of  the  friendly  guidance  and  careful  scrutiny  of  results  by  Professor  Henry  "W.  Haynes  and  the  other 
members  of  the  Institute  that  Mr  Bandelier  has  done  his  best  work.  It  is  unfortunate  that  lie  did  not 
use  the  letter  which  Coronailo  wrote  from  Granada-Hawikuh,  Augusts,  1540,  which  is  the  only  official 
account  of  the  march  from  Culiacan  to  Zufii.  Tlie  fact  that  liaiidelier's  results  stand  the  tests  sup- 
plied by  this  letter  is  the  beat  jiroof  of  the  exactness  and  accuracy  of  his  work.  (This  note  was 
written  before  the  appearanceof  Mr  Bandelier's  Glided  Man,  in  which  he  states  tliat  Kiakima.  instead 
of  Hawikuh,  is  the  Granada  of  Curonado.  Mr  F.  W.  Hodge,  in  an  exhaustive  paper  on  Tlie  First 
Discovered  City  of  Cibola  (American  Aut.hroi)ologist,  AVashington,  April,  1895),  has  proved  conclu- 
sively  that  Mr  Bandolier's  earlier  i>osUion  was  the  correct  one.) 

'  Marcos  returned  to  Mexico  with  Juan  de  Gallego,  who  left  Cibola-Zufii  soon  after  August  3. 
Bilndelier,  in  his  article  on  the  friars,  in  the  American  Catholic  Quarterly  Keview,  vol.  xv,  p.  551, 
says  that  "the  obvious  rea.son''  for  Marcos's  return  ''was  the  feeble  health  of  the  friar.  Hardship  and 
physical  suffering  had  nearly  paralyzed  the  liody  of  the  already  aged  man.  He  never  recovered  his 
vigor,  and  died  at  Mexico,  after  liaving  in  vain  sought  relief  in  the  delightful  climate  of  Jalapa,  in 
the  year  1558  " — seventeen  years  later. 


390  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ETH.Aira.M 

King.  The  interview  failed  to  reassure  the  natives,  for  they  packed 
all  their  provisions  and  property  on  the  following  day,  and  with  their 
wives  and  children  abandoned  the  villages  in  the  valley  and  withdrew 
to  their  stronghold,  the  secure  fastness  on  top  of  Taaiyalone  or  Thunder 
mountain. 

A  s  soon  as  he  was  able,  Ooronado  visited  the  other  villages  of  Cibola- 
Zuni,  observing  the  country  carefully.  He  reassured  the  few  Indians 
whom  he  found  still  living  in  the  valley,  and  after  some  hesitation  on 
their  part  succeeded  in  persuading  the  chiefs  to  come  down  from  the 
mesa  and  talk  with  him.  He  urged  them  to  return  to  their  homes 
below,  but  without  success.  He  was  more  fortunate  in  obtaining  infor- 
mation regarding  the  surrounding  country,  which  was  of  much  use  to 
him  in  directing  further  exploration.  Then  as  now  the  rule  held  good 
that  the  Indians  are  much  more  likely  to  tell  the  truth  when  giving 
information  about  their  neighbors  than  about  themselves. 

THE  DISCOVERY   OF   TTJSAYAN   AND   THE   GRAND   CANYON 

A  group  of  seven  villages,  similar  to  those  at  Cibola,  was  reported 
to  be  situated  toward  the  west,  "the  chief  of  the  towns  whereof  they 
have  knowledge."  Tucano  was  the  name  given  to  these,  according  to 
Eamusio's  version  of  Coronado's  letter,  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  in 
this  name  that  of  Tusayan,  the  Hopi  or  Moki  settlements  in  north- 
eastern Arizona. 

As  soon  as  everything  was  quiet  in  the  Cibola  country,  about  the 
middle  of  July,  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  was  ordered  to  take  a  few  horse- 
men and  his  company  of  footmen  and  visit  this  district.  Don  Pedro 
spent  several  days  in  the  Tusayan  villages,  and  after  he  had  convinced 
the  people  of  his  peaceable  designs,  questioned  them  regarding  the 
country  farther  west.  Returning  to  the  camp  at  Cibola  within  the 
thirty  days  to  which  his  commission  was  limited,  Tovar  reported  that 
the  country  contained  nothing  to  attract  the  Spaniards.  The  houses, 
however,  were  better  than  those  at  Cibola.  But  he  had  heard  stories  of 
a  mighty  river  and  of  giant  peoples  living  toward  the  west,  and  so  Don 
Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  was  instructed  to  go  and  verify  these  reports. 
Cardenas  started,  perhaps  on  August  25.  He  had  authority  for  eighty 
days,  and  within  this  term  he  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Grand  canyon 
of  Colorado  river,  which  baffled  his  most  agile  compjinions  in  their 
eflforts  to  descend  to  the  water  or  to  discover  some  means  of  crossing 
to  the  opposite  side.  He  returned  with  only  the  story  of  this  hopeless 
barrier  to  exploration  westward. 

THE  RIO  GRANDE  AND  THE  GREAT  PLAINS 

The  first  expedition  toward  the  east  was  sent  out  August  29  in  charge 
of  Don  Hernando  de  Alvarado.  Passing  the  rock  of  Acuco  or  Acoma — 
always  a  source  of  admiration — Alvarado  reached  the  village  and  river 
of  Tiguex — the  Itio  Grande — on  September  7.    Some  time  was  spent  iu 


wiNSHip]  CORONADO    AT    TIGUEX  391 

visiting  the  villages  situated  along  the  stream.  The  headquarters  of 
the  party  were  at  Tiguex,  at  or  uear  the  site  of  the  present  town  of 
Bernalillo,  and  here  a  list  was  drawn  up  and  sent  to  the  general  giving 
the  names  of  eighty  villages  of  which  he  had  learned  from  the  natives 
of  this  place.  At  the  same  time  Alvarado  reported  that  these  villages 
were  the  best  that  had  yet  been  found,  and  advised  that  the  winter 
quarters  for  the  whole  force  should  be  established  in  this  district.  He 
then  proceeded  to  Cicuye  or  Pecos,  the  most  eastern  of  the  walled 
villages,  and  from  there  crossed  the  mountains  to  the  bufialo  plains. 
Finding  a  stream  which  flowed  toward  the  southeast — the  Canadian 
river,  perhaps — he  followed  its  course  for  a  hundred  leagues  or  more. 
Many  of  the  "humpbacli  oxen"  were  seen,  of  which  some  of  the  men 
may  have  remembered  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  description. 

Ou  his  return,  Alvarado  found  the  army-master,  Garcia  Lopez  de 
Cardenas,  at  Tiguex,  arranging  winter  quarters  suflBcient  to  accommo- 
date the  whole  force  in  this  region. '  Coronado,  who  had  made  a  trip 
to  examine  the  villages  farther  south,  along  the  Rio  Grande,  soon  joined 
his  lieutenants,  leaving  only  a  small  force  at  Cibola  to  maintain  the  post. 
The  whole  of  the  advance  party  was  now  in  Tiguex,  and  orders  had 
been  left  at  Cibola  for  the  main  body  to  proceed  to  the  eastern  settle- 
ments so  soon  as  they  should  arrive  from  Culiacan  and  Corazones. 

THE  MARCH  OF  THE  ARMY  FROM  CULIACAN  TO  TIGUEX 

The  main  portion  of  the  army  remained  at  Culiacan,  under  the 
command  of  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano,  when  the  general  started  for 
Cibola  with  his  small  party  of  companions.  The  soldiers  completed 
the  work  of  loading  the  San  Gabriel  with  their  surplus  equijiment 
and  with  provisions,  and  busied  themselves  about  the  town  for  a 
fortnight  after  the  departure  of  their  general.  Some  time  between  the 
first  atid  middle  of  May,  the  army  started  to  follow  the  route  of  the 
advance  party.  The  whole  force  marched  ou  foot,  carrying  their  lances 
and  other  weapons,  in  order  that  the  horses  and  other  beasts,  number- 
ing more  than  six  hundred,  might  all  be  loaded  with  provisions.  It  had 
taken  Coronado  and  his  party  of  horsemen,  eager  to  push  on  toward 
their  destination,  more  than  a  month  to  make  the  journey  to  Corazones 
or  Hearts  valley.  We  can  only  guess  how  much  longer  it  took  the 
slowly  marching  army  to  cover  this  first  half  of  the  distance  to  Cibola. 
The  orders  which  tlie  general  had  left  with  Arellano  were  that  he  should 

'Alvarado'sofficialreportisprobably  the  paper  known  aR  the  Relaciondelo  que.  .  .  .  Alvaradoy 
Fray  Joan  de  Padilla  deacubrieron  en  demanda  de  la  mar  del  Sur,  wbich  is  translated  herein.  The  title, 
evidently  the  work  of  some  later  editor,  is  a  misnomer  so  lar  as  the  Mar  del  Sur  is  concerned,  for  this — 
thePacificocean— was  west,  and  Alvarado'sosplorations  were  toward  the  east.  This  short  report  is  of 
considerable  value,  but  it  is  known  only  through  a  copy,  lacking  the  list  of  villages  which  should 
have  accompanied  it.  Mufioz  judged  that  it  was  a  contemporary  oflicial  copy,  which  did  not  commend 
itaelf  to  that  great" collector  and  student  of  Spanish  Americana.  There  is  nothing  about  the  docu- 
ment to  show  the  century  or  the  region  to  which  it  relates,  so  that  one  of  Hubert  H.  Bancroft's  scribes 
was  misted  into  making  a  sliort  abstract  of  it  for  his  Central  America,  vol.  ii,  p.  185,  as  giving  an 
account  of  an  otherwise  unknown  expedition  starting  from  another  Granada,  on  the  northern  shore  of 
Lake  Nicaragua, 


392  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ann.14 

take  the  army  to  this  valley,  where  a  good  store  of  provisions  had  beeu 
found  by  Melchior  Diaz,  and  there  wait  for  further  instructions.  Ooro- 
nado  promised  to  send  for  his  soldiers  as  soon  as  he  was  sure  that  there 
was  a  country  of  the  Seven  Cities  for  them  to  conquer  and  settle. 

In  the  valley  of  Corazoues,  which  had  been  given  its  name  by  Oabeza 
de  Vaca  because  the  natives  at  this  place  offered  him  the  hearts  of 
animals  for  food,  Arellano  kept  the  soldiers  busy  by  building  a  town 
on  Suya  river,  naming  it  San  Hieronimo  de  los  Corazones — Saiut 
Jerome  of  the  Hearts.  A  small  force  was  sent  down  the  river  to  the 
seacoast,  under  the  command  of  Don  Rodrigo  Maldonado,  in  the  hope 
of  communicating  with  the  ships  of  Alarcon.  Maldonado  found  neither 
signsnor  news  of  the  fleet,  but  he  discovered  a  tribe  of  Indian  "giants," 
one  of  whom  accompanied  the  party  back  to  the  camp,  where  the  soldiers 
were  filled  with  amazement  at  his  size  and  strength. 

Thus  the  time  passed  until  early  in  September,  when  Melchior  Diaz 
and  Juan  Gallego  brought  the  expected  orders  from  the  general.  Gal- 
lego,  who  carried  the  letter  which  Coronado  had  written  from  Granada- 
Hawikuh  on  August  3,  with  the  map  and  the  exhibits  of  the  country 
which  it  mentions,  continued  on  to  Mexico.  He  was  accompanied  by 
Friar  Marcos.  Diaz  had  been  directed  to  stay  in  the  new  town  of  San 
Hieronimo,  to  maintain  this  post  and  to  open  communication  with  the 
seacoast.  He  selected  seventy  or  eighty  men — those  least  fitted  for  the 
hardships  and  struggles  of  exploration  and  conquest — who  remained  to 
settle  the  new  town  and  to  make  an  expedition  toward  the  coast.  The 
remainder  of  the  army  prepared  to  rejoin  their  general  at  Cibola,  and 
by  the  middle  of  September  the  start  was  made. 

After  a  long,  rough  march,  in  which  little  occurred  to  break  the  daily 
monotony,  the  soldiers  reached  the  pueblo  settlements.  The  bad 
weather  had  already  begun,  but  the  men  were  eager  to  continue  their 
journey  in  spite  of  the  snow  and  the  fierce,  cold  winds.  After  a  short 
rest,  the  force  proceeded  to  Tiguex,  where  comfortable  quarters  were 
awaiting  them,  and  in  these  they  quickly  settled  for  the  winter. 

THE  WINTER  OF  1540-1541  ALONG  THE  RIO  GRANDE 
THE   INDIAN   REVOLT 

The  first  winter  spent  by  white  men  in  the  pueblos  of  New  Mexico 
was  a  severe  one.  Fortunately  for  the  strangers,  however,  they  were 
comfortably  domiciled  in  the  best  houses  of  the  country,  in  which  the 
owners  had  left  a  plentiful  supply  of  food,  and  this  was  supplemented 
by  the  livestock  brought  from  New  Spain. 

During  the  late  autumn  the  Indians  assumed  a  hostile  attitude 
toward  their  visitors,  and  were  reduced  to  peaceful  inactivity  only  after 
a  protracted  struggle,  which  greatly  aggravated  the  conquerors  The 
Spanish  story  of  this  revolt  is  clear — that  the  Indians  suddenly  sur- 
prised the  Europeans  by  attacking  the  horses  and  mules  of  the  army, 
killing  or  driving  off  a  number  of  them,  after  which  the  natives  col- 


wiNSHip]  SPANISH   ATROCITIES   AT   TIGUEX  393 

lected  tlieir  figbting  force  into  two  of  the  strongest  villages,  from  one  of 
which  they  were  able  to  defy  the  soldiers  until  thirst  compelled  them 
to  abandon  the  stronghold.  The  defenders  attempted  to  escape  by 
stealth,  but  the  sentries  of  the  besieging  force  discovered  them  and 
aroused  the  camp.  Many  of  the  Indians  were  killed  by  the  soldiers  dur- 
ing the  flight  which  followed,  while  others  perished  in  the  icy  waters  of 
the  Eio  Grande.  During  an  attack  on  the  second  village,  a  few  of  the 
Spaniards  who  had  succeeded  in  making  their  way  to  the  highest  por- 
tion of  the  buildings,  escaped  from  their  perilous  position  by  inducing 
the  native  warriors  to  surrender.  The  Indians  received  an  ample 
promise  of  protection  and  safety,  but  the  captain  of  the  attacking 
party  was  not  informed  of  this,  and  in  obedience  to  the  general's 
orders  that  no  prisoners  should  be  taken,  he  directed  that  the  captives 
should  be  burned  as  a  warning  to  the  neighboring  tribes.  This  affair 
is  a  terrible  blot  on  the  record  of  the  expedition  and  of  those  who  com- 
posed it.  In  condemning  it  most  severely,  however,  English  readers 
should  remember  that  they  are  only  repeating  the  condemnations  which 
were  uttered  by  most  of  the  men  of  rank  who  witnessed  it,  which  were 
repeated  in  New  Spain  and  in  old  Spain,  and  which  greeted  the  com- 
mander when  he  led  his  expedition  back  to  Mexico,  to  receive  the  cold 
welcome  of  the  viceroy. 

The  Spaniards  have  told  us  only  one  side  of  the  story  of  what  was 
happening  along  the  Rio  Grande  in  the  fall  of  1540.  The  other  side 
will  probably  never  be  heard,  for  it  disappeared  with  the  traditions  of 
the  Indian  villagers.  Without  pretending  to  supply  the  loss,  it  is  at 
least  i)ossible  to  suggest  that  the  preparations  by  which  the  army- 
master  procured  the  excellent  accommodations  for  the  force  must  have 
aj^peared  very  differently  to  the  people  in  whose  homes  Cardenas 
housed  the  soldiers,  and  to  those  who  passed  the  winter  in  these  snug 
quarters.  Castaneda  preserved  one  or  two  interesting  details  which 
are  as  significant  as  is  the  striking  fact  that  the  peaceful  natives  who 
entertained  Alvarado  most  freely  in  September  were  the  leaders  of  the 
rebellion  three  months  later. 

As  soon  as  Coronado's  men  had  completed  the  reduction  of  the 
refractory  natives,  and  the  whole  country  had  been  overawed  by  the 
terrible  punishment,  the  general  undertook  to  reestablish  peaceful  rela- 
tions and  confident  intercourse  between  his  camp  and  the  surrounding 
villages.  The  Indians  seem  to  have  been  ready  to  meet  him  almost 
half-way,  although  it  is  hardly  surprising  to  find  traces  of  an  under- 
lying suspicion,  and  a  readiness  for  treacherous  retaliation. 

THE   STOEIES   ABOUT   QUIVIRA 

While  this  reconciliation  was  being  effected,  Coronado  heard  from 
one  of  the  plains  Indians,'  held  as  a  slave  in  the  village  of  Gicuye 

■  Castaneda  says  that  this  Indiau  accompanied  Alvarado  on  the  lirst  visit  to  the  bufTalo  plains, 
and  this  may  be  true  without  disturbing  the  statement  above. 


394  THE    COEONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.  U 

or  Pecos,  the  stories  about  Quivira,  which  were  to  add  so  much  to  the 
geographic  extent  of  the  expedition.  When  the  Spaniards  were  about 
to  kill  this  Indian— "The  Turk,"  they  called  him'— he  told  them  that 
his  masters,  the  people  of  Cicuye,  had  induced  him  to  lead  the  stran- 
gers away  to  the  pathless  plains,  where  water  was  scarce  and  corn 
was  unknown,  to  perish  there,  or,  if  ever  they  should  succeed  in  find- 
ing the  way  back  to  the  village  settlements,  tired  and  weak,  to  fall  an 
easy  prey  to  their  enemies. 

This  plan  was  shrewdly  conceived,  and  it  very  nearly  succeeded. 
There  is  little  reason  why  we  should  doubt  the  truth  of  the  confession, 
made  when  the  Indian  could  scarcely  have  hoped  to  save  his  life,  and 
it  affords  an  easy  explanation  of  the  way  in  which  the  exaggerated 
stories  of  Quivira  originated  and  expanded.  The  Turk  may  have 
accompanied  Alvarado  on  the  first  visit  to  the  great  plains,  and  he 
doubtless  told  the  white  men  about  his  distant  home  and  the  roving 
life  on  the  prairies.  It  was  later,  when  the  Spaniards  began  to  ques- 
tion him  about  nations  and  rulers,  gold  and  treasures,  that  he  received, 
perhaps  from  the  Spaniards  themselves,  the  hints  which  led  him  to  tell 
them  what  they  were  rejoiced  to  hear,  and  to  develop  the  fanciful  pic- 
tures which  appealed  so  forcibly  to  all  the  desires  of  his  hearers.  The 
Turk,  we  can  not  doubt,  told  the  Spaniards  many  things  which  were  not 
true.  But  in  trying  to  trace  these  early  dealings  of  Europeans  with  the 
American  aborigines,  we  must  never  forget  how  much  may  be  explained 
by  the  possibilities  of  misinterpretation  on  the  part  of  the  white  men, 
who  so  often  heard  of  what  they  wished  to  find,  and  who  learned,  very 
gradually  and  in  the  end  imperfectly,  to  understand  only  a  few  of  the 
native  languages  and  dialects.  And  besides  this,  the  record  of  their 
observations,  on  which  the  students  of  today  have  to  depend,  was 
made  in  a  language  which  knew  nothing  of  the  things  which  it  was 
trying  to  describe.  Much  of  what  the  Turk  said  was  very  likely  true 
the  first  time  he  said  it,  although  the  memories  of  home  were  height- 
ened, no  doubt,  by  absence  and  distance.  Moreover,  Oastaneda,  who 
is  the  chief  source  for  the  stories  of  gold  and  lordly  kings  which  are 
said  to  have  been  told  by  the  Turk,  in  all  probability  did  not  know 
anything  more  than  the  reports  of  what  the  Turk  was  telling  to  the 
superior  officers,  which  were  passed  about  among  the  common  foot  sol- 
diers.^ The  present  narrative  has  already  shown  tlie  wonderful  power 
of  gossip,  and  when  it  is  gossip  recorded  twenty  years  afterward,  we 
may  propeily  be  cautious  in  believing  it. 

Coronado  wrote  to  the  King  from  Tiguex,  on  April  20,  1541,  as  he 
says  in  his  next  letter,  that  of  October  20.  The  April  letter,  written 
just  before  the  start  for  Quivira,  must  have  contained  a  full  and  official 
account  of  all  that  had  been  learned  in  regard  to  the  country  toward 


iHe  was  called  "The  Turk*'  beoaaso  the  Spaniards  thought  tha^  he  looked  like  one.  Bandelier,  in 
American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xv,  p.  55.'i,  thinkn  this  waa  due  to  the  manner  in  which  he 
wore  his  hair,  characteristic  of  certain  branche.s  of  the  l*awnee. 

*Thi8  probability  in  greatly  strengthened  by  Mota  Padilla's  stAteraent  in  relation  to  the  Turk  and 
Quivira,  quoted  in  connection  with  Castalieda's  narrative. 


wiNSHip]  AFFAIRS   AT    SAN   HIERONIMO  395 

the  east,  as  well  as  more  reliable  details  than  we  now  possess,  of  what 
had  happened  during  the  preceding  fall  and  winter.  But  this  April 
letter,  which  was  an  acknowledgment  and  answer  to  one  from  Charles 
V,  dated  in  Madrid,  June  11,  1540,  has  not  been  found  by  modern, 
students.  When  the  reply  was  dispatched,  the  messenger — probably 
Juan  Gallego,  who  had  perhaps  brought  the  Emperor's  letter  from 
Mexico — was  accomi^anied  by  Pedro  de  Tovar,  who  was  going  back 
to  Corazones  valley  for  reinforcements.  Many  mishaps  had  befallen 
the  town  of  San  Hieroiiimo  during  the  year,  and  when  the  messengers 
arrived  there  they  found  it  half  deserted.  Leaving  Don  Pedro  here, 
Gallego  hastened  to  Mexico,  where  he  raised  a  small  body  of  recruits. 
He  was  leading  these  men,  whose  number  had  been  increased  by  some 
stragglers  and  deserters  from  the  original  force  whom  he  picked  np  at 
Culiacan,  toward  Cibola  and  Quivira,  when  he  met  the  expedition 
returning  to  New  Spain.  It  was  during  this,  probably  his  fifth  trip 
over  the  road  from  Mexico  to  our  New  Mexico,  that  he  performed  the 
deeds  of  valor  which  Castaneda  so  enthusiastically  recounts  at  the 
very  end  of  his  book. 

THE  JOURNEY  ACROSS  THE  BUFFALO  PLAINS 

April  23, 1541,  Coronado  left  the  Tiguex  country  and  marched  toward 
the  northeast,  to  the  plains  where  lay  the  rich  land  of  Quivira.  Every 
member  of  the  army  accompanied  the  general,  for  no  one  was  willing  to 
be  left  behind  when  such  glorious  prospects  of  fame  and  fortune  lay 
before  them.  A  few  of  the  officers  suggested  the  wisdom  of  verifying 
these  Indian  tales  in  some  measure  before  setting  the  whole  force  in 
motion  and  abandoning  their  only  sure  base  of  supplies.  It  seems  as 
if  there  must  have  been  other  reasons  influencing  Coronado  beyond 
those  revealed  in  Castaneda's  narrative;  but,  if  so,  we  do  not  know 
what  they  were.  The  fear  lest  he  might  fail  to  accomplish  any  of  the 
things  which  had  been  hoped  for,  the  absence  of  results  on  which  to 
base  a  justification  for  all  the  expense  and  labor,  the  thought  of  what 
would  await  him  if  he  should  return  empty  handed,  are  perhaps  enough 
to  account  for  the  determination  to  risk  everything  and  to  allow  no 
possible  lack  of  zeal  or  of  strength  to  interfere  with  the  realization  of 
the  hopes  inspired  by  the  stories  of  Quivira. 

Guided  by  the  Turk,  the  army  proceeded  to  Cicuye,  and  in  nine  days 
more  they  reached  the  buffalo  plains.  Here  began  the  long  march 
which  was  to  be  without  any  guiding  landmarks.  Just  where,  or  how, 
or  how  far  the  Spaniards  went,  I  can  not  pretend  to  say.  After  a  mouth 
and  more  of  marching — very  likely  just  thirty-five  days — their  patience 
became  exhausted.  A  second  native  of  the  plains,  who  accomx^anied 
the  Spaniards  from  the  pueblo  country,  had  declared  from  the  first 
that  the  Turk  was  lying,  but  this  had  not  made  them  trust  the  latter 
any  less.  When,  however,  the  Indians  whom  they  foulid  living  among 
the  buffalo  herds  began  to  contradict  the  stories  of  their  guide,  suspi- 
cion was  aroused.    The  Turk,  after  much  persuasive  cross-questioning. 


396  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

was  at  last  induced  to  confess  that  he  had  lied.  Quivira,  he  still 
insisted,  existed,  though  it  was  not  as  he  had  described  it.  From  the 
natives  of  the  plains  they  learned  that  there  Avere  no  settlements 
toward  the  east,  the  direction  in  which  they  had  been  traveling,  but 
that  toward  the  north,  another  good  month's  journey  distant,  there 
were  permanent  settlements.  The  corn  which  the  soldiers  had  brought 
from  Tiguex  was  almost  gone,  while  the  horses  were  tired  and  weak 
from  the  constant  marching  and  bnffalo  chasing,  with  only  grass  for  food. 
It  was  clearly  impossible  for  the  whole  force  to  attempt  this  further 
journey,  with  the  uncertain  j^rospect  of  finding  native  tribes  like  those 
they  had  already  seen  as  the  only  incentive.  The  general  held  a  coun- 
cil of  his  officers  and  friends,  and  decided  to  select  30  of  the  best 
equipped  horsemen,  who  should  go  with  him  and  attempt  to  verify  the 
new  information. 

After  Coronado  had  chosen  his  companions,  the  rest  of  the  force  was 
sent  back  to  Tiguex,  as  Castaneda  relates.  The  Indians  whom  they 
met  on  the  plains  furnished  guides,  who  led  the  soldiers  to  the  Pueblo 
settlements  by  a  more  direct  route  than  that  which  the  Turk  had  taken. 
But  the  marches  were  short  and  slow,  so  that  it  was  the  middle  of  July 
before  they  were  again  encamped  alongside  the  Kio  Grande.  So  far 
as  is  known,  nothing  of  interest  happened  while  they  were  waiting  there 
for  the  return  of  the  general. 

Coronado  and  his  companion  horsemen  followed  the  compass  needle 
for  forty-two  days  after  leaving  the  main  force,  or,  as  he  writes,  "after 
traveling  across  these  deserts  for  seventy-seven  days  in  all,"  they 
reached  the  country  of  Quivira.  Here  he  found  some  people  who  lived 
in  permanent  settlements  and  raised  a  little  corn,  but  whose  suste- 
nance came  mainly  from  the  buffalo  herds,  which  they  hunted  at  regular 
seasons,  instead  of  continuously  as  the  plains  Indians  encountered  pre- 
viously had  done.' 

Twenty-five  days  were  spent  among  the  villages  at  Quivira,  so  that 
Jaraniillo,  one  of  the  party,  doubtless  remembered  correctly  when  he 
said  that  they  were  there  after  the  middle  of  August.^    There  was 

'The  Spaniards  bad  alrea<ly  observed  tvro  distinct  branches  of  these  pure  uoma«ls,  wbom  thej"  knew 
as  Qnerechos  and  Teyas.  Bandelier,  in  his  Final  Report,  vol.  i.  p.  179,  identified  the  Querechos  with 
the  Apaches  of  tlie  plains,  but  later  investigation  by  Mr  James  Mooney  shows  that  Qneretho  is  an 
old  Comanche  name  of  the  Tonicawa  of  western  central  Texas  (Hodge,  Early  Xavajo  and  Apaclie,  Am. 
Anthropologist,  Washington,  -Inly,  1895,  vol.  iii.  p.  235).  I  am  unable  to  tind  any  single  tril)al  group 
among  the  Indians  whom  we  know  which  can  he  identilied  with  the  Teyas,  unless,  as  Mr  Ilotlge  has 
Buggested,  they  may  have  been  the  Comanche,  who  roamed  the  plains  from  Yellowstone  Park  to 
Diu*ango,  Mexico. 

'  I  am  inclined,  also,  to  believe  Jaramillo's  statement  that  the  day's  marches  on  the  .journey  to 
Quivira  were  short  ones.  Bat  when  he  writes  that  the  journey  occupied  "more  than  thirty  days,  or 
almost  thirty  days"  journey,  although  not  long  day's  marches," — seguimos  nuestro  viaje  .  .  .  m^  de 
treiuta  dias  1^  ca.'ii  treiuta  dias  do  camino.  aunque  no  de  jornadas  grandes — and  again,  tliat  they 
decided  to  return  '•l>ecau.se  it  was  already  nearly  the  beginning  of  winter,  .  .  .  and  lest  the  winter 
might  prevent  the  retnm," — nos  paresci6  A  todos,  que  i)ues  que  hera  ya  casi  la  boca  del  inbierno, 
porque  si  me  acuerdo  bien,  jera  meilia  y  niAs  de  Agosto,  y  por  ser  pocos  j)ara  inbemar  alii,  .  .  .  y 
porque  el  invierno  no  nos  cerrase  los  caminos  do  nieves  y  rios  quo  no  nos  dexesen  jtasar  (Pacheco 
y  Cardenas,  Doc.  de  Indiaa,  vol.  xiv,  pp.  312,314) — we  experience  some  of  tlie  difUculties  which  make 
it  bard  to  analyse  the  captain's  recollections  critically  and  satisfactorily. 


12 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


WVTFLIET'S  "VTRIVSQVE  HI 


FOURTEFNTH  ANNUAL  PEPORT       PL-    U    ■ 


ERII  DELINEATIO,"  1597 


WIN8H1P]  THE   JOURNEY   TO    QUIVIRA  397 

nothiug  here  except  a  piece  of  copper  haDging  from  the  neck  of  a  chief, 
and  a  piece  of  gokl  which  one  of  the  Spaniards  was  suspected  of  having 
given  to  the  natives,  which  gave  any  promise  of  mineral  wealth,  and 
so  Coronado  determined  to  rejoin  his  main  force.  Although  they  had 
found  no  treasures,  the  explorers  were  fully  aware  of  the  agricultural 
advantages  of  this  country,  and  of  the  possibilities  for  profitable  farm- 
ing, if  only  some  market  for  the  produce  could  be  found. 

Students  of  the  Coronado  expedition  have  very  generally  accepted 
the  location  of  Quivira  proposed  by  General  Simpson,  who  put  the 
northern  point  reached  by  Coronado  somewhere  in  the  eastern  half  of 
the  border  country  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  If  we  take  into  account 
the  expeditions  which  visited  the  outer  limits  of  the  Quivira  settlements, 
this  is  not  inconsistent  with  Bandelier's  location  of  the  main  seat  of 
these  Indians  "in  northeastern  Kansas,  beyond  the  Arkansas  river, 
and  more  than  100  miles  northeast  of  Great  Bend.'' ' 

It  is  impossible  to  ignore  the  question  of  the  route  taken  by  Coro- 
nado across  the  great  j)lains,  although  the  details  chiefly  concern  local 
historians.  The  Spanish  travelers  spent  the  summer  of  1541  on  the 
prairies  west  of  the  Mississippi  and  south  of  the  Missouri.  They  left 
descrii)tious  of  these  plains,  and  of  the  people  and  animals  inhabiting 
them,  which  ai-e  of  as  great  interest  and  value  as  any  which  have 
since  been  written.  Fortunately  it  is  not  of  especial  importance  for 
us  to  know  the  exact  section  of  the  prairies  to  which  various  parts  of 
the  descriptions  refer. 

From  Cicuye,  the  Pecos  pueblo,  Coronado  marched  northeast  until 
he  crossed  Canadian  river,  probably  a  little  to  the  east  of  the  present 
river  and  settlement  of  Mora.^  This  was  about  the  1st  of  May,  1541. 
From  this  point  General  Simpson,  whose  intimate  knowledge  of  tlie 
surface  of  the  country  thirty-five  years  ago  makes  his  map  of  the 
route  across  the  plains  most  valuable,  carried  the  line  of  march  nearly 
north,  to  a  point  halfway  between  Canadian  and  Arkansas  rivers. 
Then  it  turned  east,  or  a  trifle  north  of  east,  until  it  reached  one  of  the 
tributaries  of  the  Arkansas,  about  50  miles  or  so  west  of  Wichita,  Kan- 
sas. The  army  returned  by  a  direct  route  to  Cicuye  or  Pecos  river, 
striking  that  stream  nearly  east  of  Bernalillo-Tiguex,  while  Coronado 
proceeded  due  north  to  Quivira  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska  boundary, 

Mr  Bandelier  has  traced  a  route  for  the  march  across  the  plains 
which  corresponds  with  the  statements  of  the  contemporary  narratives 
somewhat  more  closely  than  does  that  of  General  Simpson.^     Crossing 

'  Final  Report,  vol.  i,  p.  170. 

»lbiil.,  vol.  1,  p.  178. 

'Bandelier's  best  discassion  of  tlie  route  is  in  his  article  on  Fray  Juan  de  Pa<Ulla,  in  the  American 
Catholic  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xv,  p.  551.  The  Gilded  Mau  also  contains  an  outline  of  tlie  prob- 
able route.  An  element  in  his  calculation,  to  which  lie  give.s  much  prominence,  is  the  tendency  of 
one  wlio  is  lost  to  wander  always  toward  the  right.  This  is  strongly  emphasized  in  the  Gilded  Mau ; 
but  It  can,  1  think,  hardly  merit  the  importance  which  lie  gives  to  it.  The  emphasis  ajipeara,  how- 
ever, much  more  in  Bandelier's  words  than  in  his  results.  I  can  not  see  that  there  is  anything  to 
Bhow  that  the  Indiau  guides  ever  really  lost  their  reckoning. 


398  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

Canadian  river  by  a  bridge,  just  south  of  where  Mora  river  enters  it, 
the  Spaniards,  according  to  Bandolier,  marched  toward  the  northeast 
for  ten  days,  until  they  met  the  first  of  the  plains  Indians,  the  Que- 
recho  or  Toukawa.  Thence  they  turned  almost  directly  toward  the 
rising  sun.  Bandelier  thinks  that  they  very  soon  found  out  that  the 
guides  had  lost  their  reckoning,  which  presumably  means  that  it  became 
evident  that  there  was  some  difference  of  opinion  among  the  Indians. 
After  marching  eastward  for  thirty-five  days  or  so,  the  Spaniards 
halted  on  the  banks  of  a  stream  which  flowed  in  the  bottom  of  a  broad 
and  deep  ravine.  Here  it  was  computed  that  they  had  already  trav- 
eled 250  leagues — 650  miles — from  Tiguex.  They  had  crossed  no  other 
large  river  since  leaving  the  bridge  over  the  Canadian,  and  as  the 
route  had  been  south  of  east,  as  is  distinctly  stated  by  one  member 
of  the  force,  they  had  probably  reached  the  Canadian  again.  There  is 
a  reference  to  crossing  what  may  have  been  the  North  Fork  of  the 
Canadian,  in  which  case  the  army  would  now  be  on  the  north  bank  of 
the  main  river,  below  the  junction  of  the  two  forks,  in  the  eastern  part 
of  Indian  Territory.  Here  they  divided.  The  Teya  guides  conducted 
the  main  force  directly  back  to  the  Eio  Grande  settlements.  Coronado 
went  due  north,  and  a  month  later  he  reached  a  larger  river.  He 
crossed  to  the  north  bank  of  this  stream,  and  then  followed  its  course 
for  several  days,  the  direction  being  northeast.  This  river,  manifestly, 
must  be  the  Arkansas,  which  makes  a  sharp  turn  toward  the  northeast 
at  the  Great  Bend,  east  of  Fort  Dodge,  flowing  in  that  direction  for 
75  miles.  Jaramillo  states  that  they  followed  the  current  of  the  river. 
As  he  approached  the  settled  country,  Coronado  turned  toward  the 
north  and  found  Quivira,  in  northeastern  Kansas,  not  far  south  of  the 
Nebraska  boundary.' 

The  two  texts  of  the  Eelacion  del  Suceso  differ  on  a  vital  point;* 
but  in  spite  of  this  fact,  I  am  inclined  to  accept  the  evidence  of  this  anony- 
mous documeut  as  the  most  reliable  testimony  concerning  the  direc- 
tion of  the  army's  march.    According  to  this,  the  Spaniards  traveled 

^Bandelier  accoants  for  sixty-seven  days  of  short  marches  and  occasional  delays  between  the  sepa- 
ration of  the  force  on  Canadian  river  and  the  arrival  at  Quivira.  It  may  be  that  the  Boventy-seven 
days  of  desert  marching  which  Coronado  mentions  in  his  letter  of  October  20,  1541,  refers  to  this  part 
of  the  journey,  instead  of  to  the  whole  of  the  journey  from  the  bridge  (near  Mora  on  the  Canadian) 
to  Quivira.  liut  the  number  sixty-seven  originated  in  a  blunder  of  Temaux-Compans,  who  substi- 
tuted it  for  seventy-seven,  in  translating  this  letter.  The  mistake  evidently  induenced  Bandelier  to 
extend  the  journey  over  more  time  than  it  really  took.  But  this  need  not  aft'ect  his  results  materially, 
if  we  extend  the  amount  of  ground  covered  by  each  day's  march  and  omit  numerous  halts,  which 
were  very  unlikely,  considering  the  condition  of  his  party  and  the  desire  to  solve  the  mystery  of 
Quivira.  If  the  Spaniards  crossed  the  Arkansas  somewhere  below  Fort  Dodge,  and  followed  it  until 
the  river  turns  toward  the  southeast,  Quivira  can  hardly  have  been  east  of  the  middle  part  of  the  stat« 
of  Kansas.  It  was  much  more  probably  somewhere  between  the  main  forks  of  Kansas  river,  in  the 
central  part  of  thatstate.  Bandelier  seems  to  have  abandoned  his  documents  as  he  approached  the 
goal,  and  t«  have  transporte^l  Coronado  across  several  branches  of  Kansas  river,  in  order  to  fill  out 
his  sixty-seven  days — which  should  have  been  seventy -seven— and  perhaps  to  reach  the  region  fixed 
on  by  previous  conceptions  of  the  limit  of  exploration.  He  may  have  realized  that  the  difficulty  in 
his  explanation  of  the  route  was  that  it  required  a  reduction  of  about  one-fourth  of  the  distance  cov- 
ered by  the  army  in  the  eastward  march,  as  plotted  by  General  Simpson.  This  can  be  accounted  for 
by  the  wandering  path  which  the  army  followed. 

'See  the  note  at  the  end  of  the  translation. 


wiNsBip]  THE   EETURN   TO    PECOS  399 

due  east  across  the  plains  for  100  leagues — 265  miles' — and  then  50 
leagues  either  south  or  southeast.  The  latter  is  the  reading  I  should 
prefer  to  adopt,  because  it  accommodates  the  other  details  somewhat 
better.  This  took  them  to  the  point  of  separation,  which  can  hardly 
have  been  south  of  Eed  river,  and  was  much  more  likely  somewhere 
along  the  North  Fork  of  the  Canadian,  not  far  above  its  junction  with 
the  main  stream.  From  this  point  the  army  returned  due  west  to 
Pecos  river,  while  Coronado  rode  north  "by  the  needle.'"  From  these 
premises,  which  are  broad  enough  to  be  safe,  I  should  be  inclined  to 
doubt  if  Coronado  went  much  beyond  the  south  branch  of  Kansas  river, 
if  he  even  reached  that  stream.  Coronado  probably  spent  more  days 
on  his  march  than  General  Simpsou  allowed  for,  but  I  do  not  think  that 
he  traveled  nearly  so  far  as  General  Simpson  supposed.  Coronado  also 
returned  to  Cicuye  by  a  direct  route,  which  was  about  two-thirds  as 
long  as  that  of  the  outward  march.  The  distances  given  for  various 
portions  of  the  journey  have  a  real  value,  because  each  day's  march 
was  paced  off  by  a  soldier  detailed  for  the  purpose,  who  carefully 
recorded  the  distance  covered. 

THE  WINTER   OF  1541-1542 

By  October  20, 1541,  Coronado  was  back  in  Tiguex,  writing  his  report 
to  the  King,  in  which  he  expressed  his  anxiety  lest  the  failure  to  dis- 
cover anything  of  immediate  material  profit  might  react  unfavorably 
on  his  own  prospects.  Letters  and  dispatches  from  Mexico  and  Spain 
were  awaiting  him  at  Tiguex.  One  of  these  informed  Don  Garcia  Lopez 
de  Cardenas  of  the  death  of  his  brother,  by  which  he  became  heir  to 
the  family  estates.  Cardenas  had  broken  his  arm  on  the  plains,  and 
this  injury  was  still  troubling  him  when  he  received  permission  to 
return  to  New  Spain.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  messengers  carry- 
ing letters  to  the  viceroy  and  by  ten  or  twelve  other  invalids,  "not  one 
of  whom  could  have  done  any  fighting."  The  party  had  no  trouble, 
however,  until  they  reached  Suya,  in  Corazones  valley,  the  settlement 
which  had  taken  the  place  of  San  Hieronimo.  Pedro  de  Tovar  had 
reduced  the  already  feeble  garrison  at  the  latter  post  by  half,  when  he 
took  away  the  reinforcements  six  months  before.  The  town  had  been 
much  weakened  by  desertions,  as  well  as  by  the  loss  of  its  commander, 
the  invaluable  Melchior  Diaz,  before  this.  The  Indians  quickly  dis- 
cerned the  condition  of  the  town,  and  its  defenders  were  unable  to 
maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  surrounding  tribes.  When  Car- 
denas reached  the  place,  he  found  every  thing  burned  to  the  ground,  and 
the  bodies  of  Spaniards,  Indians,  and  horses  lying  about.  Indeed,  he 
seems  barely  to  have  saved  the  invalids  accompanying  him  from  being 
added  to  the  number  of  the  massacred.  The  party  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing its  way  to  Cibola  in  safety,  and  from  there  they  returned  to  Tiguex, 
where  they  found  the  general  seriously  ill.     By  this  time  the  winter  was 


'  The  Spauish  (judicial)  league  was  efiuivaleut  to  2.63  statute  miles. 


400  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

fairly  begun,  but  the  season,  fortunately,  was  much  less  severe  than  the 
preceding  one. 

Two  parties  formed  in  the  Spanish  camp  at  Tiguex  during  the  win- 
ter of  1541-42.  The  men  who  had  seen  Quivira  can  hardly  have  brought 
back  from  there  much  hope  of  finding  gold  or  other  treasure  by  further 
explorations  in  that  country.  But  there  were  many  who  had  not  been 
there,  who  were  unwilling  to  give  up  the  ideas  which  had  been  formed 
during  the  preceding  months.  When  the  general  parted  from  his  army 
on  the  plains,  he  may  have  promised  that  he  would  return  and  lead  the 
whole  force  to  this  land,  if  only  it  should  prove  to  be  such  as  their  incli- 
nation pictured  it.  Many  persisted  in  the  belief  that  a  more  thorough 
exploration  would  discover  some  of  the  things  about  which  they  thought 
the  Turk  had  told  them.  On  the  other  hand,  there  were  many  besides 
the  leader  who  were  tired  of  this  life  of  hardship,  which  had  not  even 
afforded  the  attractions  of  adventure  and  serious  conflict.  Few  of 
them,  doubtless,  had  wives  and  estates  waiting  to  welcome  them  home, 
like  their  fortunate  general,  but  most  of  the  gentlemen,  surely,  were 
looking  forward  to  the  time  when  they  could  win  wealth  and  glory, 
with  which  to  return  to  old  Spain,  and  add  new  luster  to  their  family 
name.  Castaiieda  gives  a  soldier's  gossip  of  the  intriguing  and  per- 
suading which  resulted  in  the  abandonment  of  the  Pueblo  country,  and 
Mota  Padilla  seems  to  support  the  main  points  in  his  story. 

THE  FRIARS  REMAIN  IN  THE  COUNTRY 

When  it  was  determined  that  the  army  should  return  to  Mexico,  the 
friars  who  had  accompanied  the  expedition '  resolved  to  remain  in  the 
newly  discovered  regions  and  continue  their  labors  among  the  people 
there.  Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  was  the  leader  of  the  three  missionaries. 
Younger  and  more  vigorous  than  his  brethren,  he  had  from  the  first 
been  the  most  active  in  constantly  maintaining  the  oversight  and  disci- 
pline of  the  church.  He  was  with  Tovar  when  the  Tusayan  country  on 
the  west  was  discovered,  and  with  Alvarado  during  the  first  visit  to  the 
Rio  Grande  and  the  buffalo  plains  on  the  east.  When  Coronado  and 
his  companion  horsemen  visited  the  plains  of  Kansas,  Friar  Juan  de 
Padilla  went  with  him  on  foot.  His  brief  experience  in  the  Quivira 
country  led  him  to  decide  to  go  back  to  that  district,  when  Coronado 
was  preparing  to  return  to  New  Spain.  If  the  Indians  who  guided 
Coronado  from  Quivira  to  Cicuye  remained  in  the  pueblo  country 
during  the  winter,  Padilla  probably  returned  with  them  to  their  homes. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Andres  Docampo,  a  Portuguese,  mounted  on  a 
mare  according  to  most  accounts,  besides  five  Indians,  negroes  or  half- 
bloods,  two  "donados"  or  lay  brethren,  Indians  engaged  in  the  church 
service,  who  came  from  Michoacan  and  were  named  Lucas  and  Sebastian, 
a  mestizo  or  half-blood  boy  and  two  other  servants  from  Mexico. 

'  CastaQeda  implies  tliat  Friar  Antonio  Victoria,  who  broke  bia  leg  near  Culiaoan,  accompanied  the 
main  force  on  its  march  to  Cibola.  This  is  the  last  beard  of  him,  and  it  is  much  more  probable  that 
he  remained  in  New  Gallcia. 


13 


vr 


BunFAJ  or  ETHNOLOGY 

ESCP 


WYTFLIET'S  NEW  QRA^ 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT       PL.    Lll 


AND  CALIFORNIA,   1697 


wiKSHip]  EARLY    MISSIONARIES    AMONG    THE    PUEBLOS  401 

The  friar  was  successful  in  his  labors  until  he  endeavored  to  enlarge 
the  sphere  of  his  influence,  when  the  jealousy,  or  possibly  the  cupidity, 
of  the  Indians  led  them  to  kill  him,  rather  than  permit  the  transfer- 
ence to  some  other  tribe  of  the  blessings  which  he  had  brought  to  them.' 

Friar  Juan  de  la  Cruz  is  not  mentioned  by  Castaneda  nor  by  Jara- 
millo,  but  Mendieta  and  Mota  Padilla  are  very  clear  in  their  accounts 
of  him.  He  was  an  older  man  than  the  others,  and  had  been  engaged 
in  missionary  work  among  the  natives  of  the  Jalisco  country  before  he 
joined  this  expedition.  Ooronado  left  him  at  Tiguex,  where  he  was 
killed,  according  to  Mota  Padilla.  The  date,  in  the  martyrologies,  is 
November  25,  1542.  Many  natives  of  the  Mexican  provinces  stayed  in 
the  Pueblo  country  when  Ooronado  abandoned  it.  Some  of  these  were 
still  at  Cibola  when  Antonio  de  Espejo  visited  it  in  1583,  while  others 
doubtless  made  their  way  back  to  their  old  homes  in  New  Spain,  and 
they  may  have  brought  the  information  about  the  death  of  Friar  Juan. 

Friar  Luis  Descalona,  or  de  Ubeda  as  Mota  Padilla  calls  him,  was  a 
lay  brother,  who  selected  Cicuye  or  Pecos  as  the  seat  of  his  labors  in 
New  Mexico.  Neither  the  Spanish  chronicles  nor  the  Indian  tradi- 
tions which  Mr  Bandelier  was  able  to  obtain  give  any  hint  as  to  his 
fate  or  the  results  of  his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Christianity. 

THE  RETURN  TO  NEW  SPAIN 

The  army  started  on  its  return  from  Tiguex  to  Cibola  and  thence  to 
Ouliacan  and  Mexico  early  in  the  spring  of  1542.  The  march  was  with- 
out interruption  or  diversion.  As  the  soldiers  reentered  New  Galicia 
and  found  themselves  once  more  among  settlements  of  their  own  race, 
beyond  the  reach  of  hostile  natives,  the  ranks  dwindled  rapidly.  The 
men  stopped  to  rest  and  to  recruit  their  strength  at  every  opportunity, 
and  it  was  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  Ooronado  was  able  to 
keep  together  the  semblance  of  a  force  with  which  to  make  his  entry 
into  the  City  of  Mexico.  Here  he  presented  his  personal  report  to  the 
viceroy.  He  had  little  to  tell  which  could  interest  the  disappointed 
Mendoza,  who  had  drawn  so  heavily  on  the  royal  treasure  box  two 
years  before  to  furnish  those  who  formed  the  expedition  with  everything 
that  they  might  need.  Besides  the  loss  in  his  jiersonal  estate,  there 
was  this  use  of  the  royal  funds  which  had  to  be  accounted  for  to  the 

'  Vetancurt,  in  the  Menologia,  gives  tlie  date  of  the  inartyrdiim  of  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla  as  Novem- 
ber 30,  1544,  and  I  see  no  reason  to  prefer  the  more  general  statements  of  Jaramillo,  Castaiieda,  and 
Mota  Padilla,  which  seem  to  imply  that  it  took  place  in  1542.  Docampo  and  the  other  companions 
of  the  friar  brought  the  news  to  Mexico.  They  must  have  returned  some  time  previous  to  1552, 
for  Gomara  mentions  their  arrival  in  Tampico,  on  the  Mexican  gulf,  in  liia  Copquista  de  Mexico 
published  in  that  year.  Herrera  and  Gomara  say  that  the  fugitives  had  been  captured  by  Indians 
and  detained  as  slaves  for  ten  months.  These  historians  state  also  that  a  dog  accompanied  the 
fugitives.  Further  mention  of  dogs  in  connection  with  the  Ooronado  expedition  is  in  the  stories  of 
one  accompanying  Estevan  "which  Alarcon  heard  along  Colorado  river,  also  in  the  account  of  the 
death  of  Melchior  Diaz,  and  in  the  reference  by  CastaSeda  to  the  use  of  these  animals  as  beasts  of 
burden  by  certain  plains  tribes. 

Mendieta  and  Vetancurt  say  that,  of  the  two  donados,  Sebastian  died  soon  after  his  return,  and  the 
other  lived  long  as  a  missionary  among  the  Zacatecas. 

14  ETH 26 


402  THE   COEONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (eth.ann.u 

officials  in  Spain.  It  is  the  best  proof  of  the  strength  of  Mendoza's 
able  and  economical  .administration  that  no  opposition  ever  succeeded 
in  influencing  the  home  government  against  him,  and  that  the  failure 
of  this  expedition,  with  the  attendant  circumstances,  furnished  the 
most  serious  charge  which  those  who  had  displayed  hostility  toward 
him  were  able  to  produce. 

When  Coronado  reached  the  City  of  Mexico,  "very  sad  and  very  weary, 
completely  worn  out  and  shamefaced,"  Suarez  de  Peralta  was  a  boy  on 
the  streets.  We  catch  a  glimpse  of  him  in  the  front  rows  of  a  crowd 
watching  an  execution,  this  same  winter  of  1542-43,  and  we  may  be  sure 
that  he  saw  all  that  was  going  on,  and  that  he  picked  up  and  treasured 
the  gossip  of  the  city.  His  recollections  give  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
return  of  the  expedition,  when  Coronado  "came  to  kiss  the  hand  of  the 
viceroy  and  did  not  receive  so  good  a  reception  as  he  would  have  liked, 
for  he  found  him  very  sad."  For  many  days  after  the  general  reached 
the  city  the  men  who  had  followed  him  came  straggling  in,  all  of  them 
worn  out  with  their  toils,  clothed  in  the  skins  of  animals,  and  showing 
the  marks  of  their  misfortunes  and  sufferings.  "The  country  had  been 
very  joyous  when  the  news  of  the  discovery  of  the  Seven  Cities  spread 
abroad,  and  this  was  now  supplanted  by  the  greatest  sadness  on  the 
part  of  all,  for  many  had  lost  their  friends  and  their  fortunes,  since 
those  who  remained  behind  had  entered  into  i^artnerships  with  those 
who  went,  mortgaging  their  estates  and  their  property  in  order  to  pro- 
cure a  share  in  what  was  to  be  gained,  and  drawing  up  papers  so  that 
those  who  were  to  be  present  should  have  power  to  take  possession  of 
mines  and  enter  claims  in  the  name  of  those  who  were  left  behind,  in 
accordance  with  the  custom  and  the  ordinances  which  the  viceroy  had 
made  for  New  Spain.  Many  sent  their  slaves  also,  since  thei'e  were 
many  of  these  in  the  country  at  this  time.  Thus  the  loss  and  the  grief 
were  general,  but  the  viceroy  felt  it  most  of  all,  for  two  reasons :  Because 
this  was  the  outcome  of  something  about  which  he  had  felt  so  sure, 
which  he  thought  would  make  him  more  powerful  than  the  greatest 
lord  in  Spain,  and  because  his  estates  were  ruined,  for  he  had  labored 
hard  and  spent  much  in  sending  off  the  army.  Finally,  as  things  go, 
he  succeeded  in  forgetting  about  it,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  govern- 
ment of  his  province,  and  in  this  he  became  the  best  of  governors, 
being  trusted  by  the  King  and  loved  by  all  his  subjects." 

THE    END    OF    CORONADO 

We  do  not  know  what  became  of  Vazquez  Coronado.  The  failure  of 
the  expedition  was  not  his  fault,  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  he 
ever  sought  the  position  which  Mendoza  intrusted  to  him.  Neither  is 
there  any  evidence  that  Mendoza  treated  him  with  any  less  marks  of 
friendship  after  his  return  than  before.  The  welcome  home  was  not 
cordial,  but  there  are  no  reports  of  upbraiding,  nor  any  accusations  of 
negligence  or  remissness.     Coronado  soon  gave  up  his  position  as  gov- 


wiNSHip]  THK   END   OF   CORONADO  403 

ernor  of  New  Galicia,  but  we  need  not  suppose  that  he  was  compelled 
to  resign.  There  was  every  reason  why  he  should  have  desired  to 
escape  from  a  position  which  demanded  much  skill  and  unceasing  active 
administration,  but  which  carried  with  it  no  hope  of  reward  or  of  honor. 
It  is  pleasant  to  believe  that  Corouado  withdrew  to  his  estates  and 
lived  happily  ever  after  with  his  wife  and  children,  spending  his  leisure 
in  su])ervising  the  operations  on  his  farm  and  ranch,  and  leading  the 
uneventful  life  of  a  country  gentleman.  The  only  break  iu  the  monot- 
ony of  which  we  happen  to  know — and  this  is  the  only  part  of  this  belief 
for  which  there  is  the  slightest  evidence  that  it  is  correct — came  when 
he  was  accused,  in  1544  and  again  in  1547,  of  holding  more  Indians  to 
labor  on  his  estates  than  were  allowed  by  the  royal  regulations.  We 
do  not  even  know  the  outcome  of  this  accusation.  Vazquez  Coronado 
sinks  into  oblivion  after  he  made  his  report  to  the  viceroy  in  the  autumn 
of  1542. 

Some  Eesults  of  the  Expedition — 1540-1547 

the  discovery  of  colorado  river 

the  voyage  of  alabcon 

Coronado  found  no  gold  in  the  land  of  the  Seven  Cities  or  in  Quivira, 
but  his  search  added  very  much  to  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the 
Spaniards.'  In  addition  to  the  exploration  of  the  Pueblo  country  of 
New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  and  of  the  great  plains  as  far  north  as 
Kansas  or  Nebraska,  the  most  important  subsidiary  result  of  the  expe- 
dition of  1540-1542  was  the  discovery  of  Colorado  river.  Hernando  de 
Alarcon,  who  sailed  from  Acapulco  May  9, 1540,  continued  his  voyage 
northward  along  the  coast,  after  stopping  at  the  port  of  Culiacan  to 
add  the  San  Gabriel  to  his  fleet,  until  he  reached  the  shoals  and  sand- 
bars at  the  head  of  the  Gull  of  California.     The  fleet  which  Cortes 

*  The  maps  of  the  New  World  drawn  aud  published  between  1542  and  1*100,  reproductions  of  several 
of  which  accompany  this  memoir,  give  a  better  idea  of  the  real  value  of  the  geographical  discoveries 
made  by  Coronado  than  any  bare  statement  could  give.  In  1540,  European  cartographers  knew  nothing 
about  the  country  north  of  New  Spain.  Cortes  had  given  them  the  name — Nueva  Espafia  or  Hispania 
Nova— and  this,  with  the  name  of  the  continent,  served  to  designate  the  Inland  region  stretching 
toward  the  north  and  west.  Such  was  the  device  which  Mercator  adoptwl  when  he  drew  his  double 
cordiform  map  in  1538  (plates  XLV,  XLVI).  Six  years  later,  1544,  Sebastian  Cabot  published  his  elabo- 
rate map  of  the  New  World  (see  plate  XL).  He  had  heard  of  the  explorations  made  by  and  for  Cortes 
toward  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  very  likely  from  the  lips  of  the  conqueror  himself.  He 
confined  New  Spain  to  its  proper  limits,  and  in  the  interior  he  pictured  Indians  and  wild  beasts.  In  1548 
the  maps  of  America  in  Ptolemy's  Geography  for  the  first  time  show  the  results  of  Coronado's  discov- 
eries (see  plate  XLl).  During  the  remainder  of  the  century  Granada,  Cibola,  Quivira,  and  the  other 
places  whose  names  occur  in  the  various  reports  of  the  expedition,  appear  on  the  maps.  Their  loca- 
tion, relative  to  each  other  and  to  the  dlfierent  parts  of  the  country,  constantly  changes.  Quivira 
moves  along  the  fortieth  parallel  from  Espiritu  Santo  river  to  the  Pacific  coast.  Tiguex  and  Totonteac 
are  on  any  one  of  half  a  dozen  rivers  flowing  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  Espiritu  Santo,  or  the  South 
sea.  Acuco  and  Cicuye  are  sometimes  placed  west  of  Cibola,  and  so  a  contemporary  map  maker  may 
be  the  cause  of  the  mistaken  title  to  the  report  of  Alvarado's  expedition  to  the  liio  Grande.  But 
many  as  were  the  mistakes,  they  are  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  great  fact  that  the  people  of 
Europe  had  learned  that  there  was  an  inhabited  country  north  of  Mexico,  and  that  the  world  was,  by 
so  much,  larger  than  before. 


404  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ethann.  U 

had  sent  out  under  tbe  command  of  Ulloa  the  previous  summer,  turned 
back  from  these  shoals,  and  Alarcon's  sailors  begged  him  not  to  venture 
among  them.  But  the  question  of  a  passage  by  water  through  to  the 
South,  or  Pacific,  sea,  which  would  make  an  island  of  the  California 
peninsula,  was  still  debated,  and  Alarcon  refused  to  return  until  he  had 
definitely  determined  the  possibility  of  finding  such  a  passage.  His 
pilots  ran  the  ships  aground,  bvit  after  a  careful  examination  of  the 
channel,  the  fleet  was  floated  across  the  bar  in  safety,  with  the  aid  of 
the  rising  tide.  Alarcon  found  that  he  was  at  the  mouth  of  a  large 
river,  with  so  swift  and  strong  a  current  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
large  vessels  to  make  any  headway  against  it.  He  determined  to  explore 
the  river,  and,  taking  twenty  men  in  two  boats,  started  upstream  on 
Thursday,  August  26,  1540,  when  white  men  for  the  first  time  floated  on 
the  waters  of  the  Colorado.  Indians  appeared  on  the  river  banks  dur- 
ing the  following  day.  The  silence  with  which  the  strangers  answered 
the  threatening  shouts  of  the  natives,  and  the  presence  of  the  Indian 
interpreters  in  the  boats,  soon  overcame  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  sav- 
ages. The  European  trifles  which  had  been  brought  for  gifts  and  for 
trading  comjjleted  the  work  of  establishing  friendly  relations,  and  the 
Indians  soon  became  so  well  disposed  that  they  entirely  relieved  the 
Spaniards  of  the  labor  of  dragging  the  boats  up  the  stream.  A  crowd 
of  Indians  seized  the  ropes  by  which  the  boats  were  hauled  against  the 
current,  and  from  this  time  on  some  of  them  were  always  ready  to 
render  this  service  to  their  visitors.  In  this  fashion  the  Spaniards  con- 
tinued northwaid,  receiving  abundant  supplies  of  corn  from  the  natives, 
whose  habits  and  customs  they  had  many  excellent  opportunities  for 
observing.  Alarcon  instructed  these  people  dutifully  in  the  worship 
of  the  cross,  and  continually  questioned  them  iibout  the  places  whose 
names  Friar  Marcos  had  heard.  He  met  with  no  success  until  he  had 
traveled  a  considerable  distance  up  the  river,  when  for  the  first  time  he 
found  a  man  witli  whom  his  interpreter  was  able  to  converse. 

This  man  said  that  he  had  visited  Cibola,  which  was  a  month's  jour- 
ney distant.  There  was  a  good  trail  by  which  one  might  easily  leach 
that  country  in  forty  days.  The  man  said  he  had  gone  there  merely 
to  see  the  place,  since  it  was  quite  a  curiosity,  with  its  houses  three 
and  four  stories  high,  filled  with  people.  Around  the  houses  there  was 
a  wall  half  as  high  again  as  a  man,  having  windows  on  each  side.  The 
inhabitants  used  the  usual  Indian  weapons — bows  and  arrows,  clubs, 
maces,  and  shields.  They  wore  mantles  and  ox  hides,  which  were 
painted.  They  had  a  single  ruler,  who  wore  a  long  shirt  with  a  girdle, 
and  various  mantles  over  this.  The  women  wore  long  white  cloaks 
which  completely  covered  them.  There  were  always  many  Indians 
waiting  about  the  door  of  their  ruler,  ready  in  case  he  should  wish  for 
anything.  They  also  wore  many  blue  stones  which  they  dug  out  of  a 
rock — the  turquoises  of  the  other  narratives.  They  had  but  one  wife, 
and  when  they  died  all  their  eftects  were  buried  with  them.     When 


14 


BURFAO  Of  ETHNOLOGY 


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wiNSHiPl  ALARCON    AMONG    YUMAN   TRIBES  405 

their  rulers  ate,  mauy  men  waited  about  the  tables.  They  ate  with 
iiapkius,  aud  had  baths — a  natural  inference  from  any  attempt  to 
describe  the  stutty  underground  rooms,  the  estufas  or  kivas  of  the 
Pueblos. 

Alarcon  continued  to  question  the  Indian,  and  learned  that  the  lord 
of  (Jibola  had  a  dog  like  one  which  accompanied  the  Spaniards,  and  that 
when  dinner  was  served,  the  loi'd  of  Cibola  had  four  plates  like  those  used 
by  the  Si)aniards,  exce])t  that  they  were  green.  He  obtained  these  at  the 
same  time  that  he  got  the  dog,  with  some  other  things,  from  a  black  man 
who  wore  a  beard,  whom  the  people  of  Cibola  killed.  A  few  days  later, 
Alarcon  obtained  more  details  concerning  the  death  of  the  negro  "who 
wore  certain  things  on  his  legs  and  arms  which  rattled."  When  asked 
about  gold  and  silver,  the  Indians  said  that  they  had  some  metal  of  the 
same  color  as  the  bells  which  the  Spaniards  showed  them.  This  was 
not  made  nor  found  in  their  country,  but  came  "  from  a  certain  moun- 
taiu  where  an  old  woman  dwelt."  The  old  woman  was  called  Guatu- 
zaca.  One  of  Alarcou's' informants  told  him  about  people  who  lived 
farther  away  than  Cibola,  in  houses  made  of  painted  mantles  or  skins 
during  the  summer,  and  who  passed  the  winter  in  houses  made  of  wood 
two  or  three  stories  high.  The  Indian  was  asked  about  the  leather 
shields,  and  in  reply  described  a  very  great  beast  like  an  ox,  but  more 
than  a  hand  longer,  with  broad  feet,  legs  as  big  as  a  man's  thigh,  a  head 
7  hands  long,  and  the  forehead  3  spans  across.  The  eyes  of  the  beast 
were  larger  than  one's  fist,  and  the  horns  as  long  as  a  man's  leg,  "  out 
of  which  grew  sharp  points  an  handful  long,  and  the  forefeet  and  hind- 
feet  about  seven  handfuls  big."  The  tail  was  large  and  bushy.  To 
show  how  tall  the  animal  was,  the  Indian  stretched  his  arms  above  his 
bead.  In  a  note  to  his  translation  of  this  description,  Hakluyt  sug- 
gests, "  This  might  be  the  crooke  backed  oxe  of  Quivira."  Although 
the  height  and  the  horns  are  clearly  those  of  a  buck  deer,  the  rest  of 
the  description  is  a  very  good  account  of  the  bison. 

The  man  who  told  him  all  this  was  called  ashore,  and  Alarcon  noticed 
an  excited  discussion  going  on  among  the  Indians,  which  ended  in  the 
return  of  his  informant  with  the  news  that  other  white  men  like  him- 
self were  at  Cibola.  Alarcon  x)i  etended  to  wonder  at  this,  and  was  told 
that  two  men  had  just  come  from  that  country,  where  they  had  seen 
white  men  having  "things  which  shot  fire,  and  swords."  These  latest 
reports  seemed  to  make  the  Indians  doubt  Alarcon's  honesty,  and  espe- 
cially his  statements  that  he  was  a  child  of  the  Sun.  He  succeeded  in 
quieting  their  suspicions,  and  learned  more  about  Cibola,  with  which 
these  people  appeared  to  have  quite  frequent  intercourse.  He  was  told 
that  the  strangers  at  Cibola  called  themselves  Christians,  and  that  they 
brought  with  them  many  oxen  like  those  at  Cibola  "and  other  little 
blacke  beastes  with  wooll  and  homes."  Some  of  them  also  had  animals 
upon  which  thej'  rode,  which  ran  very  swiftly.  Two  of  the  party  that 
had  recently  returned  from  Cibola,  had  fallen  in  with  two  of  the  Chris- 


406  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [EXH.Ajm.w 

tiaus.  The  white  men  asked  them  where  they  lived  and  whether  they 
possessed  any  fields  sown  with  corn,  and  gave  each  of  them  little  caps 
for  themselves  and  for  their  companions.  Alarcon  did  his  best  to  induce 
some  of  his  men  to  go  to  Cibola  with  a  message  to  Coronado,  but  all 
refused  except  one  negro  slave,  who  did  not  at  all  want  to  go.  The 
plan  had  to  be  given  up,  and  the  party  returned  to  the  ships.  It  had 
taken  fifteen  days  and  a  half  to  ascend  the  river,  but  they  descended 
with  the  swift  current  in  two  and  a  half.  The  men  who  had  remained 
in  the  ships  were  asked  to  undertake  the  mission  of  opening  communi- 
cation with  Coronado,  but  proved  as  unwilling  as  the  others. 

Much  against  the  will  of  his  subordinates,  Alarcon  determined  to 
make  a  second  trip  up  the  river,  hoping  to  obtain  further  information 
which  might  enable  him  to  fulfill  the  purposes  of  his  voyage.  He  took 
"three  boats  filled  with  wares  of  exchange,  with  come  and  other  seedes, 
heiines  and  cockes  of  Castille."  Starting  September  14,  he  found  the 
Indians  as  friendly  as  before,  and  ascended  the  river,  as  he  judged, 
about  85  leagues,  which  may  have  taken  him  to  the  point -where  the 
canyons. begin.  A  cross  was  erected  to  inform  Coronado,  in  case  an 
expedition  from  Cibola  should  reach  this  part  of  the  river,'  that  he  had 
tried  to  fulfill  his  duty,  but  nothing  more  was  accomplished.^ 

While  Alarcon  was  exploring  the  river,  one  of  the  ships  was  careened 
and  repaired,  and  everything  made  ready  for  the  return  voyage.  A 
chapel  was  built  on  the  shore  in  honor  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Buena- 
guia,  and  the  river  was  named  the  Buenaguia,  out  of  regard  for  the 
viceroy,  who  carried  this  as  his  device. 

The  voyage  back  to  Colima  in  New  Spain  was  uneventful. 

THE   .TOUENEY   OF   MELCHIOR   DIAZ 

In  September,  1540,  seventy  or  eighty  of  the  weakest  and  least  reli- 
able men  in  Ooronado's  army  remained  at  the  town  of  San  Hiero- 
nimo,  in  the  valley  of  Corazones  or  Hearts.  Melchior  Diaz  was  placed 
in  command  of  the  settlement,  with  orders  to  maintain  this  post  and 
protect  the  road  between  Cibola  and  Kew  Spain,  and  also  to  attempt  to 
find  some  means  of  communicating  with  the  fleet  under  Alarcon.  After 
he  had  established  everything  in  the  town  as  satisfactorily  as  possible, 
Diaz  selected  twenty-five  of  these  men  to  accompany  him  on  an  ex- 
ploring exi)edition  to  the  seacoast.  He  started  before  the  end  of  Sej)- 
tember,  going  into  the  rough  country  west  of  Corazones  valley,  and 
finding  only  a  few  naked,  weak-spirited  Indians,  who  had  come,  as  he 
understood,  from  the  land  on  the  farther  side  of  the  water,  i.  e..  Lower 

'See  Caataneda'a  account  of  the  finding  of  similar  message  by  tiie  party  under  Diaz, 
•Tlieaccouutof  tliis  tripin  Herrera  (dec.  vi,  lib.  ii,  cap.  xv,  ed.  1728)  is  as  follows:  "  Uaviendollegado 
k  ciertas  Houtaria.*^,  adoiide  el  Kio  se  estrechaba  mucho,  supo,  <iite  vn  Kncantador  andaba  pregiintando 
por  donde  bavia  de  piiflar.  y  liaviendo  entendido,  que  per  el  Rio,  puso  desdt^  vna  Ribera  k  la  olra  alguuas 
CaSas,  que  debian  de  ser  heclii(;adas ;  pcro  las  BaiT-as  ])a.sar<m  sin  dafio ;  y  liaviendo  llogado  mui  arrilia, 
preguutaiido  porcosas  de  la  Tierra,  para  enteuder,  si  descubriiiaalguna  noticia  de  Francisco  Vazquez 
de  Comado.  .  .  .  Vieudo  Alarcon,  que  no  liallaba  lo  que  deseaba,  i  que  baria  snbido  por  aquel  Rio 
85  Leguas,  determino  de  bolver."    .    .    . 


wiNSHip]  DIAZ    ON   THE   COLORADO  407 

California.  He  hurried  across  this  region  and  descended  the  mountains 
on  the  west,  where  he  encountered  the  Indian  giants,  some  of  whom 
the  army  had  already  seen.  Turning  toward  the  north,  or  northwest, 
he  proceeded  to  the  seacoast,  and  spent  several  days  among  Indians 
who  fed  him  with  the  corn  which  they  raised  and  with  fish.  He  traveled 
slowly  up  the  coast  until  he  reached  the  mouth  of  a  river  which  was 
large  enough  for  vessels  to  enter.  The  country  was  cold,  and  the 
Si)aniards  observed  that  when  the  natives  hereabouts  wished  to  keep 
warm,  they  took  a  burning  stick  and  held  it  to  their  abdomens  and 
shoulders.  This  curious  habit  led  the  Spaniards  to  name  the  river 
Firebrand — Rio  del  Tizon.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  river  was  a  tree  on 
which  was  written,  "  A  letter  is  at  the  foot  of  this."  Diaz  dug  down 
and  found  a  jar  wrapped  so  carefully  that  it  was  not  even  moist.  Tlie 
inclosed  papers  stated  that  "  Francisco  de  Alarcon  reached  this  place 
in  the  year  'iO  with  tiiree  ships,  having  been  sent  in  search  of  Fran- 
cisco Vazquez  Coronado  by  the  viceroy,  D.  Antonio  de  Meudoza;  and 
after  crossing  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  waiting  many 
days  without  obaining  any  news,  he  was  obliged  to  depart,  because 
the  ships  were  being  eaten  by  worms,"  the  terrible  Teredo  navalin.^ 

Diaz  determined  to  cross  the  river,  hoping  that  the  country  might 
become  more  attractive..  The  passage  was  accomj^Iished,  with  con- 
siderable danger,  by  means  of  certain  large  wicker  baskets,  which  the 
natives  coated  with  a  sort  of  bitumen,  so  that  the  water  could  not  leak 
through.  Five  or  six  Indians  caught  hold  of  each  of  these  and  swam 
across,  guiding  it  and  transporting  the  Spaniards  with  their  baggage, 
and  being  supported  in  turn  by  the  raft.  Diaz  marched  inland  for  four 
days,  but  not  finding  any  people  in  the  country,  which  became  steadily 
more  barren,  he  decided  to  return  to  Corazones  valley.  The  party 
matle  its  way  back  to  the  country  of  the  giants  without  accident,  and 
then  one  night  while  Diaz  was  watching  the  camp,  a  small  dog  began  to 
bark  and  chase  the  flock  of  slieep  which  the  men  had  taken  with  them 
for  food.  Unable  to  call  the  dog  off,  Diaz  started  after  him  on  horse- 
back and  threw  his  lance  while  on  tlie  gallop.  The  weapon  stuck  up  in 
the  ground,  and  before  Diaz  could  stop  ov  turn  his  horse,  which  was 
running  loose,  the  socket  pierced  his  groin.  The  soldiers  could  do 
little  to  relieve  his  sufferings,  and  he  died  before  they  reached  the  set- 
tlement, where  they,  arrived  January  18,  1541.  A  few  months  later, 
Alcaraz,  who  had  been  placed  in  charge  of  the  town  when  Diaz  went 
away,  abandoned  Corazones  valley  lor  a  more  attractive  situation  on 
Suya  river,  some  distance  nearer  Cibola.    The  post  was  maintained  here 


'Mota  Paditla  (p.  158,^  1).  "Lo8  Iiidioa.  para  rfsistlrel  Irio,  llevau  en  la8  mauos  iiii  troncon  aniiendo 
que  le8  calienta  el  pecho,  y  del  mmino  inu<)i>  la  espalda;  uieudo  esU>  tan  comun  en  todou  los  indios, 
que  por  eso  los  uuestroa  pusiernn  u  este  rio  el  uombre  AkI  rio  del  Tisou ,  cerca  do  61  vieron  tin  at bol  en 
el  cual  eataban  escrilas  uuaa  letras,  que  decian ;  al  pi(j  enXA  una  carta .  y  con  efecto ;  la  hallaron  en  una 
olla,  bien  eiiviielta,  porque  no  Be  buiiiedecie»e,  y  au  contenidocra:  que  ei  auo  do  40  lleg6  alli  Fran- 
cisco de  Alurcou  con  tros  navios,  y  enliando  por  la  barra  do  aquel  rio,  euviado  por  el  virey  1).  Anto- 
nio de  Meudu/.a.  en  busca  do  F'raiici»co  Vazquez  Cnroriado:  y  <iue  habiendo  estado  alh  mucbos  dias 
8iu  notlcia  alguna  lefue  preci-so  salir  porque  los  navioa  so  comian  de  brotna.'' 


408  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [Kxn.ASN.U 

until  late  in  tlie  snmmer,  when  it  became  so  much  weakened  by  dissen- 
sions and  desertions  that  the  Indians  had  little  difficulty  in  destroying 
it.  The  defenders,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  who  were  able  to  make 
their  way  back  to  Culiacan,  were  massacred. 

THE    INDIAN    UPRISING    IN    NEW    SPAIN,  1540-1542 

Of  the  alignments  advanced  by  those  who  wished  to  hinder  the  ex- 
pedition which  Mendoza  sent  off  under  Coronado,  none  was  urged 
more  persistently  than  the  claim  that  this  undertaking  would  require 
all  the  men  available  for  the  protection  of  New  Spain.  It  was  sug- 
gested by  all  the  parties  to  the  litigation  in  Spain,  was  repeated  by 
Cortes  again  and  again,  reappeared  more  than  once  during  the  visita 
of  1547,  and  was  the  cause  of  the  depositions  taken  at  Compostela  on 
February  26, 1540.  These  last  show  the  real  state  of  affairs.  The  men 
who  were  withdrawn  constituted  a  great  resource  in  case  of  danger, 
but  they  were  worse  than  useless  to  the  community  when  things  were 
peaceful.  The  Indians  of  New  Spain  had  been  quiet  since  the  death 
of  De  la  Torre,  a  few  years  before,  but  signs  of  danger,  an  increasing 
restlessness,  unwilling  obedience  to  the  masters  and  encomenderos, 
and  frequent  gatherings,  had  been  noticed  by  many  besides  Cort«s. 
There  were  reasons  enough  to  justify  an  Indian  outbreak,  some  of  them 
abuses  which  dated  from  the  time  of  Nuuo  de  Guzman,  but  there  is 
every  reason  to  suppose  that  the  withdrawal  of  (Joronado's  force, 
following  the  irritation  which  was  inevitably  caused  by  the  necessity 
of  collecting  a  large  food  supply  and  many  servants,  probably  brouglit 
matters  to  a  crisis.  OPiate,  to  whom  the  administration  of  New  Galicia 
had  again  been  intrusted  during  the  absence  of  his  superior,  began  to 
prepare  for  the  trouble  which  he  foresaw  almost  as  soon  as  Coronado 
was  gone  from  the  province.  In  April  he  learned  that  two  tribes  had 
rebelled  and  murdered  one  of  their  encomenderos.  A  force  was  sent 
to  put  down  the  revolt.  The  rebels  requested  a  conference,  and  then, 
early  next  morning,  surprised  the  camp,  which  was  wholly  unprepared 
for  defense.  Ten  Spaniards,  including  the  unwary  commander,  and 
nearly  two  hundred  native  allies  were  killed.  Thus  began  the  last  and 
the  fiercest  struggle  of  the  Indians  of  New  Spain  against  their  Euro- 
pean conquerors — the  Mixtou  war. 

Ofiate  prepared  to  march  against  the  victorious  rebels,  as  soon  as  the 
news  of  the  disaster  reached  him,  but  when  this  was  followed  by  addi- 
tional inlonnation  from  the  agents  among  the  Indians,  showing  how 
widespread  were  the  alliances  of  those  who  had  begun  the  revolt,  and 
that  the  Indians  throughout  the  province  of  New  Galicia  were  already 
in  arms,  he  retired  to  Guadalajara.  The  defenses  of  this  town  were 
strengthened  as  much  as  possible,  and  messengers  were  dispatched  to 
Mexico  for  leentorcements.  The  viceroy  sent  some  soldiers  and  sup- 
plies, but  this  force  was  not  sufficient  to  prevent  the  Indians — who  were 
animated  by  their  recent  successes,  by  their  numbers,  by  the  knowledge 
of  the  weak  points  as  well  as  of  the  strong  ones  in  their  oppressors,  and 


1- 


BUREAU   OF    ETHNOLOGY 


TYryS       ORBI5      TEHRARVJVr,  AD  TMIT^ 

•       ^         Cuius  /rcuit^iunt  taw.  ^eccrum  ^lantt  recentiffrj/tM  fupput/it/offeui  s'4-oo  mi/iana  Cf 


•  —I  -  Wint 


'^m       Qi?^     ^^    POTEST     \T:UI:RI    3IAGNVM    in   KEBVi     jt 
'^$  AlVJ^DI     JxrOX^     51 T      JVfAGJSriXVDO 


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MATTHIAS  QUAOUS'  FAS 
AfMr 


FOURTEEMTH   ANNUAL   REPORT      Pt.    LIV 


ONEM  ATNTVERSALIS   GKRHARBI  MEKCATORI5 

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kiold 


wrasHipj  ALLIANCE    OF   MENDOZA    AND    ALVARADO  409 

who  were  guided  by  able  leaders  possessing  all  the  prestige  of  religious 
authority — from  attacking  the  frontier  settlements  and  forcing  the  Span- 
iards to  congregate  in  the  larger  towns. 

There  was  much  fighting  during  the  early  summer  of  1540,  in  which 
the  settlers  barely  held  their  own.  In  August,  the  adelantado  Pedro 
de  Alvarado  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  La  Natividad.  As  the  news  of  his 
arrival  spread,  requests  were  sent  to  him  from  many  directions,  asking 
for  help  against  the  natives.  One  of  the  most  urgent  came  from  those 
who  were  defending  the  town  of  Puriflcacion,  and  Alvarado  was  about 
to  start  to  their  assistance,  when  a  message  from  Mendoza  changed  his 
plans.  The  two  men  arranged  for  a  personal  interview  at  Tiripitio  in 
Michoacan,  where  the  estate  of  a  relative  afforded  Alvarado  a  quasi 
neutral  territory.  After  some  difficulties  had  been  overcome,  the  terms 
of  an  alliance  were  signed  by  both  ]>arties  November  29, 1540.  Each  was 
to  receive  a  small  share  in  whatever  had  already  been  accomplished 
by  the  other,  thus  providing  for  any  discoveries  which  might  have 
rewarded  Coronado's  search  before  this  date.  In  the  future,  all  con- 
quests and  gains  were  to  be  divided  equally.  It  was  agreed  that  the 
expenses  of  equipping  the  fleet  and  the  army  should  offset  each  other, 
and  that  all  future  expenses  should  be  shared  alike.  Each  partner  was 
allowed  to  spend  a  thousand  castellanos  de  minas  yearly,  and  all  expend- 
iture in  excess  of  this  sum  required  the  consent  of  the  other  party. 
All  accounts  were  to  be  balanced  yearly,  and  any  surplus  due  from  one 
to  the  other  was  to  be  paid  at  once,  under  penalty  of  a  fine,  which  was 
assured  by  the  fact  that  half  of  it  was  to  go  into  the  royal  treasury. 

Mendoza  secured  a  half  interest  in  the  ileet  of  between  nine  and 
twelve  vessels,  which  were  then  in  the  ports  of  Acapulco  and  of  Santi- 
ago de  Oolima.  Cortes  accused  the  viceroy  of  driving  a  very  sharp  bar- 
gain in  this  item,  declaring  that  Alvarado  was  forced  to  accept  it 
because  Mendoza  made  it  the  condition  on  which  he  would  allow  the 
ships  to  obtain  provisions.'  Mendoza,  as  matters  turned  out,  certainly 
had  the  best  of  the  bargain,  although  in  the  end  it  amounted  to  noth- 
ing. Whether  this  would  have  been  true  if  Alvarado  had  lived  to 
prosecute  his  schemes  is  another  possibility.  Alvarado  took  his 
chances  on  the  results  of  Coronado's  conquests,  and  it  is  very  likely 
that,  by  the  end  of  November,  the  discouraging  news  contained  in 
Coronado's  letter  of  August  3  was  not  generally  known,  if  it  had  even 
reached  the  viceroy. 

The  contract  signed,  Alvarado  and  Mendoza  went  to  Mexico,  where 
they  passed  the  winter  in  perfecting  arrangements  for  carrying  out  their 
plans.  The  cold  weather  moderated  the  fury  of  the  Indian  war  some- 
what, without  lessening  the  danger  or  the  troubles  of  the  settlers  in  New 
Galicia,  all  of  whom  were  now  shut  up  in  the  few  large  towns.  Alva- 
rado returned  to  the  Pacific  coast  in  the  spring  of  1541,  and  as  soon  as 


'  The  accusation  was  made  by  others  at  the  time.  H.  H.  Bancroft  repeats  the  charge  in  his  Mexico, 
but  it  should  always  be  remembered  that  Mr  Bancroft,  or  his  compilers,  in  everything  connected  with 
the  conqueror,  repeat  whatever  it  may  have  pleased  Cortes  to  write,  without  criticism  or  question. 


410  THE    CORONAbO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [bth.ann  M 

Onate  learned  of  this,  be  sent  an  urgent  request  for  help,  telling  of  the 
serious  straits  in  which  he  had  been  placed.  The  security  of  the  prov- 
ince was  essential  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  plans  of  the 
new  alliance.  Alvarado  immediately  sent  reinforcements  to  the  dift'er- 
ent  garrisons,  and  at  the  head  of  his  main  force  hastened  to  Guadala- 
jara, where  ho  arrived  June  12,  1541.  Ofiate  liad  received  reports  from 
the  native  allies  and  the  Spanish  outposts,  who  were  best  acquainted 
with  the  situation  and  plans  of  the  hostile  Indians,  which  led  him  to 
urge  Alvarado  to  delay  the  attack  until  he  could  be  certain  of  success. 
An  additional  force  had  been  i)romised  from  Mexico,  but  Alvarado  felt 
that  the  glory  and  the  booty  would  both  be  greater  if  secured  unaided. 
Scorning  the  advice  of  those  who  had  been  beaten  by  savages,  he 
hastened  to  chastise  the  rebels.  The  campaign  was  a  short  one.  On 
June  24  Alvarado  reached  the  fortified  height  of  ^ochistlan,  where  he 
encountered  such  a  deluge  of  men  and  of  missiles  that  he  was  not  able 
to  maintain  his  ground,  nor  even  to  prevent  the  precipitate  retreat  of 
his  soldiers.  It  was  a  terrible  disaster,  but  one  which  reflected  no  dis- 
credit on  Alvarado  after  the  fighting  began.  The  flight  of  the  Span- 
iards continued  after  the  Indians  had  grown  tired  of  the  chase.  It 
was  then  that  the  adelantado  tried  to  overtake  his  secretary,  wlio 
had  been  one  of  those  most  eager  to  get  away  from  the  enemy.  Alva- 
rado was  afoot,  having  dismounted  in  order  to  handle  his  men  and 
control  the  retreat  more  easily,  but  he  had  almost  caught  up  with  his 
secretary,  when  the  latter  8])urred  his  jaded  horse  up  a  rocky  hill. 
The  animal  tried  to  respond,  fell,  and  rolled  backward  down  the  hill, 
crushing  the  adelantado  under  him.  Alvarado  siu'vived  long  enough 
to  be  carried  to  Guadalajara  and  to  make  his  will,  dying  on  the  4th 
of  July. 

This  disaster  did  not  fully  convince  the  viceroy  of  the  seriousness  of 
the  situation.  Fifty  men  had  already  started  from  Mexico,  arriving  in 
Guadalajara  in  July,  where  they  increased  the  garrison  to  eighty  five, 
Nothing  more  was  done  by  Meudoza  after  he  heard  of  the  death  of 
Alvarado.  The  Indians,  emboldened  by  the  complete  failure  of  their 
enemies,  renewed  their  efforts  to  drive  the  white  men  out  of  the  land. 
They  attacked  Guadalajara  on  September  28,  and  easily  destroyed  all 
except  the  chief  buildings  in  the  center  of  the  city,  in  which  the  gar- 
rison had  fortified  themselves  as  soon  as  they  learned  that  an  attack 
was  about  to  be  made.  A  fierce  assault  against  these  defenses  was 
repulsed  only  after  a  hard  struggle.  The  miraculous  appearance  of 
Saint  lago  on  his  whit«  steed  and  leading  his  army  of  allies,  who 
blinded  the  idolatrous  heathen,  alone  prevented  the  destruction  of  his 
faithful  believers,  according  to  the  record  of  one  contemporary  chron- 
icler. At  last  Mendoza  realized  that  the  situation  was  critical.  A  force 
of  450  Spaniards  was  raised,  in  addition  to  an  auxiliary  body  of  between 
10,000  and  50,000  Aztec  warriors.  The  native  chieftains  were  rendered 
loyal  by  ample  promises  of  wealth  and  honors,  and  the  warriors  were 
granted,  for  the   first  time,   permission  to  use  horses  and    Spanish 


*IH8HIP] 


END    OF   THE   MIXTON   WAR  411 


weapons.  With  the  help  of  these  Indians,  Mendoza  eventually  suc- 
ceeded in  destroying  or  reducing  the  revolted  tribes.  The  campaign 
was  a  series  of  fiercely  contested  struggles,  which  culminated  at  the 
Mixton  penol,  a  strongly  fortified  height  where  the  most  bitter  enemies 
of  the  Spanish  conquerors  had  their  headquarters.  This  place  was  sur- 
rendered during  the  Christmas  holidays,  and  when  Coronado  returned 
in  the  autumn  of  1542,  the  whole  of  Kew  Spain  was  once  more  quiet. 

FURTHER    ATTEMPTS    AT    DISCOVERY 

THE   VOYAGE   OF   CABRILLO 

Mendoza  took  possession  of  the  vessels  belonging  to  Alvarado  after 
the  death  of  the  latter.  In  accordance  with  the  plans  which  the  two 
partners  had  agreed  on,  apparently,  the  viceroy  commissioned  Juan 
Eodriguez  Cabrillo  to  take  command  of  two  ships  in  the  port  of  La 
Natividad  and  make  an  exploration  of  the  coast  on  the  western  side  of 
the  peninsula  of  Lower  California.  Cabrillo  started  June  27, 1542,  and 
sailed  north,  touching  the  land  frequently.  Much  bad  weather  inter- 
fered with  his  plans,  but  he  kept  on  till  the  end  of  December,  when  he 
landed  on  one  of  the  San  Lucas  islands.  Here  Cabrillo  died,  January 
3,1543,  leaving  his  chief  pilot,  Bartolome  Ferrel  or  Ferrelo,  "a  native 
of  the  Levant,"  in  command.  Ferrel  left  the  island  of  San  Miguel, 
which  he  named  Isla  de  Juan  Eodriguez,  on  January  29,  to  continue 
the  voyage.  In  a  little  more  than  a  month  the  fleet  had  reached  the 
southern  part  of  Oregon  or  thereabouts,  allowing  for  an  error  of  a 
degree  and  a  half  in  the  observations,  which  said  that  they  were  44° 
north.    A  severe  storm  forced  the  ships  to  turn  back  from  this  point. 

The  report  of  the  expedition  is  little  more  than  an  outline  of  distances 
sailed  and  places  named,  although  there  are  occasional  statements  which 
give  us  valuable  information  regarding  the  coast  Indians.'  Among  the 
most  interesting  of  these  notes  are  those  showing  that  the  news  of  the 
expeditions  to  Colorado  river,  and  perhaps  of  the  occupancy  of  the 
Pueblo  country  by  white  men,  had  reached  the  Pacific  coast.  About 
September  1, 1542,  a  party  from  the  fleet  went  ashore  near  the  southern 
boundary  of  California.  Five  Indians  met  the  Spanisli  sailors  at  a 
spring,  where  they  were  filling  the  water  casks.  "They  appeared  like 
intelligent  Indians,"  and  went  on  board  the  ships  without  hesitation. 
"They  took  note  of  the  Spaniards  and  counted  them,  and  made  signs 
that  they  had  seen  other  men  like  these,  who  had  beards  and  who 
brought  dogs  and  cross-bows  and  swords  .  .  .  and  showed  by  their 
signs  that  the  other  Spaniards  were  five  days'  journey  distant.  .  .  . 
The  captain  gave  them  a  letter,  which  he  told  them  to  carry  to  the 
Spaniards  who  they  said  were  in  the  interior."    September  28,  at  San 

•  The  report  or  raemoranduin  was  written  by  Juan  Paez,  or  more  probably  by  the  pilot  Ferrel.  It  has 
been  translated  in  the  reports  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey  West  of  the  One  Hundredth 
Meridian.  (Appendix  to  part  i,  vol.  vii,  Arehieolojry,  pp.  293-314.)'  The  translation  is  accompanied  by 
notes  identifying  the  places  named,  on  which  it  is  safe  enough  to  rely,  and  by  other  notes  of  somewhat 
doubtful  value. 


412  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1510-1542  [kth.aiik.M 

Pedro  bay,  Perrel  agaiu  foand  Indians  who  told  him  by  signs  that 
"tbey  had  passed  people  like  the  Spaniards  in  the  interior."  Two 
days  later,  on  Saturday  morning,  "three  large  Indians  came  to  the 
ship,  who  told  by  signs  that  men  like  us  were  traveling  in  the  interior, 
wearing  beards,  and  armed'  and  clothed  like  the  people  on  the  ships, 
and  carrying  cross-bows  and  swords.  They  made  gestures  with  the 
right  arm  as  if  they  were  throwing  lances,  and  went  running  in  a  jjos- 
ture  as  if  riding  on  horseback.  They  showed  that  many  of  the  native 
Indians  had  been  killed,  and  that  this  was  the  reason  they  were  afraid." 
A  week  later,  October  7,  the  ships  anchored  off  the  islands  of  Santa 
Cruz  and  Anacapa.  The  Indians  of  the  islands  and  also  of  the  main- 
land opposite,  near  Santa  Barbara  or  the  Santa  Clara  valley,  gave  the 
Spaniards  additional  descriptions  of  men  like  themselves  in  the  interior. 
The  rest  of  the  year  1542  was  spent  Iti  this  locality,  off  the  coast  of 
southern  California,  and  then  the  voyage  northward  was  resumed. 
Many  points  on  the  land  were  touched,  although  San  Francisco  bay 
quite  escaped  observation.  Just  before  a  severe  storm,  in  which  one 
of  the  vessels  was  lost,  forcing  him  to  turn  back,  Ferrel  observed  floating 
drift  and  recognized  that  it  meant  the  neigliborhood  of  a  large  river,  but 
he  was  driven  out  to  sea  before  reaching  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia. 
The  return  voyage  was  uneventful,  and  the  surviving  vessel  reached 
the  harbor  of  Natividad  in  safety  by  April  14,  1543. 

VILLALOBOS   SAILS   ACROSS   THE   PACIFIC 

Cortes  and  Alvarado  had  both  conceived  jdaus  more  than  once  to 
equip  a  great  expedition  in  New  Spain  and  cross  the  South  sea  to  the 
isles  of  the  Western  ocean.  After  the  death  of  Alvarado,  Mendoza 
adopted  this  scheme,  and  commissioned  Euy  Lopez  de  Villalobos  to 
take  command  of  some  of  the  ships  of  Alvarado  and  sail  westward.  He 
started  on  All  Saints  day,  the  1st  of  November,  1542,  with  370  Spanish 
soldiers  and  sailors  aboard  his  fleet.  January  22, 1547,  Friar  Jeronimo 
de  Santisteban  wrote  to  Mendoza  "from  Cocihin  in  the  Indies  of  the 
King  of  Portugal."  He  stated  that  117  of  the  men  were  still  with  the 
fleet,  and  that  these  intended  to  keep  together  and  make  their  way  as 
best  they  could  home  to  Spain.  Thirty  members  of  the  expedition  had 
remained  at  Maluco,  and  twelve  had  been  captured  by  the  natives  of 
various  islands  at  which  the  party  had  landed.  The  rest,  including 
Euy  Lopez,  had  succumbed  to  hunger  and  thirst,  interminable  labors 
and  suffering,  and  unrelieved  discouragement — the  record  of  the  pre- 
vious months.  This  letter  of  Friar  Jeronimo  is  the  only  published 
account  of  the  fate  of  this  expedition. 

The  brief  and  gloomy  record  of  the  voyage  of  Villalobos  is  a  fit  end- 
ing for  this  story  of  the  Coronado  expedition  to  Cibola  and  Quivira,  of 
how  it  came  about,  of  what  it  accomplished,  and  of  what  resulted  from 
it.  Nothing  is  the  epitome  of  the  whole  story.  The  lessons  which  it 
teaches  are  always  warnings,  but  if  one  will  read  history  rightly,  every 
warning  will  be  found  to  be  an  inspiration. 


THE  NARRATIVE  OF  GASTA^fEDA 
BIBLIOGRAPHIC   NOTE 

A  perusal  of  the  narratives  of  the  expeditious  of  Corouado  and  of 
Friar  Marcos  of  Nice,  which  were  translated  by  Henri  Ternaux-Com- 
pans  for  the  ninth  volume  of  his  Collection  de  Voyages,  convinced  me 
tliat  the  style  and  the  language  of  these  narratives  were  much  more 
characteristic  of  the  French  translator  than  of  the  Spanish  conquista- 
dores.  A  comparison  of  Teruaux's  translations  with  some  of  the  Span- 
ish texts  which  he  had  rendered  into  French,  which  were  available  in 
"  the  printed  collections  of  Spanish  documents  in  the  Harvard  University 
library,  showed  me  that  Ternaux  had  not  only  rendered  the  language 
of  the  original  accounts  with  great  freedom,  but  that  in  several  cases 
he  had  entirely  failed  to  understand  what  the  original  writer  endeav- 
ored to  relate.  On  consulting  Justin  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America,  in  the  second  edition,  I  found  that  the  Spanish 
manuscript  of  the  Castaiieda  narrative,  from  which  most  of  our  knowl- 
edge of  Coronado's  expedition  is  derived,  was  in  the  Lenox  Library 
in  New  York  City.  The  trustees  of  this  library  readily  granted  my 
request,  made  through  Dr  Winsor,  for  permission  to  copy  the  manu- 
script. The  Lenox  manuscript  is  not  the  original  one  written  by  Cas- 
taneda,  but  a  copy  made  toward  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It 
contains  a  number  of  apparent  mistakes,  and  the  meaning  of  many 
passages  is  obscure,  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Spanish  copyist 
knew  nothing  about  the  North  American  Indians  and  their  mode  of 
living.  These  jilaces  I  have  pointed  out  in  the  notes  to  my  translation 
of  the  narrative,  and  I  have  called  attention  also  to  the  important 
errors  and  misconceptions  in  Ternaux's  version.  Diligent  inquiry  among 
the  custodians  of  the  large  Spanish  libraries  at  Simancas,  Madrid,  and 
at  Seville  where  the  Lenox  manuscript  was  copied  in  1596,  has  foiled 
to  bring  me  any  information  in  regard  to  the  original  manuscript. 
The  Lenox  copy  is  the  one  used  by  Ternaux. 

The  Spanish  text  of  the  Relacion  Postrera  de  Sivola  is  printed  now 
for  the  first  time,  through  the  kindness  of  the  late  Seiior  Joaquin 
Garcia  Icazbalceta,  who  copied  it  for  me  from  a  collection  of  papers 
in  his  possession,  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Father  Motolinia,  the 
author  of  a  very  valuable  description  of  the  Indians  of  New  Spain. 
In  the  preface  to  this  work,  dated  1.541,  Motolinia  says  that  he  was 
in  communication  with  the  brethren  who  had  gone  with  Coronado.  The 
Eelacidn  Postrera  appears  to  be  a  copy  made  from  a  letter  written  to 
some  of  the  Franciscans  in  New  Spain  by  one  of  the  friars  who  accom- 
panied Corouado. 

413 


414  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  Ieth.ann.14 

lu  the  bibliography  are  the  references  to  the  exact  location  of  the 
Spanish  texts  from  which  I  have  translated  the  other  narratives.  I 
am  not  aware  that  any  of  these  have  been  translated  entire,  although 
Mr  Bandelier  has  quoted  from  them  extensively  in  his  Documentary 
History  of  Zuiii. 

There  is  one  other  account  of  the  Coronado  expedition  which  might 
have  been  included  in  the  present  volume.  Mota  Padilla  wrote  his 
Historia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia  two  centuries  after  the  return  of  Coronado, 
but  he  had  access  to  large  stores  of  contemporary  documents  concern- 
ing the  early  history  of  New  Spain,  most  of  which  have  since  been  de- 
stroyed. Among  these  documents  were  those  belonging  to  Don  Pedro 
de  Tovar,  one  of  the  captains  in  Ooronado's  army.  Mota  Padilla's 
account  of  this  expedition  is  nearly  if  not  quite  as  valuable  as  that  of 
Castaneda,  and  supplements  the  latter  in  very  many  details.  The 
length  of  the  narrative  and  the  limitations  inevitable  to  any  work  of 
this  nature  forced  me  to  abandon  the  idea  of  translating  it  for  the 
present  memoir.  Much  of  the  text  of  Mota  Padilla  will  be  found,  how- 
ever, in  the  notes  to  the  translation  of  Castaneda,  while  the  second  half 
of  the  historical  introduction  is  based  primarily  on  Mota  Padilla's  nar- 
rative, and  a  large  portion  of  it  is  little  more  than  a  free  rendering  of 
this  admirable  work. 

THE    SPANISH    TEXT' 

Relacion  de  la  Jornada  de  Cibola  conpuesta  per  Pedro  de  Castaneda  de  Na^era. 
Donde  se  trata  de  todos  aquellos  poblados  y  rites,  y  costumbres,  la  qual  fue  el 
Afio  de  1540. 

Historia  del  Conde  Fernando  Gonzales  impressa. 

PEOEMIO. 

Cosa  por  sierto  me  parece  muy  magnifico  seuor  ligeta  y  que  es  exer^i- 
5io  de  hombres  uirtuosos  el  desear  saber  y  querer  adquirir  para  su 
memoria  la  noticia  berdadera  de  las  cosas  acasos  aconte^idos  en  partes 
remotas  de  que  se  tiene  poca  noticia  lo  qual  yo  no  culpo  algunas  per- 
sonas  especulatiuas  que  por  uentura  con  buen  yelo  por  muchas  ueces 
me  an  sido  inportunos  no  poco  rogadome  les  dixese  y  siclarase  algunas 
dudas  que  tenian  de  cosas  particulares  q  al  bulgo  auian  oydo  en  cosas 
y  casos  acontecidos  en  la  Jornada  de  cibola  o  tierra  nueba  que  el  buen 
uisorey  que  dios  aya  en  su  gloria  don  Antonio  de  Mendoca  ordeno  y 
hi(^o  ha^cr  donde  embio  por  general  capitan  a  francisco  uasques  de 
coronado  y  a  la  berdad  ellos  tienen  ra^on  de  querer  saber  la  uerdad 
porque  como  el  bulgo  muy  muchas  ueces  y  cosas  que  an  oydo  y  por 
uentura  a  quien  de  ellas  no  tubo  noticia  ansi  las  hacen  mayores  o 
menores  que  ellas  sou  y  las  que  son  algo  las  hacen  nada  y  las  no  tales 
las  hacen  ta  admirables  que  paregen  cosas  no  creederas  podriatan  bien 

*  This  text  is,  as  far  as  possible,  a  copy  of  the  Relacion  in  tbo  Lenox  Library.  No  attempt  has  been 
made  to  add  marks  of  punctuation,  to  accent,  or  to  alter  what  may  have  been  slips  of  the  copyist's  pen. 


WIN8HIP]  I^ARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  415 

causarlo  que  como  aquello  tierra  no  permanecio  no  ubo  quien  quisiese 
gastar  tienpo  en  escrebir  sus  particularidades  porque  se  perdiese  la 
noticia  de  aquello  que  no  fue  dios  seruido  que  gosasen  el  sabe  por  que 
en  beidad  quien  quisiera  exercitarse  en  escrebir  asi  las  cosas  acaecidas 
en  la  Jornada  como  las  cosas  se  bieron  en  aquellas  tierras  los  ritos  y 
tratos  delos  naturales  tubiera  harta  materia  por  donde  paregiera  su 
juigio  y  creo  que  no  le  faltara  de  quedar  relagiou  que  tratar  de  berdad 
fuera  tam  admirable  que  pareciera  increyble. 

y  tambien  creo  que  alguuas  nobelas  que  se  quentan  el  aber  como  a 
ueinte  aiios  y  mas  que  aquella  Jornada  se  higo  lo  causa  digo  esto  porque 
algunas  la  liagen  tierra  inabitable  otros  confinante  a  la  florida  otros  a  la 
india  mayor  quenoparece  pequeno  desbario  pueden  tomar  algunaocagion 
y  causa  sobre  que  poner  su  fundamento  tambien  ay  quien  da  noticia  de 
algunos  animales  bien  remotos  que  otros  con  aber  se  hallado  en  aquella 
Jornada  lo  niegan  y  aflrman  no  aber  tal  ni  aberlos  bisto  otros  uariil  en 
el  rumbo  de  las  prouincias  y  aun  en  los  tractos  y  trajes  atribuyendo  lo 
que  es  de  los  unos  a  los  otros  todo  lo  qual  a  sido  gran  parte  muy  mag- 
niiico  sefior  a  me  mober  aunque  tarde  a  querer  dar  una  brebe  noticia 
general  i)ara  todos  los  que  se  arrean  de  esta  uirtud  especulatiua  y  por 
ahorrar  el  tiempo  que  con  inportuuidades  soy  a  quexado  donde  se  halla- 
ran  cosas  por  sierto  harto  graues  de  crer  todas  o  las  mas  bistas  por 
mis  ojos  y  otras  por  notigia  berdadera  inquiridas  de  los  propios  natu- 
rales creyendo  que  tenieiido  entendido  como  lo  tengo  que  esta  mi  pe- 
quena  obra  seria  en  si  ninguna  o  sin  autoridad  sino  fuese  faboregida  y 
anparada  de  tal  persona  que  su  autoi-idad  quitase  el  atrebimiento  a  los 
que  sin  acatamiento  dar  libertad  a  sus  murrauradores  lenguas  y  cono- 
giendo  yo  en  quanta  obligacion  siempre  e  sido  y  soy  a  vfa  md  humil- 
meute  suplico  de  baxo  de  su  anparo  como  de  berdadero  seruidor  y  criado 
sea  recebida  esta  pequena  obra  la  qual  ba  en  tres  partes  repartida  iiara 
que  mejor  se  de  a  entender  la  primera  sera  dar  noticia  del  descubri- 
miento  y  el  armada  o  campo  que  higo  con  toda  la  Jornada  con  los  capi- 
tanes  que  alia  fueron  la  segunda  los  pueblos  y  prouinyias  que  se  liallarou 
y  en  que  rumbos  y  que  ritos  y  costumbres  los  animales  fructas  yyerbas 
y  en  que  partes  de  la  tierra.  la  tergera  la  buelta  que  el  campo  hup  y  las 
ocaciones  que  ubo  para  se  despoblar  aun  que  no  licitas  por  ser  el  mejor 
paraje  que  ay  para  se  descubrir  el  meoUo  de  la  tierra  que  ay  en  estas 
partes  de  pouiente  como  se  uera  y  despues  aca  se  tiene  entendido  y  en  lo 
ultimo  se  tratara  de  algunas  cosas  admirables  que  se  bieron  y  por  donde 
con  mas  facilidad  se  podra  tornar  a  descubrir  lo  que  no  biraos  que  suelo 
mejor  y  que  no  poco  haria  al  caso  para  por  tierra  entrar  en  la  tierra  de 
que  yba  en  demanda  el  marques  del  ualle  don  fer*"  cortes  de  baxo  de 
la  estrella  del  poniente  que  no  pocas  armadas  le  costo  de  mar  plega  a 
nro  seiior  me  de  tal  gragia  que  con  mi  rudo  entendimiento  y  poca  abilidad 
pueda  tratando  berdad  agradar  con  esta  me  pequena  obra  al  sabio  y 
prudente  lector  siendo  por  vra  md  aceptada  pues  mi  intincion  no  es  ganar 
gracias  de  buen  componedor  ni  retorico  salbo  querer  dar  berdadera 


416  THE    CORONA  DO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  Ieth.ann.h 

noticia  y  hacer  a  via  md  este  pequefio  seruicio  el  qual  reciba  como  de 
berdadeio  seiuidor  y  soldado  que  se  hallo  preseute  y  aunque  no  per 
estilo  pulido  escrebo  lo  que  paso  lo  que  a  oydo  palpo  y  bido  y  tratrato. 
siempre  beo  y  es  ansi  que  por  la  mayor  parte  quando  tenemos  entre 
las  nianos  alguua  cosa  preciosa  y  la  tratamos  sin  iiipedimeuto  no  la  tene- 
mos ni  la  preyianios  en  quanto  uale  si  entendemos  la  falta  que  nos 
haria  si  la  perdiesemos  y  por  tanto  de  continuo  la  bamos  tenieudo  en 
menos  i)ero  despues  que  la  abemos  perdido  y  carecemos  del  beuefficio 
de  ella  abemos  gran  dolor  en  el  coia^on  y  siempre  andamos  ymagina- 
tibos  buscando  modos  y  maneras  como  la  tornemos  a  cobrar  y  asi  me 
pareye  acae9io  a  todos  aquellos  o  a  los  mas  que  tueroii  a  la  Jornada  quel 
aiio  de  nro  saluador  jesu  christo  de  mill  y  quinientos  y  quarenta  hico 
francisco  uasques  coronado  en  demanda  de  las  siete  ciudades  que  puesto 
que  no  ballaron  aquellas  riqueyas  de  que  les  auian  dado  uoti^ia  halla- 
ron  aparejo  para  las  buscar  y  principio  de  buena  tierra  que  poblar  para 
de  alii  pasar  adelante  y  como  despues  aca  por  la  tierra  que  conquista- 
ron  y  despoblaron  el  tiempo  les  a  dado  a  entender  el  rumbo  y  aparejo 
donde  estaban  y  el  principio  de  buena  tierra  que  tieuan  entre  manos 
lloran  sus  coracones  por  aber  perdido  tal  oportunidad  de  tiempo  y  como 
sea  sierto  que  ben  mas  lo  honbres  quando  se  suben  a  la  talanquera  que 
quando  andan  en  el  coso  agora  que  estan  fuera  eogno§en  y  entienden 
los  rumbos  y  el  aparejo  donde  se  hallauan  y  ya  que  ben  que  no  lo  pue- 
den  gogar  ni  cobrar  y  el  tiempo  perdido  deleytanse  en  contar  lo  que 
bieron  y  aun  lo  que  entienden  que  perdieron  especial  aquellos  que  se 
ballan  pobres  oy  tanto  como  quando  alia  fueron  y  no  an  dexado  de  tra- 
bajar  y  gastado  el  tienpo  sin  probecho  digo  esto  porque  tengo  entendido 
algunos  de  los  que  de  alia  binieron  bolgarian  oy  como  fiiese  para  pasar 
adelante  boluer  a  cobrar  lo  perdido  y  otros  bolgarian  oy  y  saber  la  causa 
porque  se  descubrio  y  pues  yo  me  oirecido  a  contarlo  tomarlo  e  del  prin- 
cipio que  pasa  asi. 

PRIMEBA   PARTE.' 

Capitulo  primero  donde  se  trafa  como  se  supo  la  primera  poblacion  de 
las  siete  fiudades  y  como  Nufio  de  guzman  hifo  armada  para  descubrirlla. 

en  el  afio  y  quinientos  y  treinta  siendo  presidente  de  la  nueba  espaiia 
Nufio  de  guzman  ubo  en  su  poder  un  indio  natural  del  ualle  o  ualles  de 
oxitipar  a  quien  los  espafioles  nombran  tejo  este  indio  dixo  que  el  era 
liijo  de  un  mercader  y  su  padre  era  muerto  pero  que  siendo  el  chiquito 
su  padre  entraua  la  tierra  adentro  a  mercadear  con  plumas  ricas  de 
aues  para  plumages  y  que  en  retorno  traya  un  mucha  cantidad  de  oro 
y  plata  que  en  aquella  tierra  lo  ay  mucho  y  que  el  fue  con  el  una  o  dos 
ue^es  y  que  bido  muy  grandes  pueblos  tanto  que  los  quiso  t-omparar 
con  mexieo  y  su  comarca  y  que  aula  uisto  siete  pueblos  muy  grandes 
donde  aula  calles  de  plateria  y  que  jiara  ir  a  ellos  tardauan  desde  su 
tierra  quarenta  dias  y  todo  despoblado  y  que  la  tierra  por  do  yban  no 

>  The  Primera  Parte  begins  s  new  leaf  in  the  original. 


W1S8HIP]  NAKEATIVE   OF   CASTANEDA  417 

tenia  yerba  sino  muy  chiquita  de  uii  xeme  y  que  el  rumbo  que  lleuaban 
era  al  largo  de  la  tierra  entre  las  dos  mares  siguiendo  la  lauia  del  norte 
debaxo  de  esta  notigia  NuDo  de  guzman  junto  casi  quatrosientos  hom- 
bres  espaiioles  y  ueinte  mill  amigos  de  la  uueua  espaiia  y  como  se  hallo 
a  el  presente  en  mexico  atrabesando  la  tarasca  que  es  tierra  de  me- 
cliuacau  para  LaUandose  el  aparejo  quel  indio  de^ia  boluer  atrabesando 
la  tierra  liacia  la  mar  del  norte  y  dariau  en  la  tierra  que  yban  a  buscar 
a  la  qual  ya  nombrauan  las  siete  ciudades  pues  qonforme  a  los  quarenta 
dias  quel  texo  decia  hallaria  que  abiendo  andado  dofientas  leguas 
podrian  bien  atrabesar  la  tierra  quitado  a  parte  algunas  fortunas  que 
pasaron  en  esta  Jornada  desque  fueron  llegados  en  la  prouincia  de 
culiacan  que  fue  lo  ultimo  de  su  gouernafion  que  es  agora  el  nueuo 
reyno  de  galijia  quisieron  atrabesar  la  tierra  y  ubo  muy  gran  diflcultad 
porque  la  cordillera  de  la  sierra  que  cae  sobre  aquella  mar  estan  agra 
que  por  mucho  que  trabajo  fue  inposible  hallar  camino  en  aquella 
parte  y  a  esta  causa  se  detubo  todo  su  campo  en  aquella  tierra  de  culia- 
can hasta  tanto  que  comb  yban  con  el  hombres  poderosos  que  tenian 
repartimientos  en  tierra  de  mexico  mudarou  las  boluntades  y  de  cada 
dia  se  querian  boluer  fuera  de  esto  Nuno  de  guzman  tubo  nueua  como 
aula  benido  de  espana  el  marques  del  ualle  don  fernando  cortes  con  el 
nueuo  titulo  y  grandes  fabores  y  prouin^iones  y  como  nuuo  de  guzman 
en  el  tiempo  (jue  fue  presidente  le  ubiese  sido  emulo  muy  graude  y 
hecho  mucbos  danos  en  sus  haciendas  y  en  las  de  sus  amigos  temiose 
que  don  fer*°  cortes  se  quisiese  pagar  en  otras  semejantes  obras  o 
peores  y  determine  de  i)oblar  aquella  uilla  de  culiacan  y  dar  la  buelta 
con  la  demas  gente  sin  que  ubiese  mas  efecto  su  Jornada  y  de  buelta 
poblo  a  xalisco  que  es  la  fiudad  de  conpostela  y  atonala  que  llaman 
guadalaxara  y  esto  es  agora  el  nuebo  reyno  de  galicia  la  guia  que  lleua- 
ban que  se  decia  texo  murio  en  estos  "comedios  y  ansi  se  quedo  el 
nombre  de  estas  siete  ciudades  y  la  demanda  de  ellas  hasta  oy  dia  que 
no  sean  descubierto.  • 

Capitulo  segundo  como  bino  a  ser  gouernador  fran^uco  uasques  coro- 
nado  y  la  segunda  relation  que  dio  cahega  de  iiaca. 

pasados  que  fueron  ocho  aiios  que  esta  Jornada  se  aula  hecho  por  Nunc 
de  guzman  abiendo  sido  preso  por  un  juez  de  residenjia  que  uiuo  de 
espafia  para  el  efecto  con  proui^iones  bastantes  llamado  el  lie''"  diego 
de  la  torre  que  despues  muriendo  este  juez  que  ya  tenia  en  si  la  gouer- 
nagion  de  aquella  tierra  el  buen  don  Antonio  de  mendoga  uisorey  de  la 
nueua  espafia  puso  por  gouernador  de  aquela  gouerna^ion  a  francisco 
uasques  de  coronado  un  cauallero  de  salamanca  que  a  la  sacon  era 
casado  en  la  §iudad  de  mexico  co  una  seQora  hija  de  Alonso  de  estrada 
thesorero  y  gouernador  que  aula  sido  de  mexico  uno  por  quien  el  bulgo 
dice  ser  hijo  del  rey  catholico  don  fernando  y  muchos  lo  afirman  por 
osa  sierta  digo  que  a  la  sacon  que  francisco  uasques  fue  probeydo  por 
gouernador  andaba  por  uisitador  general  de  la  nueua  espafia  por  doude 
14  ETH 27 


418  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [bth.ahn.U 

tubo  amistad  y  comiersagioues  de  muchas  personas  nobles  que  despues 
le  siguieron  en  la  Jornada  que  hi90  acontegio  a  la  sagou  que  llegaron  a 
mexlco  tres  espafioles  y  un  negro  que  auian  per  nombre  cabega  de  uaca 
y  dorantes  y  castillo  maldouado  los  quales  se  auian  i>erdido  en  la  armada 
que  nietio  ijamfilo  de  narbaes  en  la  florida  y  estos  salieron  por  la  uia  de 
culiacan  abiendo  atrabesado  la  tierra  de  mar  a  mar  como  loberan  los  que 
lo  quisleren  saber  por  un  tratado  que  el  mismo  cabega  de  uaca  liigo  diri- 
gido  a  el  i^rincipe  don  phelipe  que  agora  es  rey  de  espaiia  y  seuor  nfo  y 
estos  dieron  uotigia  a  el  buen  don  Antonio  de  mendoca  en  como  por  las 
tierras  que  atrabesaron  tomaron  leiigua  y  notiyia  grande  de  unos  pode- 
rosos  pueblos  de  altos  de  quatro  y  cinco  doblados  y  otras  cosas  bien  dife- 
rentes  de  lo  que  paregio  por  berdad  esto  comunico  el  buen  uisorey  con 
el  nuebo  gouernador  que  fue  causa  que  se  apresurase  dexando  la  bisita 
que  tenia  eutre  manos  y  se  partiese  para  su  gouernagion  lleuando  coii- 
sigo  el  negro  que  aula  bendido  con  los  tres  frayles  de  la  orden  do  san 
fran""  el  uno  auia  por  nombre  fray  marcos  de  niga  tbeologo  y  saser- 
dote  y  el  otro  fray  daniel  lego  y  otro  fray  Antonio  de  santa  maria  y 
como  llego  a  la  prouiiicia  de  culiacan  luego  despidio  a  los  frayles  ya 
nonbrados  y  a  el  negro  que  auia  por  nombre  esteuan  para  que  fuesen 
en  demanda  de  aquella  tierra  porque  el  fray  marcos  de  niga  se  preflrio 
de  llegar  a  berla  por  que  este  ftayle  se  auia  hallado  en  el  pern  a  el 
tienpo  que  don  pedro  de  albarado  passo  por  tierra  ydos  los  dichos 
frayles  y  el  negro  esteuan  parege  que  el  negro  no  yba  a  fabor  de  los 
frayles  porque  lleuaba  las  mugeres  que  le  daban  y  adquiria  turquesas 
y  hacia  balumen  de  todo  y  aun  los  indios  de  aquellos  poblados  por  do 
yban  entendiasen  mejor  con  el  negro  como  ya  otra  uez  lo  auian  uisto  que 
fue  causa  que  lo  ubieron  hecbar  delante  que  fuese  descubriendo  y  paci- 
ficando  para  que  quando  ellos  Uegasen  no  tubiesen  mas  que  entender 
de  en  tomar  la  relacion  de  lo  que  buscauan. 

Capitulo  tergero  cntno  mataron  los  de  cibola  a  el  negro  esteuan  y  fray 
marcos  bolbio  huyendo. 

apartado  que  se  ubo  el  esteuan  de  los  dichos  frayles  presumio  ganar 
en  todo  reputacion  y  honra  y  que  se  le  atribuyese  la  osadia  y  atrebi- 
mieuto  de  auer  el  solo  descubierto'  aquellos  poblados  de  altos  tan  uom- 
brados  por  aquella  tierra  y  lleuando  consigo  de  aquellas  gentesque  le 
seguian  procuro  de  atrabesar  los  despoblados  que  ay  entre  cibola  y  lo 
poblado  que  auia  andado  y  auiase  les  adelantado  tan  to  a  los  frayles  que 
quando  ellos  llegaron  a  chichieticale  ques  principio  del  despoblado  ya 
el  estaua  a  cibola  que  son  ochenta  leguas  de  despoblado  que  ay  desde 
culiacan  a  el  principio  del  despoblado  docientas  y  ueinte  leguas  y  en  el 
despoblado  ochenta  que  son  trecientas  diez  mas  o  menos  digo  ansi  que 
Ilegado  que  fue  el  negro  esteuan  a  cibola  llego  cargado  de  grande 
numero  de  turquesas  que  le  auian  dado  y  algunas  mugeres  hermosas 
que  le  auian  dado  y  Ueuauan  los  indios  que  le  acomxianauan  y  le  seguian 

1  This  ia  a  marginal  correctiou  of  what  is  clearly  a  slip  uf  the  pen  iu  the  text. 


wiNSHip]  NARRATIVE   OF    CASTANEDA  419 

de  todo  lo  poblado  que  auia  pasado  los  quales  en  yr  debajo  de  sa  amparo 
creyan  poder  atrabesar  toda  la  tierra  sin  riesgo  niuguuo  pero  como 
aquellas  gentes  de  aquella  tierra  fuesen  de  mas  ra^on  que  no  los  que  se- 
guiau  a  el  esteuan  aposentaronlo  en  una  sierta  bermita  que  tenian  fuera 
del  pueblo  y  los  mas  uiejos  y  los  que  gouernauan  oyeron  sus  ragones 
y  procuraron  saber  la  causa  de  su  benida  en  aquella  tierra  y  bleu  iufor- 
mados  por  espagio  de  tres  dias  entrarou  en  su  consulta  y  por  la  notiyia 
quel  negro  les  dio  como  atras  uenian  dos  bombres  blancos  embiados 
por  un  gran  sefior  que  eran  entendidos  en  las  cosas  del  cielo  y  que 
aquellos  los  uenian  a  industriar  en  las  cosas  diuinas  consideraron  que 
debia  ser  espia  o  guia  de  algunas  nagiones  que  los  querian  yr  a  conquis- 
tar  porque  les  paregio  desbario  decir  que  la  tierra  de  donde  uenia  era 
la  gente  blanca  siendo  el  negro  y  enbiado  por  ellos  y  fueron  a  el  y  como 
despues  de  otras  ra^ones  le  pidiese  turquesas  y  mugeres  parecioles 
cosa  dura  y  determiaronse  a  le  matar  y  ansi  lo  hicieron  sin  que  mata- 
sen  a  nadie  de  los  que  con  el  yban  y  tomaron  algunos  muchachos  y  a 
los  de  mas  que  serian  obra  de  sesenta  personas  dexaron  bolber  libres  a 
sus  tierras  pues  como  estos  que  boluian  ya  huyendo  atemorisados  llega- 
sen  a  se  topar  y  ber  con  los  frayles  en  el  despoblado  sesenta  leguas  de 
^ibola  y  les  diesen  la  triste  uueba  pusieron  los  en  tanto  temor  que  aun 
no  se  flando  de  esta  gente  con  aber  ydo  en  compaiiia  del  negro  abrieron 
las  petacas  que  lleuaban  y  les  repartieron  quanto  trayan  que  no  les 
quedo  salbo  los  liornamentos  de  degir  misa  y  de  alii  dierou  la  buelta  sin 
ber  la  tierra  mas  de  lo  que  los  indios  les  de^ian  antes  caminaban  dobla- 
das  jornadas  haldas  en  sinta. 

Capitulo  quarto  como  el  buen  don  Antonio  de  mendoga  higo  Jornada 
para  el  descubrimiento  de  Cibola. 

despues  que  francisco  uasques  coronado  ubo  embiado  a  fray  marcos 
de  ni§a  y  su  conpafia  en  la  demanda  ya  diclia  quedando  el  en  culiacan 
entendio  en  negocios  que  conbenian  a  su  gouernacio  tubo  sierta  rela- 
5ion  de  una  prouingia  que  corria  en  la  trabesia  de  la  tierra  de  culiacan 
a  el  norte  que  se  decia  topira  y  luego  salio  para  la  ir  a  descubrir  con 
algunos  conquistadores  y  gente  de  amigos  y  su  yda  hi^o  poco  efecto 
por  que  auian  de  atrabesar  las  Cordilleras  y  fue  les  muy  dificultoso  y  la 
noti9ia  no  la  hallaron  tal  ni  muestra  de  buena  tierra  y  ansi  dio  la 
buelta  y  llegado  que  fue  hallo  a  los  frayles  que  auian  acabado  de  Uegar 
y  fueron  tantas  las  grandegas  que  les  dixeron  de  lo  que  el  esteuan  el 
negro  auia  descubierto  y  lo  que  ellos  oyeron  a  los  indios  y  otras  noticias 
de  la  mar  del  sur  y  de  ylas  que  oyeron  de5ir  y  de  otras  riquesas  quel 
gouernador  sin  mas  se  detener  se  partio  luego  para  la  ciudad  de 
mexico  lleuando  a  el  fray  marcos  consigo  para  dar  notigia  de  ello  a  el 
bisorey  en  grandesiendo  las  cosas  con  no  las  querer  comunicar  con 
nadie,  sino  de  baxo  de  puridad  y  grande  secreto  a  personas  particula 
res  y  llegados  a  mexico  y  bisto  con  don  Antonio  de  mendoga  luego  se 
comen(;o  a  publicar  como  ya  se  abian  descubierto  las  siete  jiudades 


420  THE   COEONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

que  Nuuo  de  guzman  buscaba  y  ha^er  armada  y  portar  gente  para 
las  yr  a  conquistar  el  bueii  birrey  tubo  tal  orden  con  los  frayles  de  la 
orden  de  san  frangisco  que  hicieron  a  fray  marcos  prouincial  que  fue 
causa  que  andubieseu  los  pulpites  de  aquella  orden  llenos  de  tantas 
marabillas  y  tan  grades  que  en  pocos  dias  se  juntaron  mas  de  tresien- 
tos  hombres  espafioles  y  obra  de  ocliocientos  indios  uaturales  de  la  nue 
(ua)  espaua  y  entre  los  espanoles  honbres  de  gran  calidad  tantos  y 
tales  que  dudo  en  Indias  aber  se  juntado  tan  noble  gente  y  tanta  en 
tarn  pequeno  numero  como  fiieron  treyientos  hombres  y  de  todos  ellos 
capitan  general  francisco  uasqiies  coronado  gouernador  de  la  nueba 
galigia  por  aber  sido  el  autor  de  todo  bico  todo  esto  el  buen  uirey  don 
Antonio  porque  a  la  sagon  era  fran"»  uasques  la  i)ersona  mas  allegada 
a  el  por  pribanga  porque  tenia  entendido  era  lionibre  sagaz  abil  y  de 
buen  consejo  allende  de  ser  cauallero  como  lo  era  tenido  tubiera  mas 
atenyion  y  respecto  a  el  estado  en  que  lo  ponia  y  cargo  que  llebaua  que 
no  a  la  renta  que  dexaba  en  la  nueba  espaua  o  a  lo  menos  a  la  honra 
que  ganaba  y  auia  de  ganar  lleuando  tales  caualleros  de  baxo  de  su 
bando  pero  no  le  salio  ausi  como  a  delante  se  bera  en  el  fin  de  este 
tratado  ni  el  supo  conserbar  aquel  estado  ni  la  gouernacion  que  tenia. 

Capitulo  quinto  que  trata  quienes  fueron  por  capitanes  a  cibola. 

ya  quel  bisorey  don  Antonio  de  mendoya  bido  la  muy  noble  gente 
que  tenia  junta  y  con  los  animos  y  iioluntad  q  todos  se  le  auian  ofreyido 
cognogiendo  el  ualor  de  sus  personas  a  cada  uno  de  ellos  quisiera  liayer 
capitan  de  uu  exergito  pero  como  el  numero  de  todos  era  poco  no  pudo 
lo  que  quisiera  y  ausi  ordeno  las  conductas  y  capitanias  que  le  paregio 
porque  yendo  por  su  mano  ordenado  era  tarn  obedecido  y  amado  que 
nadie  saliera  de  su  mandado  despues  que  todos  entedieron  quien  era 
su  general  bigo  alferez  general  a  don  pedro  de  touar  cauallero  mangebd 
bijo  de  don  fernando  de  tobar  guarda  y  mayordomo  mayor  de  la  reyna 
doiia  Juana  nra  natural  sefiora  que  sea  en  gloria  y  maestre  de  campo  a 
lope  de  samaniego  alcayde  de  las  ataraganas  de  mexico  cauallero  para  el 
cargo  bien  suflgiente  capitanes  fueron  don  tristan  de  arellano  don  pedro 
de  gueuara  bijo  de  don  juan  de  gueuara  y  sobriuo  del  conde  de  onate 
don  gargi  lopes  de  cardenas  don  rodrigo  maldonado  cunado  del  duque 
del  infantado  diego  lopes  ueinte  y  quatro  de  seuilla  diego  gutierres  de 
la  caualleria  todos  los  demas  caualleros  yban  debajo  del  guion  del  gene- 
ral por  ser  peronas  seualadas  y  algunos  de  ellos  fueron  despues  capi- 
tanes y  permanecieron  en  ello  por  ordenagion  del  birey  y  otros  por  el 
general  francisco  uasques  nombrare  algunos  de  aquellos  de  que  tengo 
memoria  que  fueron  frangisco  de  barrio  nuebo  un  cauallero  de  granada 
juan  de  saldibar  frangisco  de  auando  juan  gallego  y  melchior  dias  capi- 
tan y  alcalde  mayor  que  auia  sido  de  culiacan,  q  aunque  no  era  caua- 
llero meregia  de  su  persona  el  cargo  que  tubo  los  demas  caualleros  que 
fueron  sobresalientes  fueron  don  Alonso  manrique  de  lara  don  lope  de 
urrea  cauallero  aragones  gomes  suares  de  figueroa  luis  ramires  de  uargas 


wiNSHir]  NAREATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  421 

juan  de  sotomayor  francisco  gorbalan  el  factor  riberos  y  otros  caua- 
lleros  de  que  agora  no  me  acuerdo  y  hombres  de  mucbo  calidad  capitan 
de  infanteria  fue  pablo  de  melgosa  burgales  y  de  la  artilleria  hernando 
de  albarado  cauallero  montaties  digo  que  con  el  tiempo  e  perdido  la 
memoria  de  inucbos  buenos  bijos  dalgo  que  fuera  bueno  que  los  nom- 
brara  por  que  se  biera  y  cogno^iera  la  racoii  que  tengo  de  decir  que 
aula  para  esta  Jornada  la  mas  lucida  gente  que  sea  juntado  en  indias 
para  yr  en  demandas  de  tierras  nuebras  siuo  fueran  desdichados  en  lleuar 
capitan  que  dexaba  rentas  en  la  nueba  espafla  y  muger  mo5a  noble  y 
generosa  que  no  fueron  pocas  espuelas  para  lo  que  bino  a  ha^er. 

Capitulo  sexto  como  se  juntaron  en  conpostela  todas  las  capitanias  y 
salieron  en  orden  para  la  Jornada. 

hecbo  y  ordenado  por  el  birey  don  Antonio  do  mendoya  lo  que  abemos 
dicbo  y  bechas  las  capitanias  o  capitanes  dio  luego  a  la  gente  de  guerra 
socorros  de  la  caxa  de  su  magestad  a  las  personas  mas  menesterosas  y 
por  pareyerle  que  si  salia  el  campo  formado  desde  mexico  baria  algunos 
agrauios  por  las  tierras  de  los  amigos  ordeno  que  se  fuesen  a  juntar  a 
la  ciudad  de  conpostela  cabe<;a  del  nuebo  reyno  de  galicia  ciento  y 
diez  leguas  de  mexico  para  que  desde  alii  ordeuadamente  comencasen 
sn  Jornada  lo  que  paso  en  este  uiaje  no  ay  para  que  dar  de  ello  rela(;ion 
pues  al  flu  todos  se  juntaron  en  conpostela  el  dia  de  carnes  tollendas 
del  ano  de  quarenta  y  uno  y  como  ubo  liecbado  toda  la  gente  de  Mexico 
dio  orden  en  como  pedro  de  alarcon  saliese  con  dos  uauios  que  estaban 
en  el  puerto  de  la  nabidad  en  la  costa  del  sur  y  fuese  a  el  puerto  de 
xalisco  a  tomar  la  ropa  de  los  soldados  que  no  la  pudiesen  lleuar  i)ara 
que  costa  a  costa  fuese  tras  del  campo  porque  se  tubo  entendido  que 
segun  la  notiyia  auian  de  ir  por  la  tierra  §erca  de  la  costa  de  el  mar  y 
que  por  los  rios  sacariamos  los  puertos  y  los  uauios  siempre  tendriau 
uoticia  del  campo  lo  qual  despues  pareyio  ser  falso  y  ansi  se  perdio  toda 
la  ropa  o  por  mejor  dei^'ir  la  perdio  cuya  era  como  adelante  se  dira  asi 
que  despacliado  y  coucluido  todo  el  uisorey  se  partio  para  conpostela 
acompanado  de  mucbos  caualleros  y  ricos  bonbres  y  tubo  el  afio  nuebo 
de  quarenta  y  uno  en  pasquaro  que  es  cabeya  del  obispado  de  mecliua- 
can  y  de  alii  con  mucba  alegria  y  placer  y  grandes  reyebimientos  atra- 
beso  toda  la  tierra  de  la  nueba  espafia  basta  Conpostela  que  sou 
como  tengo  dicbo  §iento  y  diez  leguas  adoiide  ballo  toda  la  gente  junta 
y  bien  tratada  y  bospedada  por  cbristobal  de  otiate  que  era  a  la  sagon 
la  persona  que  tenia  enpeso  aquella  gouernagion  y  la  aula  sostenido  y 
era  capitan  de  toda  aquella  tierra  puesto  quo  francisco  uasques  era 
gouernador  y  llegado  con  mucba  alegria  de  todos  biyo  alarde  de  la  gete 
que  embiaba  y  hallo  toda  la  que  abemos  sefialado  y  repartio  las  capi- 
tanias y  esto  liecho  otro  dia  despues  de  misa  a  todos  juntos  ansi  capi- 
tanes como  a  soldados  el  uisorey  les  bico  una  muy  eloquente  y  breue 
orayion  encargandoles  la  fidelidad  q  debian  a  su  general  dandolcs  bien 
a  entender  el  probecbo  que  de  bacer  aquella  Jornada  podia  redundar  a 


422  THE   COEONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ajw.U 

si  a  la  conuer^ion  de  aquellas  geutes  como  en  pro  de  los  que  conquista- 
sen.aquella  tierra  y  el  seruicio  de  su  magestad  j  la  obligation  en  que  le 
auian  puesto  para  en  todo  tiempo  los  faborecer  y  socorrer  y  acabada 
tomo  juramento  sobre  los  euagelios  en  un  libro  inisala  todos  general- 
mente  asi  a  capitanes  como  a  soldados  aunque  por  orden  que  siguirian 
a  8u  general  y  harian  en  aquella  Jornada  y  obedecerian  todo  aquello  que 
por  el  les  fuese  mandado  lo  qual  despues  cumplieron  flelmente  como  se 
bera  y  esto  lieclio  otro  dia  salio  el  campo  con  sus  banderas  tendidas  y 
el  uirey  don  Antonio  le  acompauo  dos  jornados  y  de  alii  se  despidio 
dando  la  buelta  para  la  nueua  espana  aconpanado  de  sus  amigos. 

Capituh  septimo  como  el  campo  llego  a  chiametla  y  mataron  a  el  maestre 
de  canpo  y  lo  que  mas  acae^io  hasta  llegar  a  culiacan. 

partido  que  fue  el  uirey  don  Antonio  el  campo  camino  por  sus  jorna- 
das  y  como  era  for§ado  lleuar  cada  uno  sus  aberes  en  cauallos  y  no 
todos  los  sabian  apareiar  y  los  cauallos  salian  gordos  y  liolgados  en  las 
primeras  jornadas  ubo  grande  diiicultad  y  trabajo  y  muchos  dexaron 
muchas  preseas  y  las  daban  de  gracia  a  quien  las  queria  por  no  las  cargar 
y  a  el  fin  la  necesidad  que  es  maestra  con  el  tiempo  los  bigo  maestros 
donde  se  pudierii  ber  muchos  caualleros  tornados  harrieros  y  que  el  que 
se  despreciaba  del  officio  no  era  tenido  por  Lombre  y  con  estos  trabajos 
que  enton9es  tubieron  por  grandes  llego  el  canpo  en  chiametla  donde 
por  fastar  bastimentos  fue  forQado  de  tenerse  alii  algunos  dias  en  los 
quales  el  maestre  de  campo  lope  de  samaniego  con  sierta  compaiiia  fue 
a  buscar  bastimentos  y  en  un  pueblo  por  entrar  indiscretameute  por  un 
arcabuco  en  pos  de  los  enemigos  lo  flecharon  por  un  ojo  y  le  pasaron  el 
celebro  de  que  luego  murio  alii  y  flecharon  otros  cinco  o  seis  compaiieros 
y  luego  como  fue  muerto  diego  lopes  iieinte  y  quatro  de  seuilla  recogio 
la  gente  y  lo  embio  a  ha^er  saber  a  el  general  y  puso  guarda  en  el  pueblo 
y  en  los  bastimentos  sabido  dio  gran  turbaeion  en  el  campo  y  fue  enter- 
rado  y  hicieron  algunas  entradas  de  dOde  truxeron  bastimentos  y  algunos 
presos  de  los  naturales  y  se  ahorcarou  a  lo  menos  los  que  parecieron  ser 
de  a  quella  parte  a  do  murio  el  maestre  de  campo. 

parece  que  a  el  tiempo  que  el  general  frangisco  uasques  partio  de 
culiacan  con  fraymarcos  a  dar  la  noticia  ya  dicha  a  el  bisorey  don  Antonio 
de  meiido^a  auia  dexado  ordenado  que  saliese  el  capitan  melchior  diaa 
y  juan  de  saldibar  con  una  doyena  de  buenos  hombres  de  culiacan  en 
demada  de  lo  que  fray  marcos  auia  bisto  y  oydo  los  quales  salieron  y 
fueron  hasta  chichilticale  que  es  priucipio  del  despoblado  do^ientas  y 
ueinte  leguas  de  Culiacan  y  no  hallarou  cosa  de  tomo  bolbieron  y  a  el 
tiempo  que  el  campo  queria  salir  de  chiametla  llegaron  y  hablaron  a  el 
general  y  por  secreto  que  se  trato  la  mala  nueua  luego  suena  ubo  algunos 
dichos  que  aunque  se  doraban  no  dexaban  de  dar  lustre  de  lo  que 
eran  fray  marcos  de  ni^a  cognocieudo  la  turbaeion  de  algunos  desha§ia 
aquellos  nublados  prometieudo  ser  lo  que  bieron  lo  bueno  y  que  el 
yba  alii  y  poruia  el  campo  en  tierra  donde  hinchesen  las  manos  y  con 


wiNBHip]  NARRATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  423 

esto  se  aplaco  y  mostraron  bueii  semblante  y  de  alii  camino  el  campo 
hasta  llegar  a  culiacau  hagiendo  algunas  entradas  en  tierra  de 
guerra  por  tomar  bastimentos  Uegaron  a  dos  leguas  de  la  uilla  de 
culiacau  uispera  de  pasqua  de  resuregion  a  donde  salieron  los  uecinos 
a  regebir  a  su  gouernador  y  le  rogaron  no  entrase  en  la  uilla  hasta  el 
segundo  dia  de  pasqua. 

Gapitulo  otauo  como  el  campo  entro  en  la  uilla  de  culiacan  y  el  recebi- 
miento  que  se  hifo  y  lo  que  mas  aca^io  hasta  la  partida. 

como  fuese  segundo  dia  de  pasqua  de  resuregion  el  campo  salio  de 
mauana  jjara  entrar  en  la  uilla  y  en  la  entrada  en  un  campo  esconbrado 
los  de  la  uilla  ordenados  anso  de  guerra  a  pie  y  a  cauallo  por  sus  exqua- 
drones  teniendo  asetada  su  artilleria  que  eran  siete  piegas  de  bronce 
salieron  en  muestra  de  querer  defender  la  uilla  estaban  con  ellos  alguna 
parte  de  nfos  soldados  nfo  campo  por  la  misma  orden  comencaron  con 
ellos  una  escaramuga  y  ansi  fueron  romprendo  despues  de  aber  jugado 
el  artilleria  de  ambas  partes  de  suerte  que  les  fue  tomada  la  uilla  por 
fuerga  de  armas  que  fue  una  alegre  demostragion  y  regebimiento  aun 
que  no  para  el  artillero  que  se  llebo  una  mano  por  aber  mandado  poner 
fuego  antes  que  acabase  de  sacar  el  atacador  de  un  tiro  tomada  la  uilla 
fiieron  luego  bieu  aposentados  y  hospedados  por  los  ueginos  que  como 
eran  todos  hombres  muy  laonrados  en  sus  propias  ijosadas  metieron  a 
todos  los  caualleros  y  persoiias  le  calidad  que  yban  en  el  campo  aunque 
aula  aposento  liecho  para  todos  fuera  de  la  uilla  y  no  les  fue  algunos 
uecinos  mal  gratiflcado  este  hospedaje  por  que  como  todos  benian  adere- 
sados  de  ricos  atabios  y  de  alii  auian  de  sacar  bastimentos  en  sus  bestias 
y  de  fuerga  auian  de  dejar  sus  preseas  muchos  quisieron  antes  dar  las  a 
sus  huespedes  que  no  ponerlas  a  la  bentura  de  la  mar  ni  que  se  las  llebase 
los  nabios  que  auian  benido  por  la  costa  siguiendo  el  campo  para  tomar 
el  fardaje  como  ya  se  dixo  ansi  que  llegados  y  bieu  aposentados  en  la 
uilla  el  general  por  orden  del  bisorey  don  Antonio  jjuso  alii  por  capitan 
y  tiniente  a  femandarias  de  saabedra  tio  de  liernandarias  de  saabedra 
conde  del  castellar  que  fue  alguagil  mayor  de  seuilla  y  alii  reposo  el 
canpo  algunos  dias  porque  los  ueginos  auian  cogido  aquel  aQo  muchos 
bastimentos  y  partierou  con  la  gente  de  nlo  campo  con  mucho  amor 
especial  cada  uno  con  sus  huespedes  de  raanera  que  no  solamente  ubo 
abudangia  para  gastar  alii  mas  aun  ubo  para  sacar  que  a  el  tienipo  de  la 
partida  salieron  mas  de  seigientas  bestias  cargadas  y  los  amigos  y 
seruigio  que  fueron  mas  de  mill  personas.  pasados  quinse  dias  el  general 
ordeno  de  se  partir  delante  con  hasta  sinquenta  de  acauallo  y  pocos 
peones  y  la  mayor  parte  de  los  amigos  y  dexar  el  campo  que  le  siguiese 
desde  a  quinse  dias  y  dexo  por  su  teniente  a  don  tristan  de  arellano. 

en  este  comedio  antes  que  se  partiese  el  general  acontegio  iin  caso 
donoso  y  yo  por  tal  lo  quento  y  fue  que  un  soldado  mangebo  que  se 
decia  trugillo  flngio  aber  bisto  una  bigion  estando  bafiandose  en  el  rio 
y  fagiendo  del  disflgurado  fue  traydo  ante  el  general  adonde  dio  a  enten- 


424  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ank.U 

der  que  le  auia  dicho  el  demonio  que  matase  a  el  general  y  lo  casaria  con 
dofia  beatris  su  muger  y  le  daria  grandes  thesoros  y  otras  cosas  bien 
donosas  por  donde  fray  marcos  de  ui^a  lii§o  algunos  sermones  atribuyen- 
dolo  a  que  el  demonio  con  embidia  del  bien  que  de  aquella  Jornada  auia 
de  resultar  lo  queria  desbaratar  por  aquella  uia  y  no  solamente  paro  en 
esto  sino  que  tambieu  los  frayles  que  yban  en  la  Jornada  lo  escribieron 
a  sus  conbentos  y  fue  causa  que  por  los  pulpites  de  mexico  se  dixesen 
hartas  fabulas  sobre  ello. 

El  general  maiido  quedar  a  el  truxillo  en  aquella  uilla  y  que  no  biciese 
la  Jornada  qlie  fue  lo  que  el  preteiidio  quando  liifo  aquel  embuste 
segun  despues  pare9io  por  berdad  el  general  salio  con  la  geute  ya  dicha 
siguiendo  su  Jornada  y  despues  el  campo  como  se  dira. 

Capitulo  nueue  como  el  canpo  salio  de  culiacan  y  llego  el  general  a 
fibola  y  el  campo  a  senora  y  lo  que  mas  acae^io. 

el  general  como  esta  dicho  salio  del  ualle  de  culiacan  en  seguimiento 
de  su  uiaje  algo  a  la  ligera  lleuando  cousigo  los  frayles  que  iiinguno 
quiso  quedar  con  el  campo  j^  a  tres  jornados  un  frayle  Uamado  fray 
Antonio  uictoria  se  quebro  un  pierna  y  este  frayle  era  de  misa  y  para 
que  se  curase  lo  bolbierou  del  camiuo  y  despues  fue  con  el  campo  que  no 
fue  poca  consolation  para  todos  el  general  y  su  gente  atrabesaron  la 
tierra  sin  contraste  que  todo  lo  que  hallaron  de  pax  porque  los  indios 
cognogian  a  fray  marcos  y  algunos  de  los  que  auian  ydo  con  el  capitan 
melchior  dias  quando  auia  ydo  el  yjuan  de  saldibar  a  descubrir  como 
el  general  ubo  atrabesado  lo  poblado  y  llegado  a  cbicbilticale  principio 
del  despoblado  y  no  bio  cosa  buena  no  dexo  de  sentir  alguna  tristesa 
porque  auuque  la  noti<;ia  de  lo  de  adelante  era  grande  no  auia  quien  lo 
ubiese  uisto  sino  los  indios  que  fueron  con  el  negro  queya  los  auian  to- 
rnado enalgunas  meutiras  por  todos  se  sintio  mucbo  ber  que  la  famade 
chicliilticale  se  resumia  en  una  casa  sin  cubierta  aruynada  puesto  que 
pare^ia  en  otro  tiempo  aber  sido  casa  fuerte  en  tiempo  que  fue  poblada 
y  bien  se  cogno^ia  ser  hecba  por  gentes  estraugeras  puliticas  y  guerras 
benidas  de  lejos  era  esta  casa  de  tierra  bermeja  desde  alii  prosiguieron 
el  despoblado  y  llegaron  en  quinse  dias  a  ocho  leguas  de  fibola  a  un 
rio  que  por  yr  el  agua  turbia  y  bermeja  le  Uamaron  el  rio  bermejo  en 
este  rio  se  hallaron  barbos  como  en  espaiia  a  qui  fue  adonde  se  bieron  los 
primeros  indios  de  aquella  tierra  que  fueron  dos  que  huyeron  y  fueron 
a  dar  mandado  y  otro  dia  a  dos  leguas  del  pueblo  siendo  de  noche  algu- 
nos indios  en  parte  segura  dieron  una  grita  que  aunque  la  gente  estaba 
aper^ebida  se  alteraron  algunos  en  tanta  manera  que  ubo  quien  hecho 
la  silla  a  el  rebes  y  estos  fueron  gente  nueba  que  los  diestros  luego 
caualgaron  y  corrieron  el  campo  los  indios  huyeron  como  quien  sabia  la 
tierra  que  ninguno  pudo  ser  abido. 

otro  dia  bien  en  orden  entraron  por  la  tierra  poblada  y  como  bie- 
ron el  primer  pueblo  que  fue  fibola  fueron  tantas  las  maldiciones  que 
algunos hecharou  a  fray  marcos  quales  dios  no  permita  le  comprehendan. 


W1N6BIP]  NARRATIVE   OP   CASTANEDA  425 

el  es  un  pueblo  pequeuo  ariscado  y  apeuuscado  que  de  lejos  ay  estan- 
cias  en  la  nueua  espaiia  que  tienen  mejor  apareu^ia  es  pueblo  de  hasta 
dogieutos  hombres  de  guerra  detres  y  de  quatro  altos  y  las  casas  chicas 
y  poco  espaciosas  no  tienen  patios  un  patio  sirue  a  un  barrio  aula  se 
juntado  alii  la  gente  de  la  comarca  porque  es  una  prouiu^ia  de  siete 
pueblos  donde  ay  otros  harto  mayores  y  mas  fuertes  jiueblos  que  no 
5ibo]a  estas  gentes  esperaro  en  el  campo  bordenados  con  sus  exqua- 
drones  a  uista  del  pueblo  y  como  a  los  requerimientos  que  le  hicieron 
con  las  lenguas  no  quisieron  dar  la  pax  antes  se  mostraban  brauos  diese 
Santiago  en  ellos  y  fueron  desbaratados  luego  y  despues  fueron  a  tomar 
el  pueblo  que  no  fue  poco  dificultoso  que  como  teiiian  la  entrada  angosta 
y  torneada  a  el  entrar  deribaron  a  el  general  con  una  gran  piedra  tendido 
y  ansi  le  mataran  sino  fuera  por  don  garci  lopes  de  cardenas  y  lier- 
nando  de  albarado  que  se  deribaron  sobre  el  y  le  sacaron  recibiendo 
ellos  los  golpes  de  piedras  que  no  fueron  pocos  pero  como  a  la  primera 
furia  de  los  espanoles  no  ay  resistengia  en  inenos  de  una  ora  se  entro  y 
gano  el  pueblo  y  se  descubrieron  los  bastimentos  que  era  de  lo  que 
mas  necesidad  aula  y  de  ay  adelante  toda  la  prouincia  bino  de  pax. 

el  campo  quo  auia  quedado  a  don  tristan  de  arellano  partio  en  segui- 
miento  del  general  cargados  todos  de  bastimentos  las  lanjas  en  los 
onbros  todos  a  pie  por  sacar  cargados  los  cauallos  y  no  con  pequeno 
trabajo  de  jornadas  en  jornadas  llegaron  a  una  prouin9ia  que  cabe§a  de 
uaca  puso  por  nombre  coragones  a  causa  que  alii  les  ofrecierou  muchos 
cora§ones  de  auimales  y  luego  la  conien(,'o  a  poblar  una  uilla  y  poner  le 
nombre  sant  hieronimo  de  los  cora^ones  y  luego  la  comen^o  a  poblar  y 
bisto  que  no  se  podia  sustentar  la  paso  despues  a  un  ualle  que  llama 
persona  digo  seuora  y  los  espaSoles  lellamarou  seiiora  yansi  le  llemare 
de  aqui  adelante  desde  alii  se  fue  a  buscar  el  puerto  el  rio  abajo  a  la 
costa  de  la  mar  por  saber  de  los  nabios  y  no  los  liallaron  don  rodrigo 
maldonado  que  yba  por  caudillo  en  busca  de  los  nabios  de  buelta  truxo 
consigo  un  indio  tam  grande  y  tam  alto  que  el  mayor  lionbre  y  tan  alto 
quel  mayor  hombre  del  campo  no  le  llegaua  a  el  pecho  deciase  que  en  a 
quella  costa  auia  otros  indios  mas  altos  alii  reposaron  las  aguas  y  des- 
pues paso  el  campo  y  la  uilla  seiiora  por  que  auia  eu  aquella  comai'ca 
bastimentos  para  poder  aguardar  mandado  del  general. 

mediado  el  mes  de  otubre  melchior  dias  y  juan  gallego  capitaues 
binieron  de  gibola  el  juan  gallego  i^ara  nueba  espana  y  melcliior  dias 
para  quedar  por  capitan  en  la  nueba  uilla  de  los  cora§ones  con  la  gente 
que  alii  quedase  y  para  que  fuese  a  descubrir  los  nabios  por  aquella 
costa. 

Capitulo  degimo  como  el  campo  salio  de  la  uilla  de  senora  quedando  la 
uilla poblada  y  como  llego  a  gibola  y  lo  que  le  a  nino  en  el  camino  a  el  capitan 
melchior  dias  yendo  en  demanda  de  los  nabios  y  como  descubrio  el  rio  del 
tison. 

luego  como  fue  Uegado  en  la  uilla  de  seiiora  melcbior  dias  y  juan 
gallego  se  publico  la  partida  del  campo  para  cibola  y  como  auia  de  que- 


426  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.a-vn.U 

dar  en  aquella  uilla  melchior  dias  por  capitan  con  ochenta  honbres  y 
como  juan  gallego  yba  con  mensaje  para  la  uuebaespaiia  a  el  bisorey  y 
llebaba  en  sii  compania  a  fray  marcos  que  no  se  tubo  por  seguro  quedar 
en  cibola  biendo  que  aula  salido  su  relation  falsa  en  todo  porque  ni  se 
hallarou  los  reynos  Q  de^ia  ui  ciudades  populosas  ni  riquesas  de  oro  ni 
pedreria  rica  que  se  publico  ni  brocados  ni  otras  cosas  que  se  dixeron 
por  los  pulpites  pues  luego  que  esto  se  publico  se  repartio  la  gente  que 
aula  de  quedar  y  los  demas  cargaron  de  bastimentos  y  per  su  orden 
mediado  setiembre  se  partieron  la  uia  de  gibola  siguiendo  su  general 
don  tristan  de  arellano  quedo  en  esta  nueba  uilla  con  la  gente  de  nienos 
estofa  y  asi  nunca  dexo  de  aber  de  alii  adelante  motines  y  contrastea 
porque  como  fue  partido  el  canpo  el  capitan  melcboir  dias  tomo  uiente 
y  ginco  bombres  de  los  mas  escogidos  dexando  en  su  lugar  a  nn  diego 
de  alcaraz  hombre  no  bien  acondicionado  para  tener  gente  debaxo  de 
su  mando  y  el  salio  en  demanda  de  la  costa  de  la  mar  entre  norte  y 
poniente  con  guias  y  abiendo  caminado  obra  de  fieto  y  sinquenta  leguas 
dieron  en  una  prouinjia  de  getes  demasiadamente  de  altos  y  membrudos 
ansi  como  gigantes  aunque  gente  desnuda  y  que  bacia  su  abita§ion  en 
chofas  de  paja  largas  a  manera  de  sa  hurdas  metidas  debaxo  de  tierra 
que  no  salia  sobre  la  tierra  mas  de  la  paja  entraban  por  la  una  parte  de 
largo  y  salian  por  la  otra  dormian  en  una  chosa  mas  de  cien  personas 
cbicos  y  grandes  lleuaban  de  peso  sobre  las  cabe^as  quando  se  cargauan 
mas  de  tres  y  de  quatro  quintales  biose  querer  los  nfos  traer  un  madero 
para  el  fuego  y  no  lo  poder  traer  seis  bombres  y  llegar  uno  de  aquellos 
y  leuautarlo  en  los  bra§os  y  ponerselo  el  solo  en  la  cabe§a  y  lleuallo 
muy  liuianamente. 

comeu  pan  de  mais  cosidoso  el  rescoldo  de  la  senisa  tam  grandes  como 
bogasas  de  castilla  grandes.  para  caminar  de  unas  partes  a  otras  por 
el  gran  frio  sacan  un  tison  en  una  mano  con  que  se  ban  calentado  la 
otra  y  el  cuerpo  y  ansi  lo  ban  trocaudo  a  treclios  y  i)or  esto  a  un  gran 
rio  que  ba  por  aquella  tierra  lo  nobrau  el  rio  del  tison  es  poderoso  rio  y 
tiene  de  boca  mas  de  dos  leguas  por  alii  tenia  media  legua  de  trabesia 
alii  tomo  lenguael  capita  como  los  nabios  auian  estadotresjoruadasde 
alli  por  bajo  bacia  la  mar  y  llegados  adonde  los  nabios  estubieron  que 
era  mas  de  quince  leguas  el  rio  arriba  de  la  boca  del  puerto  y  ballaron 
en  un  arbol  escripto  aqui  llego  alarcou  a  el  pie  de  este  arbol  ay  cartas 
sacaronse  las  cartas  y  por  ellas  bieron  el  tiempo  que  estubieron  aguar- 
dando  nuebas  de  el  campo  y  como  alarcon  auia  dado  la  buelta  desde 
alli  para  la  nueba  espaiia  con  los  nabios  porque  no  podia  correr  ade- 
lante porque  aquella  mar  era  anco  que  tornaba  a  bolber  sobre  la  isla  del 
marques  que  di^en  California  y  dieron  relation  como  la  California  no  era 
isla  sino  punto  de  tierra  firme  de  la  buelta  de  aquel  ancou. 

uisto  esto  por  el  capitan  tomo  a  bolber  el  rio  arriba  sin  ber  la  mar 
por  buscar  bado  para  pasar  a  la  otra  banda  para  seguir  la  otra  costa  y 
como  andubieron  cinco  o  seis  jornadasparecioles  podrian  pasar  con  bal- 
sas y  para  esto  llamaron  mucha  gente  de  los  de  la  tierra  los  quales 


WINSHIP] 


NAERATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  427 


qiieriau  ordeuar  de  liacer  salto  en  los  nios  y  andaban  buscando  oca§ion 
oportiina  y  como  bieron  que  queriau  pasar  aciidieron  a  hager  las  balsas 
cou  toda  prestesa  y  diligen^ia  por  tomar  los  ansi  en  el  agua  y  aliogarlos 
o  dibidos  de  suerte  que  no  se  pudiesen  faboreger  ni  ayudar  y  en  este 
comedio  que  las  balsas  se  hacian  un  soldado  que  auia  ydo  a  campear 
bido  en  un  mote  atrabesar  gran  numero  de  gente  armada  que  aguarda- 
ban  a  que  pasase  la  gente  dlo  de  ello  notigia  y  secretamente  se  en9erro 
un  indio  para  saber  de  el  la  berdad  y  como  le  apretasen  dixo  toda  la 
Olden  que  tenian  ordenada  para  quando  pasasen  q  era  que  como  ubiesen 
pasado  parte  de  los  nfos  y  parte  fuesen  por  el  rio  y  parte  quedasen  por 
pasar  que  los  de  las  balsas  procurasen  a  liogar  los  que  lleuaban  y  las 
demas  gente  saliese  a  dar  en  ambas  partes  de  la  tierra  y  si  como  tenian 
cuerpos  y  fuer^as  tubieran  discri9ion  y  esfuerjo  ellos  saliera  con  su 
empresa.  bisto  su  intento  el  capitan  hi§o  matar  secretamente  el  indio 
que  confeso  el  heebo  y  aquella  noche  se  hecho  en  el  rio  con  una  pesga 
porque  los  indios  no  sintieseu  que  eran  sentidos  y  como  otra  dia  sin- 
tieron  el  regelo  de  los  nfos  mostraronse  de  guerra  liechado  ro^iadas  de 
flechas  pero  como  los  cauallos  los  comenfaron  a  alcanfar  y  las  langas  los 
lastimaban  sin  piadad  y  los  arcabu^eros  tambien  hacian  buenos  tiros 
ubieron  de  dexar  el  campo  y  tomar  el  monte  hasta  que  no  jiaregio  hon- 
bre  de  ellos  bino  por  alii  y  ansi  paso  la  gente  a  buen  recaudo  siendo  los 
amigos  balseadores  y  espanoles  a  las  bueltas  pasando  los  cauallos  a  la 
par  de  las  balsas  donde  los  dexaremos  caminando. 

por  contar  como  fue  el  canipo  que  caminaba  para  9ibola  que  como 
yba  caminando  por  su  orden  y  el  general  lo  auia  dexado  todo  de  pax 
por  do  quiera  hallaban  la  gente  de  la  tierra  alegre  sin  temer  y  que  se 
dexabau  bien  maudar  y  en  una  prouingia  que  se  di^e  uacapan  auia 
gran  cautidad  de  tunas  que  los  naturales  bafen  conserua  de  ellas  en 
cantidad  y  de  esta  conserua  presentaron  mucha  y  como  la  gente  del 
campo  comio  de  ella  todos  cayeron  como  amodoridos  con  dolor  de 
cabeca  y  flebre  de  suerte  que  si  los  naturales  quisieran  hicieran  gran 
dano  en  la  gente  duro  esto  ueinti  y  quatro  oras  naturales  despues  que 
salieron  de  alii  caminando  llegaron  a  chichilticale  despues  que  saliero 
de  alii  un  dia  los  de  la  guardia  bieron  pasar  una  manada  de  carneros  y 
yo  los  bi  y  los  segui  eran  de  grande  cuerpo  en  demasia  el  pelo  largo  los 
cuernos  muy  gruesos  y  grandes  para  correr  enhiestran  el  rostro  y  hecha 
los  cuernos  sobre  el  lomo  corren  mucho  por  tierra  agra  que  no  los  pudi- 
mos  alcangar  y  los  ubimos  de  dexar. 

entrando  tres  jornadas  por  el  despoblado  en  la  riuera  de  un  rio  que 
esta  en  unas  grandes  honduras  de  barrancas  se  hallo  un  cuerno  quel 
general  despues  de  aber  lo  uisto  lo  dexo  alii  para  que  los  de  su  canpo 
le  biesen  que  tenia  de  largo  una  bra§a  y  tam  gordo  por  el  nagimiento 
como  el  muslo  de  un  hombre  en  la  faieron  pare^ia  mas  ser  de  cabron 
que  de  otro  animal  fue  cosa  de  ber  x>asando  adelante  y  a  quel  canpo 
yba  una  Jornada  de  5iboIa  comen50  sobre  tarde  un  gran  torbellino  de 
ayre  frigidissimo  y  luego  se  siguio  gran  lubia  de  niebe  que  fue  harta 


428  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.aks.u 

con  fri9ion  para  la  gente  de  seruigio  el  campo  camiiio  hasta  llegar  a 
unos  penascos  de  socarenas  donde  se  llego  bien  nocUe  y  cou  harto 
rlesgo  de  los  araigos  que  como  eran  de  la  iiueba  espafia  y  la  mayor 
parte  de  tierras  calientes  sintierou  mucbo  la  frialdad  de  aquel  dia  tanto 
que  ubo  barto  que  ba§er  otro  dia  eu  los  reparar  y  llebar  a  cauallo  yen- 
do  los  soldados  a  pie  y  con  este  trabajo  llego  el  campo  a  fibola  donde 
los  aguardaba  su  general  hecho  el  aposento  y  alii  se  torno  a  jutar  aunque 
algunos  capltaues  y  gente  faltaua  que  auian  salido  a  descubrir  otras 
prouingias. 

Capitulo  onfe  como  don  pedro  de  touar  descubrio  a  tusayan  o  tutahaco 
y  don  garci  lopes  de  cardenas  bio  el  rio  del  tison  y  lo  que  mas  acaecion. 

en  el  entre  tanto  que  las  cosas  ya  dicbas  pasaron  el  general  franco 
uasques  como  estaba  eu  cibola  de  pax  procuro  saber  de  los  de  la  tierra 
que  prouincias  le  cayan  en  coniarca  y  que  ellos  diesen  noticia  a  sus 
amigos  y  uecinos  como  eran  benidos  a  su  tierra  cristianos  y  que  no 
querian  otra  cosa  salbo  ser  sus  amigos  y  aber  noticia  de  bueuas  tierras 
que  poblar  y  que  los  biniesen  aber  y  comunicar  y  ansi  lo  bicieron  luego 
saber  en  aquellas  partes  que  se  comunicaban  y  trataban  con  ellos  y 
dieron  noticia  de  una  proumcia  de  siete  pueblos  de  su  misma  calidad 
aunque  estaban  algo  discordes  que  no  se  trataban  cou  ellos  esta  prouin- 
cia  se  di^^e  tusayan  esta  de  cibola  ueinte  y  ^iuco  leguas  son  i)ueblos 
de  altos  y  gente  belicosa  entre  ellos. 

el  general  auia  embiado  a  ellos  a  don  pedro  de  touar  con  desisiete 
bombres  de  a  cauallo  y  tres  o  quatro  peones  fue  con  ellos  uu  fray  juan 
de  padilla  frayle  frau^isco  que  en  su  inosedad  auia  sido  bombre  belicoso 
Uegados  que  fueron  entraron  por  la  tierra  tarn  secretamente  que  no 
fueron  sentidos  de  ningun  bonbre  la  causa  fue  que  entre  prouincia  y 
prouin^ia  no  ay  poblados  ni  caserias  iii  las  gentes  salen  de  sus  pueblos 
mas  de  hasta  sus  heredades  en  espe§ial  en  aquel  tienpo  que  teuian 
noticia  de  que  ^ibola  era  ganada  por  gentes  ferosissimas  que  andaban 
en  unos  animales  que  comian  gentes  y  entre  los  que  no  auian  bisto 
cauallos  era  esta  notiyia  tarn  grande  que  les  ponia  admira5ion  y  tanto 
que  la  gente  de  los  nros  llego  sobre  noclie  y  pudierou  llegar  a  encubrirse 
se  debajo  de  la  barranca  del  pueblo  y  estar  alii  oyeudo  liablar  los 
naturales  en  sus  casas  pero  como  fue  de  mafiana  fueron  descubiertos  y 
se  pusieron  en  orden  los  de  la  tierra  salieron  a  ellos  bien  ordeiiados  de 
arcos  y  rodelas  y  porras  de  madera  en  ala  sin  se  desconsertar  y  ubo 
lugar  que  las  lenguas  liablasen  con  ellos  y  se  les  hi^iese  requerimientos 
.  por  ser  gente  bien  eutendida  pero  con  todo  esto  bacian  rayas  requiri- 
endo  que  no  pasasen  los  nuestros  aquellas  rayas  liacia  sus  pueblos  que 
fuesen  porte  pasaronse  algunas  rayas  aftdando  bablando  con  ellos  bino 
a  tanto  que  uno  se  ellos  de  desmesuro  y  cou  una  porra  dio  un  golpe 
a  un  cauallo  eu  las  camas  del  freno.  el  fray  juan  euojado  del  tiempo 
que  se  mal  gastaba  con  ellos  dixo  a  el  capitan  en  berdad  yo  no  se  a  que 
benimos  aca  bisto  esto  dieron  Santiago  y  fue  tam  supito  que  derribaron 
muchos  iudios  y  luego  fueron  desbaratados  y  buyerou  a  el  i>ueblo  y  a 


wiNsHip]  NARRATIVE   OF   CASTANEDA  429 

otros  no  les  dierou  ese  lugar  fue  tauta  la  prestesa  con  que  del  pueblo 
salieroii  de  pax  con  presentes  que  luego  se  mando  recoger  la  geute  y  que 
no  se  hiciese  mas  dano  el  capitan  y  los  que  con  el  se  hallaron  buscaron 
sitio  para  asentar  su  real  gerca  del  pueblo  y  alii  se  hallaron  digo  se 
apearon  dode  llego  la  gents  de  pax  diciendo  que  ellos  benian  a  dar  la 
obidengia  por  toda  la  prouingia  y  que  los  queria  tener  por  amigos  que 
recibiesen  aquel  presente  que  les  daban  que  era  alguna  ropa  de  algodon 
aunque  poca  por  no  lo  aber  por  aquella  tierra  dieron  algunos  cueros 
adobados  y  mucha  harina  y  pifiol  y  mais  y  abes  de  la  tierra  despues 
dieron  algunas  turquesas  aunque  pocas  aquel  dia  se  recogio  la  gente  de 
la  tierra  y  binieron  a  dar  la  obidengia  y  dieron  abiertamente  sus  pueblos 
y  que  entrasen  en  ellos  a  tratar  comprar  y  bender  y  cambiar. 

rigese  como  §ibola  por  ayuntamiento  de  los  mas  angiauos  tenien  sus 
gouernadores  y  capitanes  seria  lados  aqai  se  tubo  notifia  de  un  gran 
rio  y  que  rio  abajo  a  algunas  jornadas  aula  getes  muy  grandes  de  cuerpo 
grande. 

como  don  pedro  de  touar  no  llebo  mas  comic^ion  bolbio  de  alii  y  dio 
esta  noti§ia  al  general  que  luego  despacho  alia  a  don  gar^i  lopes  de 
cardeuas  con  liasta  do^e  conpaiieros  para  ber  este  rio  que  como  llego  a 
tusayan  siendo  bien  re5ebido  y  hospedado  de  los  naturales  le  dieron 
guias  para  proseguir  sus  jornadas  y  salieron  de  alii  cargados  de  basti- 
mentos  por  que  auian  de  yr  por  tierra  despoblada  basta  el  poblado  que 
los  indios  decjian  que  eran  mas  de  ueinte  jornadas  pues  como  ubierou 
andado  ueinte  jornadas  llegaron  a  las  barrancas  del  rio  que  puestos  a 
el  bado  de  ellas  paregia  al  otro  bordo  que  aula  mas  de  tres  o  quatro 
leguas  por  el  ayre  esta  tierra  era  alta  y  llena  de  pinales  bajos  y  encor- 
bados  frigidissima  debajo  del  norte  que  con  ser  en  tiempo  calieute  no  se 
podia  biuir  de  frio  en  esta  barranca  estubieron  tres  dias  buscando  la 
bajada  para  el  rio  que  parcQia  de  lo  alto  tendria  una  bra9ada  de  trabesia 
el  agua  y  por  la  uotigia  de  los  indios  tendria  media  legua  de  ancbo  fue 
la  baxada  cosa  inposible  porque  acabo  de  estos  tres  dias  parejiendo 
les  una  parte  la  meuos  diflcultosa  se  pusieron  a  abajar  por  mas  ligeros 
el  capitan  melgosa  y  un  juan  galeras  y  otro  conpaQero  y  tad.iron 
baxando  a  bista  de  ellos  de  los  de  arriba  basta  que  los  perdieron  de 
uista  los  bultos  quel  biso  no  los  alcansaba  aber  y  bolbieron  a  ora  de  las 
quatro  de  la  tarde  que  no  pudierou  acabar  de  bajar  por  grandes  difl- 
cultades  que  hallaron  porque  lo  que  arriba  parecia  fa§il  no  lo  era  antes 
muy  aspero  y  agro  dixeron  que  auian  baxado  la  tergia  parte  y  que 
desde  donde  llegaron  parecia  el  rio  muy  grande  y  que  couforme  a  lo 
que  bieron  era  berdad  tener  la  anchura  que  los  indios  de5ian  de  lo  alto 
determinaban  unos  penol  sillas  desgarados  de  la  baranca  a  el  parecer 
de  un  estado  de  hombre  juran  los  que  baxaron  que  llegaron  a  ellos  que 
eran  mayores  que  la  torre  mayor  de  seuilla  no  caminaron  mas  arrimados 
a  la  barranca  de  el  rio  porque  no  auia  agua  y  hasta  alii  cada  dia  se 
desbiaban  sobre  tarde  una  legaa  o  dos  la  tierra  adentro  en  busca  de 
las  aguas  y  como  andubiesen  otras  quatro  jornadas  las  guias  dixeron 


430  THE    COEONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.m 

que  no  era  posible  pasar  adelaute  porque  no  auia  agua  en  tres  ni  quatro 
joruadas  porque  ellos  quando  caminauau  por  alii  sacabau  mugeres 
cargadas  de  agua  eu  calabagos  y  que  en  aquellas  jornadas  enterraban 
108  calaba90s  del  agua  para  la  buelta  y  que  lo  que  caminabau  los  nues- 
Iros  eu  dos  dias  lo  caminaban  ellos  en  uno. 

este  rio  era  el  del  tisou  muclio  mas  hacia  los  nacimientos  del  que  no 
P9r  donde  lo  auian  pasado  nielchior  dias  y  su  gente  estos  indios  eran 
de  la  luisma  calidad  segun  despues  pare5io  desde  alii  dieron  la  buelta 
que  no  tubo .  mas  efecto  aquella  jornado  y  de  camino  bieron  un  des- 
.  colgadero  de  aguas  que  baxaban  de  una  pena  y  supieron  de  .las  guias 
que  uuos  rasimos  que  colgauan  como  sinos  de  christal  era  sal  y  fueron 
alia  y  cogieron  cantidad  de  ella  que  trugeron  y  repartieron  quando 
llegaron  en  fibola  donde  por  escripto  dieron  queuta  a  su  general  de  lo 
que  bieron  por  que  auia  ydo  con  don  gar9i  lopes  un  pedro  de  soto- 
mayor  que  yba  por  coronista  de  el  campo  aquellos  pueblos  de  aquella 
prouin§ia  quedaron  de  paz  que  nunca  mas  se  bi§itaron  ni  se  supo  ni 
procuro  buscar  otros  poblados  por  aquella  uia. 

Capitulo  doge  como  binieron  a  fibola  gentes  de  cicuye  a  her  los  chris- 
tianos  y  como  f tie  her''  de  aluarado  a  her  las  uacas. 

en  el  comedio  que  andaban  en  estos  descubrimientos  binieron  a 
gibola  siertos  indios  de  un  pueblo  que  esta  de  alii  setenta  leguas 
la  tierra  adeutro  al  oriente  de  aquella  prouincia  a  quien  nombran 
cicuye  benia  eutre  ellos  un  capitan  a  quien  los  nfos  pusieron  por 
nombre  bigotes  por  que  traya  los  mostachos  largos  era  man^ebo 
alto  y  bien  dispuesto  y  robusto  de  rostro  este  dixo  al  general  como 
ellos  beuian  a  le  seruir  por  la  noticia  que  les  auian  dado  para  que  se 
les  ofregiese  por  amigos  y  que  si  auian  de  yr  por  su  tierra  los  tubiesen 
por  tales  amigos  hicieron  sierto  presente  de  cueros  adobados  y  rodelas 
y  capa^etes  fue  re^ebido  con  mucbo  amor  y  dio  les  el  general  basos  de 
bidrio  y  quetas  margaritas  y  caxcabeles  que  los  tubieron  en  mucbo 
como  cosa  nunca  por  ellos  uista  dieron  notigia  de  uacas  que  per  una 
que  uno  de  ellos  traya  pintada  en  las  carnes  se  saco  ser  uaca  que  por 
los  cueros  no  se  podia  entender  a  causa  quel  pelo  era  merino  y  burelado 
tanto  que  no  se  podia  saber  de  que  eran  aquellos  cueros  ordeno  el  gene- 
ral que  fiiese  con  ellos  hernando  de  aluarado  con  ueinte  compaiieros  y 
ocheuta  dias  de  comicjion  y  quien  bolbiese  a  dar  relation  de  lo  que 
hallauan  este  capitan  aluarado  prosiguio  su  Jornada  y  a  ^inco  jornadas 
llegaron  a  un  pueblo  que  estaba  sobre  un  peiiol  deciase  acuco  era  de 
obra  de  dogientos  liombres  de  guerra  salteadores  temidos  por  toda  la 
tierra  y  comarca  el  pueblo  era  fortissimo  porque  estaba  sobre  la  entrada 
del  penol  que  por  todas  partes  era  de  pena  tajada  en  tan  grande  altura 
que  tubiera  un  arcabuz  bien  que  ha^er  en  liechar  una  i)elota  eu  lo  alto 
del  tenia  una  sola  subida  de  escalera  hecha  a  mano  que  comencaba  sobre 
un  repecho  que  hacia  aquella  parte  ha9ia  la  tierra  esta  escalera  era  ancba 
de  obra  de  dogieutos  escalones  basta  llegar  a  la  peua  auia  otra  luego 


WINSHIP] 


NARRATIVE   OF   CASTANEDA  431 


angosta  arrimada  a  la  peua  de  obra  de  cieu  escalones  y  en  el  reinate  de 
ella  auiau  de  subir  por  la  peiia  obra  de  tres  estados  por  agugeros  dode 
hincaban  las  puntas  de  los  pies  y  se  asian  con  las  manos  en  lo  alto  auia 
una  albarrada  de  piedra  seca  y  grade  que  sin  se  descubrir  podian  derri- 
bar  tanta  que  no  fuese  poderoso  ningun  exer9ito  a  les  eutrar  en  lo  alto 
auia  espagio  pa  sembrar  y  coger  gran  cautidad  de  maix  y  cisternas  para 
recoger  nieue  y  agua  esta  gente  salio  de  guerra  abajo  en  lo  llano  y  no 
aprobecliaba  con  ellos  ninguna  buena  racjon  lia^iendo  rayas  y  queriendo 
defender  que  no  las  i)asasen  los  nuestros  y  como  bieron  que  se  les  die 
un  apreton  luego  dieron  la  pla^a  digo  la  pax  antes  que  se  les  liifjiese 
dano  hicieron  sus  serimonias  de  pax  que  llegar  a  los  cauallos  y  tomar 
del  sudor  y  untarse  con  el  y  liacer  crudes  con  los  dedos  de  las  manos  y 
auu  que  la  pax  mas  flga  es  trabarse  las  manos  una  con  otra  y  esta 
guardan  estos  inbiolablemente  dieron  gran  cantidad  de  gallos  de  papada 
muy  grandes  mucho  pan  y  cueros  de  benado  adobados  y  pinoles  y  harina 
y  mais. 

de  alii  en  tres  jornadas  llegarou  a  una  prouin9ia  que  se  dice  triguex 
salio  toda  de  pax  bieudo  que  yban  con  bigotes  liombres  temido  por 
todas  aquellas  prouin^ias  de  alii  embio  aluarado  a  dar  auiso  a  el  gene- 
ral para  que  se  biniese  a  inbernar  aquella  tierra  que  no  poco  se  holgo 
el  geueral  con  la  nueba  que  la  tierra  yba  mejorando  de  alii  a  cinco  jor- 
nadas llego  a  cicuyc  un  pueblo  muy  fuerte  de  quatro  altos  los  del  pueblo 
salieron  a  recebir  a  her''"  de  aluarado  y  a  su  capitan  con  muestras  de 
alegria  y  lo  metieron  en  el  pueblo  con  atambores  y  gaitas  que  alii  ay 
muchos  a  manera  de  pifanos  y  le  liigieron  grade  presente  de  ropa  y  tur- 
quesas  que  las  ay  en  aquella  tierra  en  cantidad  alii  holgaron  algunos 
dias  y  tomaron  leugua  de  un  indio  esclabo  natural  de  la  tierra  de 
aquella  parte  que  ba  hacia  la  florida  ques  la  i^arte  que  don  fer"*"  de 
soto  descubrio  en  lo  ultimo  la  tierra  adentro  este  dio  noti^ia  que  no 
debiera  de  gTandes  poblados  llebolo  hernando  de  aluarado  por  guia 
para  las  uacas  y  fueron  tantas  y  tales  cosas  las  que  dixo  de  las  rique§as 
de  oro  y  plata  que  auia  en  su  tierra  que  no  curaron  de  buscar  las  uacas 
mas  de  quanto  bieron  alguuas  pocas  luego  bolbieron  por  dar  a  el  gene- 
ral la  rica  notigia  a  el  indio  llamaron  turco  porque  lo  pare^ia  en  el 
aspecto  y  a  esta  sacon  el  general  auia  embiado  a  don  garcia  lopes  de 
lopes  de  cardenas  a  tiguex  con  gente  a  hager  el  aposeto  para  lleuar  alii 
a  inbernar  el  campo  que  a  la  sason  auia  llegado  de  seiiora  y  quando 
hernando  de  albarado  llego  a  tiguex  de  buelta  de  cicuyc  hallo  a  don 
garcia  lopes  de  cardenas  y  fue  ne9esario  que  no  pasase  adelante  y  como 
los  naturales  les  inportase  que  biesen  digo  diesen  a  donde  se  aposenta- 
sen  los  espanoles  fue  les  forgado  desamparar  un  pueblo  y  recogerse 
ellos  a  los  otros  de  sus  amigos  y  no  llebaron  mas  que  sus  personas  y 
ropas  y  alii  se  descubrio  notigia  de  muchos  pueblos  debajo  del  norte  que 
creo  fuera  harto  mejor  seguir  aquella  uia  que  no  a  el  turco  que  fue  causa 
de  todo  el  mal  suseso  que  ubo. 


432  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.h 

Capitulo  trece  como  el  general  llego  con  poca  gente  la  uia  <le  tutahaco  y 
de.ro  el  campo  a  don  tristan  que  lo  llebo  a  Hguex. 

todas  estas  cosas  ya  dichas  auiau  pasado  quando  dou  tristan  de  are- 
llano  llego  de  sefiora  en  cibola  y  conio  llego  luego  el  general  por  noticia 
que  tenia  de  una  prouincia  de  echo  pueblos  tomo  treinta  bombres  de 
los  mas  descansados  y  fue  por  la  uer  y  de  alii  tom.ar  la  buelta  de  tiguex 
con  buenas  guias  que  lleuaba  y  dexo  ordenado  que  coiuo  descausase  la 
gente  ueinte  dias  don  tristan  de  arellano  saliese  con  el  campo  la  uia 
derecba  de. tiguex  y  asi  siguio  su  camino  donde  le  acontecio  que  desde 
un  dia  q  salierou  de  un  aposento  basta  tergero  dia  a  medio  dia  que 
bieron  iina  sierra  nebada  donde  fueron  a  buscar  agua  no  la  bebierou 
ellos  ni  sus  cauallos  ni  el  seruicio  pudo  soportala  por  el  gran  frio  aun 
que  con  gran  trabajo  en  ocho  jornadas  llegaron  a  tutabaco  y  alii  se  sui)o 
que  aquel  rio  abaxo  auia  otros  pueblos  estos  salieron  de  pax  son  pue- 
blos de  terrados  como  los  de  tiguex  y  del  mismo  traje  salio  el  general 
de  alii  bisitando  toda  la  probin^ia  el  rio  arriba  basta  llegar  a  tiguex 
donde  ballo  a  bernando  de  aluarado  y  a  el  turco  que  no  pocas  fueron 
las  alegrias  que  bi§o  con  tarn  buena  nueba  porque  de§ia  que  auia  en  su 
tierra  un  rio  en  tierra  liana  que  tenia  dos  leguas  de  anclio  a  donde  auia 
pejes  tan  grandes  como  cauallos  y  gran  numero  de  canoas  graudissi- 
mas  de  mas  de  a  ueinte  remeros  por  banda  y  que  lleuaban  uelas  y  que 
los  seiJores  yban  a  popa  sentados  debajo  de  toldos  y  en  la  proa  una 
grande  aguila  de  oro  de§ia  mas  quel  seiior  de  aquella  tierra  dormia  la 
siesta  debajo  de  un  grande  arbol  donde  estabau  colgados  gran  cantidad 
de  caxcabeles  de  oro  que  con  el  ayre  le  daba  solas  de^ia  mas  quel  comun 
seruicio  de  todos  eii  general  era  plata  labrada  y  los  jarros  platos  y  escu- 
dillas  eran  de  oro  llamaba  a  el  oro  Acochis  diose  le  a  el  presente  credito 
por  la  efica§ia  con  que  lo  degia  y  porque  le  ensenaron  joyas  de  alaton 
y  oliolo  y  de^ia  qiie  no  era  oro  y  el  oro  y  la  plata  cogno^ia  muy  bien  y 
de  los  otros  metales  no  bacia  caso  de  ellos.  embio  el  general  a  ber- 
nando de  albarado  otra  bez  a  cicuyc  a  pedir  unos  brasaletes  de  oro  que 
de^ia  este  turco  que  le  tomaron  a  el  tiempo  que  lo  prendieron  albarado 
fue  y  los  del  pueblo  recibieron  como  amigo  y  como  pidio  los  bracaletes 
negaron  los  por  todas  uias  diciendo  quel  turco  los  enganaba  y  que  meu- 
tia  el  capitan  aluarado  biendo  que  no  auia  remedio  procuro  que  biniese 
a  su  tienda  el  capitan  bigotes  y  el  gouernador  y  benidos  prendio  les  en 
cadenalos  del  pueblo  lo  salieron  de  guerra  becbando  flecbas  y  denostando 
a  bernando  de  albarado  digiendole  de  honbre  que  quebrantaba  la  fee 
y  amistad  ber**"  de  albarado  partio  con  ellos  a  tiguex  al  general  donde 
los  tubieron  presos  mas  de  seis  meseis  despues  que  fue  el  principio  de 
desacreditar  la  palabra  que  de  alii  adelante  se  les  daba  de  paz  como 
se  uera  por  lo  que  despues  sugedio. 

Capitulo  catorce  como  el  campo  salio  de  sibola  para  tiguex  y  lo  que  les 
acaegio  en  el  camino  con  niebe. 

ya  abemos  dicbo  como  quando  el  general  salio  de  ^ibola  dexo  man- 
dado  a  don  tristan  de  arellano  saliese  desde  a  ueinte  dias  lo  qual  se  bi50 


wiNSHir]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  433 

que  como  bido  que  la  gente  estaba  ya  descansada  y  probeydos  de  bas- 
timentos  y  gauosos  de  sabr  en  bnsca  de  su  general  salio  con  su  gente 
la  buelta  de  tigues  y  el  primero  dia  fiieron  a  hayer  aposento  a  un  pneblo 
de  aquella  probiu^ia  el  mejor  mayor  y  n)as  hermoso  solo  este  pueblo 
tiene  casas  de  siete  altos  que  son  casas  particulares  que  siruen  en  el 
pueblo  como  de  fortale^as  que  son  superiores  a  las  otras  y  salen  por 
encima  como  torres  y  en  ellas  ay  troneras  y  saeteras  para  defender 
los  altos  por  que  como  los  pueblos  no  tienen  calles  y  los  terrados  son 
parejos  y  comunes  anse  de  ganar  i)rimero  los  altos  yestas  casas  mayo- 
res  es  la  defen§a  de  ellos  alii  nos  comen^o  a  nebar  y  fabore^iose  la  gente 
solas  las  aues  digo  alaues  del  pueblo  que  salen  a  fuera  unos  como  bal- 
cones  con  pilares  de  madera  por  baxo  por  que  comunmete  se  inandan  por 
escaleras  que  suben  a  aquellos  balcones  que  por  baxo  no  tienen  puertas. 

como  dexo  de  nebar  salio  de  alii  el  campo  su  camino  y  como  ya  el 
tiempo  lo  Ueuaba  que  era  entrada  de  diyiembre  en  diez  dias  que  tardo 
el  canpo  no  dexo  de  nebar  sobre  tarde  y  casi  todas  las  noches  de  suerte 
que  para  ha§er  los  aposentos  donde  Uegaban  auiau  de  apalancar  un 
coldo  de  uiebe  y  mas  no  se  bio  camino  empero  las  guias  atino  guiaban 
cognociendo  la  tierra  ay  por  toda  la  tierra  sauinas  y  pinos  haciase  de 
ello  grandes  hogueras  quel  humo  y  calor  ha(;ia  a  la  niebe  que  caya  que 
se  desbiase  una  bra^a  y  dos  a  la  redonda  del  fuego  era  nieue  seca  que 
aunque  cay  medio  estado  sobre  el  fardaje  no  niojaba  y  con  sacudilla 
caya  y  quedaba  el  hato  linpio  como  caya  toda  la  nocbe  cuhria  de  tal 
manera  el  fardaje  y  los  soldados  en  sus  leclios  que  si  de  supito  alguien 
diera  en  el  campo  no  biera  otra  cosa  que  montones  de  niebe  y  los  cauallos 
aunque  fuese  medio  estado  se  soportaba  y  antes  daba  calor  a  los  que 
estaban  debajo. 

paso  el  campo  por  Acuco  el  gran  penol  y  como  estaban  de  paz  hi^deron 
buen  hospedaje  dando  bastimentos  y  abes  anque  ella  es  poca  gente  como 
tengo  dicho  a  lo  alto  subieron  muchos  companeros  por  lo  ber  y  los  pasos 
de  la  peiia  con  gran  dificultad  por  no  lo  aber  usado  porque  los  uaturales 
lo  suben  y  bajan  tarn  liberalmente  que  ban  cargados  de  bastimentos  y 
las  mugeres  con  agua  y  parece  que  no  tocan  las  manos  y  los  nfos  para 
subir  auian  de  dar  las  armas  los  unos  a  los  otros  por  el  paso  arriba. 

desde  alii  pasaron  a  tiguex  donde  fiieron  bien  recebidos  y  aposenta- 
dos  y  la  tam  bueiia  Tiueba  del  turco  que  no  dio  poca  alegria  segun  alibia- 
ba  los  traba;jo8  aunque  quando  el  campo  llego  hallamos  aleada  aquella 
tierra  o  probincia  por  oca^ion  que  para  ello  ubo  que  no  fue  pequena 
como  se  dira  y  auian  ya  los  nros  (juemado  un  pueblo  un  dia  antes  que  el 
campo  llegase  y  bolbian  a  el  aposento. 

Capitulo  quinge  como  se  al^o  tiguex  y  el  castigo  qve  en  ellos  ubo  sin  qtie 
lo  ubiese  en  el  causador. 

dicho  sea  como  el  general  llego  a  tiguex  donde  hallo  a  don  garci  lopes 
de  cardenus  y  a  hernando  de  albarado  y  como  lo  toruo  a  embiar  a  cicuye 
y  truxo  preso  a  el  capitan  bigotes  y  a  el  gouernador  del  pueblo  que 
14  ETH 28 


434  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  Ieth.ann.U 

era  un  horabre  aii§iano  de  esta  pricioii  los  tiguex  no  siiitieron  bien  jun- 
tose  con  esto  <"j  el  general  quiso  recoger  alguna  ropa  para  repartir  a  la 
gente  de  guerra  y  para  esto  hi^o  llamar  a  uu  iudio  principal  de  tiguex 
que  ya  se  tenia  con  el  mucho  conosimiento  y  conbersayion  a  qoien  los 
nnestros  llamauan  juau  aleman  por  un  juan  aleman  que  estaba  en  mexico 
a  quien  deyian  pare^^eraqueste  hablo  el  general  diciendo  que  le  probeyese 
de  tresientas  pie^as  de  ropa  o  mas  que  auia  menester  para  dar  a  su  gente 
el  dixo  que  aquello  no  era  a  el  hac^^er  lo  sino  a  los  gouernadores  y  que 
sobre  ello  era  menester  entrar  en  consulta  y  repartirse  por  los  pueblos  y 
que  era  menester  pedir  lo  particularmente  a  cada  pueblo  por  si  ordenolo 
ansi  el  general  y  que  lo  fuesen  a  pedir  siertos  hombres  seiialados  de  los 
que  con  el  estaban  y  como  eran  do§e  pueblos  que  fuesen  unos  por  la  una 
parte  del  rio  y  otros  por  la  otra  y  como  fuese  de  nianos  aboca  no  les 
dieron  lugar  de  se  consultar  ni  tratar  sobre  ello  y  como  llegaria  a  el  pueblo 
luego  se  les  pedia  y  lo  abian  de  dar  porque  ubiese  lugar  de  pasar  ade- 
lante  y  con  esto  no  tenian  mas  lugar  de  quitarse  los  pellones  de  en^ima 
y  darlos  hasta  que  llegase  el  numero  que  se  les  pedia  y  algunos  solda- 
dos  de  los  que  alii  yban  que  los  cogedores  les  daban  algunas  mantas  o 
pellones  sino  eran  tales  y  bian  algun  indio  con  otra  mejor  trocabanse  la 
sin  tener  mas  respecto  ni  saber  la  calidad  del  que  despojaban  que  no  poco 
sintieron  esto  allende  de  lo  dicho  del  pueblo  del  aposento  saUo  un  sobre 
saliente  que  por  su  houra  no  le  nombrare  y  fue  a  otro  pueblo  una  legua 
de  alii  y  biendo  una  muger  hermosa  llamo  a  su  marido  que  le  tubiese  el 
cauallode  riendaen  lo  bajo  y  el  subio  a  lo  alto  y  como  el  pueblo  se  man- 
daba  por  lo  alto  creyo  el  iudio  que  yba  a  otra  parte  y  detenido  alii  ubo 
sierto  rumor  y  el  bajo  y  tomo  su  cauallo  y  fuese  el  indio  subio  y  supo 
que  auia  for^ado  o  querido  for^ar  a  su  muger  y  juntamentecon  las  per- 
sonas  de  calidad  del  pueblo  se  uino  a  quexar  di§iendo  que  un  hombre 
le  auia  for9ado  a  su  muger  y  conto  como  auia  pasado  y  como  el  general 
hiyo  pare^er  todos  los  soldados  y  personas  que  con  el  estaban  y  el  indio 
no  lo  cono§io  o  por  aberse  mudado  la  ropa  o  por  alguna  otra  ocagion 
que  para  ello  ubo  pero  dixo  que  conoQeria  el  cauallo  porq  lo  tubo  do 
rienda  fue  lleuado  por  las  cauallerisas  y  hallo  un  cauallo  enmantado 
hobero  y  dixo  que  su  dueno  de  aquel  cauallo  era  el  duefio  nego  biendo 
quel  no  abia  conoyido  y  pudo  ser  que  se  lierro  en  el  cauallo  finalmente 
el  se  fue  sin  aber  en  mienda  de  lo  que  pedia  otra  dia  uino  un  indio  del 
canpo  que  guardaba  los  cauallos  herido  y  huyendo  diciendo  que  le  auian 
muerto  un  companero  y  que  los  indios  de  la  tierra  se  llebarian  los  canallos 
ante  cogidos  hacia  sus  pueblos  fueron  a  recoger  los  cauallos  y  faltaron 
muchos  y  siete  mulas  del  general. 

otro  dia  fue  don  garci  lopes  de  cardenas  a  ber  los  pueblos  y  tomar 
de  ellos  lengua  y  ballo  los  pueblos  serrados  con  paleuques  y  gran  grita 
detro  corriendo  los  cauallos  como  en  coso  de  toros  y  flechandolos  y 
todos  de  guerra  no  pudo  ha§er  cosa  por  que  no  salleron  a  el  canipo  que 
como  son  pueblos  fuertes  no  les  pudieron  enojar  luego  ordenoel  general 
que  don  gargi  lopes  de  cardenas  fuese  a  9ercar  un  pueblo  con  toda  la 


WIN8HIP]  NARRATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  435 

demas  gente  y  este  pueblo  era  donde  se  hi50  el  mayor  dailo  y  es  donde 
acaegio  lo  de  la  India  fueron  inuchos  capitaiies  que  auian  ydo  delante 
con  el  general  como  fue  juan  de  saldiuar  y  barrio  nuebo  y  diego  lopes 
y  melgosa  toinaron  a  los  indios  tarn  de  sobresalto  que  luego  les  gauaron 
los  altos  con  mucho  riesgo  porque  les  hirieron  muchos  de  los  nuestros 
por  saeteras  que  hacian  por  de  dentro  de  las  casas  estubieron  los  nues- 
tros en  lo  alto  a  nmclio  riesgo  el  dia  y  la  noche  y  parte  de  otro  dia  ba- 
yiendo  buenos  tiros  de  ballestas  y  arcabuyes  la  geute  de  a  cauallo  en  el 
campo  con  muchos  amigos  de  la  iiueba  espana  y  daban  por  los  sotanos 
que  auian  ajMjrtillado  graudes  humasos  de  suerte  que  pidieron  la  paz 
ballaronse  aquella  parte  pablos  de  melgosa  y  diego  lopes  ueinti  quatro 
de  seuilla  y  respondieronles  co  las  mismas  seiiales  que  ellos  ha§ian  de 
paz  que  es  hafer  la  cruz  y  ellos  luego  soltaron  las  armas  y  se  dieron 
a  md  Uebabanlos  a  la  tienda  de  don  garc^ia  el  qual  segun  se  dixo  no 
supo  de  la  paz  y  creyo  que  de  su  boluntad  se  daban  como  hombres 
benzidos  y  como  tenia  mandado  del  general  que  no  los  tomase  a  uida 
porque  se  liiciese  castigo  y  los  demas  temieseu  mando  que  luego  liin- 
casen  doyientos  palos  para  los  quemar  biuos  no  ubo  quien  le  dixese  de 
la  paz  que  les  auian  dado  que  los  soldados  tan  poco  lo  sablan  y  los  que 
la  dieron  se  lo  callarou  que  no  hirieron  caso  de  ello  pues  como  los  ene- 
migos  bieron  que  los  ybau  atando  y  los  comenyaban  a  quemar  obra 
de  gien  hombres  que  estaban  en  la  tienda  se  comeu§aron  a  hiw^er  fuertes 
y  defenderse  cou  lo  que  estaba  dentro  y  con  palos  que  salian  a  tomar 
la  gente  nuestra  de  a  pie  dan  eu  la  tieda  por  todas  partes  estocadas 
que  los  hacian  desmanparar  la  tienda  y  dio  luego  la  gente  de  a  cauallo 
en  ellos  y  como  la  tierra  era  liana  no  les  quedo  hombre  a  uida  siuo 
fueron  algunos  que  se  auian  quedado  escondidos  en  el  pueblo  que  buye- 
ron  a  quella  noche  y  dieron  mandado  por  toda  la  tierra  como  no  les 
guardarou  la  paz  que  les  dieron  que  fue  despues  harto  mal  y  como  esto 
fue  hecho  y  luego  les  nebase  desampararon  el  pueblo  y  bolbierouse  a  el 
aposento  a  el  tiepo  que  llegaba  el  campo  de  cibola. 

Capitulo  deniseis  como  se  puso  ^erco  a  tiguex  y  se  gano  y  lo  qtie  mas 
acontencio  mediante  el  cerco. 

como  ya  e  contado  quando  acabaron  de  ganar  aquel  pueblo  comeugo 
a  nebar  en  aquella  tierra  y  nebo  de  suerte  que  eu  aquellos  dos  meses  no 
se  pudo  hager  nada  salbo  yr  por  los  camiuos  a  les  abisar  que  biuiesen 
de  pax  y  que  serian  perdonados  dandoles  todo  seguro  a  lo  (jual  ellos  res 
pondieron  que  no  se  fiariau  de  quien  no  sabia  guardar  la  fe  que  daban 
que  se  acordasen  que  tenian  preso  a  bigotes  y  que  en  el  pueblo  (juemado 
no  les  guardaron  la  paz  fue  uno  de  los  que  fueron  a  les  hayer  estos 
requerimientos  don  garcia  lopes  de  cardenas  (jue  salio  con  obra  de 
treinta  comi)aneros  un  dia  y  fue  a  el  pueblo  de  tiguex  y  a  hablar  con 
juan  aleman  y  aunque  estaban  de  guerra  binieron  a  hablalle  y  le  dixe- 
ron  que  si  queria  hablar  con  ellos  q  se  apease  y  se  llegauan  a  el  a  hablar  de 
paz  y  que  se  desbiase  la  geute  de  a  cauallo  y  harian  apartar  su  geute 


436  THE   COEONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (ETH.Ainj.M 

y  llegaron  a  el  el  juan  aleraan  y  otro  capitau  del  pueblo  y  fae  hecho 
ansi  coiiio  lo  pediaii  y  a  que  estaba  ^erca  de  ellos  dixeron  que  ellos  no 
trayan  armas  que  se  las  quitase  don  garcia  lopes  lo  hi50  por  mas  los 
asegurar  co  gana  que  tenia  de  los  traer  de  paz  y  como  llego  a  ellos  el 
juan  aleman  lo  bino  a  abra§ar  en  tanto  los  dos  ([ue  con  el  benlan  sacaron 
dos  ma§etas  que  secretamente  trayan  a  las  espaldas  y  dieronle  sobre 
la  yelada  dos  tales  golpes  que  casi  lo  aturdieron  hallaron  dos  soldados 
de  a  cauallo  ^erca  que  no  se  auian  querido  apartar  aunque  les  fue  man- 
dado  y  arremetieron  con  tanta  preste9a  que  lo  sacaron  de  entre  sus 
uianos  aunque  no  i)uedieron  enojar  a  los  enemigos  por  tener  la  acogida 
5erca  y  grandes  rosiadas  de  llechas  que  luego  binieron  sobre  ellos  y  a 
el  uno  le  atrabesaron  el  cauallo  por  las  narises  la  gent«  de  acauallo  llego 
toda  de  tropel  y  sacaron  a  su  capitan  de  la  priesa  sin  poder  dauar  a  los 
enemigos  antes  salieron  muchos  de  los  ufos  mal  heridos  y  asi  se  retiia- 
ron  quedando  algunos  ha^iendo  rostro  don  garcia  lopes  de  cardenas 
con  parte  de  la  gente  paso  a  otro  pueblo  que  estaba  media  legua  ade- 
lante  porque  en  estos  dos  lugares  se  auia  recogidotoda  la  mas  gente  de 
aquellos  pueblos  y  como  de  los  requerimientos  que  les  hi^ieron  no  lii§ie- 
ron  caso  ni  de  dar  la  paz  antes  con  grandes  gritos  tiraban  flechas  de 
lo  alto  y  se  bolbio  a  la  compania  que  auia  quedado  haciendo  rostro  a 
el  pueblo  de  tiguex  entonfes  salieron  los  del  pueblo  en  gran  cantidad 
los  nfos  a  media  rienda  dieron  muestraque  buyan  de  suerte  que  sacaron 
los  enemigos  a  lo  llano  y  rebulbieron  sobre  ellos  de  manera  que  se  ten- 
dieron  algunos  de  los  mas  senalados  los  demas  se  recogieron  al  pueblo 
y  a  lo  alto  y  ansi  se  bolbio  este  capitan  a  el  aposento. 

el  general  luego  como  esto  paso  ordeno  delos  yr  a^ercar  y  salio  uu 
dia  con  su  gente  bien  ordenada  y  con  alguuas  escalas  llegado  asento  su 
real  junto  a  el  pueblo  y  luego  dieron  el  combate  pero  como  los  enemigos 
auia  mnclios  dias  que  se  pertrechaban  becharoii  tanta  piedra  sobre  los 
nfos  que  a  muchos  tendieron  en  tierra  y  birieron  de  flechas  ^erca  de 
9ieu  hombres  de  que  despues  murieron  algunos  por  mala  cura  de  un 
mal  surugano  que  yba  en  el  campo  el  §erco  duro  sinquenta  dias  en  los 
quales  alguuas  ueces  se  les  dieron  sobresaltos  y  lo  que  mas  les  aquexo 
fue  que  no  teniau  agua  y  hi^ieron  dentro  del  pueblo  un  poso  de  gran- 
dissima  hondura  y  no  pudieron  sacar  agua  antes  se  les  derrumbo  a  el 
tiempo  que  lo  haciau  y  les  mato  treinta  personas  murieron  de  los  ^erca- 
dos  do^ieutos  hombres  de  dentro  en  los  combates  y  un  dia  (jue  se  les 
dlo  un  combate  recio  mataron  de  los  nfos  a  francisco  de  obando  capitan 
y  maestre  de  campo  que  auia  sido  todo  el  tiempo  que  don  garcia  lopes 
de  cardenas  andubo  en  los  descubrimientos  ya  dichos  y  a  un  francisco' 
de  pobares  buen  hidalgo  a  francisco  de  obando  metieron  en  el  pueblo 
que  los  nfos  no  lo  pudieron  defender  q  no  poco  se  sintio  por  ser  como  era 
persona  seualada  y  por  si  tam  honrado  afable  y  bien  quisto  que  era 
marauilla  antes  tpie  se  acabase  de  ganar  un  dia  llamaron  a  habla  y 
sabida  su  demauda  fue  de^ir  que  tenian  cogno9ido  que  las  mugeres  ni 
a  los  ninos  no  haciamos  mal  que  querian  dar  sus  mugeres  y  hijos  por 


WIN8HIP]  NARRATIVE   OF    CASTANEDA  437 

que  les  gastaban  el  agua  no  se  pudo  acabar  con  ellos  que  se  diesen  de  paz 
diyiendo  que  no  les  guardaria  la  palabra  y  asi  dieron  obra  de  gien  per- 
sonas  de  ninos  y  mugeres  que  no  quisieron  salir  mas  y  mientras  las 
dieron  estubieron  los  nfos  a  cauallo  en  ala  delante  del  pueblo  don  lope  de 
unea  a  cauallo  y  sin  gelada  andaba  refibiendo  en  los  bragos  los  ninos  y 
nifias  y  como  ya  no  quisieron  dar  mas  el  don  lope  les  inportunaba  que 
se  diesen  de  pax  ha9iendo  les  grandes  promeyas  de  seguridad  ellos  le 
dixeron  que  se  desbiase  que  no  era  su  uoluntad  de  se  liar  de  gente  que 
no  guardaba  la  amistad  ni  palabra  que  daban  y  como  no  se  quisiese 
desbiar  salio  uno  con  un  aryo  a  flechar  y  con  una  flecha  y  amenasolo 
con  ella  que  se  la  tiraria  sino  se  yba  de  alii  y  por  boyes  que  le  dierou 
que  se  pusiese  la  gelada  no  quiso  diyiendo  que  mientras  alii  estubiese 
no  le  harian  mal  y  como  el  indio  bido  que  no  se  queria  yr  tiro  y  hincole 
la  flecha  par  de  las  niauos  de  el  cauallo  y  en  arco  luego  otra  y  torno  le 
a  de§ir  que  se  fuese  sino  que  le  tirarian  de  beras  el  don  lope  se  puso  su 
yelada  y  paso  ante  paso  se  uino  a  meter  entre  los  de  a  cauallo  sin  que 
recibiese  enojo  de  ellos  y  como  le  bieron  que  ya  estaba  en  salbo  con 
gran  grita  y  alarido  comencaron  arroyiar  flecberia  el  general  no  quiso 
que  por  a  quel  dia  se  les  diese  bateria  por  ber  si  los  podian  traer  por 
alguna  uia  de  paz  lo  qual  ellos  jamas  quisieron. 

desde  a  quinye  dias  determinaron  de  salir  una  nocbe  y  ansi  lo 
hicieron  y  tomando  en  medio  las  mugeres  salieron  a  el  quarto  de  la 
modorra  uelauan  aquel  quarto  quarenta  de  a  cauallo  y  dando  aclarma 
los  del  quartel  de  don  rodrigo  maldonado  dieron  en  ellos  los  enemigos 
derribaron  un  espanol  muerto  y  un  cauallo  y  hirieron  a  otros  pero 
ubieron  los  de  romper  y  hayer  matanya  en  ellos  hasta  que  retirandose 
dieron  consigo  en  el  rio  que  yba  corriente  y  frigidissimo  y  como  la  gente 
del  real  acudio  presto  fueron  pocos  los  ([ue  escaparon  de  muertos  o 
heridos  otro  dia  pasaron  el  rio  la  gente  del  real  y  hallaron  mucbos 
heridos  que  la  gran  frialdad  los  aula  deribado  en  el  campo  y  trayan  los 
para  curar  y  siruirse  de  ellos  y  ansi  se  acabo  aquel  ferco  y  se  gano  el 
pueblo  aun  que  algunos  que  quedaron  en  el  pueblo  se  rrecibieron  en  un 
barrio  y  fueron  tornados  en  x)ocos  dias. 

el  otro  pueblo  grande  mediate  de  yerco  le  auian  ganado  dos  capitanes 
que  fueron  don  diego  de  gueuara  y  ju"  de  saldibar  que  yendo  les  una 
madrugada  a  echar  una  yelada  para  coger  en  ella  sierta  gente  de  guerra 
que  acostumbraba  a  salir  cada  manana  a  hayer  muestra  por  poner  algun 
temor  en  nfo  real  las  espias  que  tenia  puestas  para  quando  los  biesen 
benir  bieron  como  salia  gentes  y  caminaban  hayia  la  tierra  salieron  de 
la  yelada  y  fueron  para  el  pueblo  y  bieron  huir  la  gente  y  siguieron  la 
haciendo  en  ellos  matanga  como  de  esto  se  dio  mandado  salio  gente  del 
real  que  fueron  sobre  el  pueblo  y  lo  saquearon  prediendo  toda  la  gente 
que  en  el  hallaron  en  que  ubo  obra  de  §ien  mugeres  y  ninos  acabose  este 
gerco  en  fln  de  marco  del  ano  de  quarenta  y  dos  en  el  qual  tiempo  acae- 
cieron  otras  cosas  de  que  podria  dar  notiyia  que  por  no  cortar  el  hilo 
las  he  dexado  i)ero  deyir  seau  agora  porque  conbienese  sepan  para  enten- 
der  lo  de  adelante.  . 


438  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  tETH.Ajra.l4 

Capitulo  desisiete  eomo  binieron  a  el  campo  mensajeros  del  ualle  de  senora 
ycomo  murio  el  capitan  melchior  dias  en  la  Jornada  de  tizon. 

ya  diximos  como  melchior  dias  el  capitan  aiiia  pasado  en  balsas  el  rio 
del  tigon  para  proseguir  adelante  el  descubrimieiito  de  aquella  costa 
pues  a  el  tiempo  que  se  acabo  de  ercollegarou  mensajeros  a  el  caupo  de 
la  uilla  de  sau  liieronimo  con  cartas  de  diego  de  alarcon  que  aula  que- 
dado  alii  en  lugar  del  melchior  dias  trayan  nuebas  como  melchior  dias 
auia  niuerto  en  la  demanda  que  lleuaba  y  la  gente  se  aula  buelto  sin 
ber  cosii  de  lo  que  deseaban  y  paso  el  caso  desta  uianera. 

como  ubieron  pasado  el  rio  caminaron  en  demanda  de  la  costa  que 
por  alii  ya  daba  la  buelta  sobre  el  sur  o  entre  sur  y  oriente  porque 
aquel  ancon  de  mar  eutra  derecho  al  norte  y  este  rio  entre  en  el  remate 
del  ancon  trayendo  sus  corrientes  debaxo  del  norte  y  corre  a  el  sur  yt'do 
como  yban  caminando  dieron  en  unos  medanos  de  ^enisa  ferbiente  que 
no  podia  nadie  eutrar  a  ellos  porque  fuera  entrarse  a  hogar  en  la  mar 
la  tierra  que  hoUaban  temblaba  como  tenpano  que  pare^ia  que  estaban 
debaxo  algunos  lagos  parecio  cosa  admirable  que  asi  herbia  la  ^enisa  en 
algunas  partes  que  parecia  cosa  infernal  y  desbiando  se  de  aqui  por  el 
peligro  que  parecia  jque  llebauan  y  por  la  falta  del  agua  un  dia  un  lebrel 
que  lleuaba  un  soldado  antojo  se  le  dar  tras  de  unos  carneros  que 
llebauan  para  bastimento  y  como  el  capitan  lo  bido  arronjole  la  lauga 
de  enquentro  yendo  corrieudo  y  hincola  en  tierra  y  no  ])udiendo  detener 
el  cauallo  fue  sobre  la  lan^a  y  enclabose  la  por  el  muslo  que  le  salio  el 
hierro  a  la  ingle  y  le  rompio  la  begiga  bisto  esto  los  soldados  dieron  la 
buelta  con  su  capitan  siendo  teniendo  cada  dia  refriegas  con  los  indios 
que  auian  quedado  rebelados  bibio  obra  de  ueinte  dias  que  por  le  traer 
pasaron  gran  trabajo  y  asi  bolbieron  hasta  que  murio  con  buena  ordea 
Bin  perder  un  honbre  ya  yban  saliendo  de  lo  mas  trabajoso  llegados 
a  sefiora  hi^o  alcaraz  los  mensajeros  ya  dichos  haciendolo  saber  y  como 
algunos  soldados  estaban  mal  asentados  y  procuraban  algunos  motines 
y  como  auia  sentenciado  a  la  horca  a  dos  que  despnes  se  le  auian  huydo 
de  la  pri^ion. 

el  general  bisto  esto  enbio  a  quella  uilla  a  don  pedro  de  touar  para 
que  entresacase  alguua  gente  y  para  que  llebase  consigo  Tiiensajeros 
que  embiaba  a  el  uisorey  don  Antonio  de  mendoga  con  recaudos  de  lo 
aconteyido  y  la  buena  nueba  del  turco. 

don  pedro  de  touar  fue  y  llegado  alia  hallo  que  auian  los  naturales  de 
aquella  probingia  muerto  con  una  flecha  de  yerba  a  un  soldado  de  una 
muy  pequefia  herida  en  una  mano  sobre  esto  auian  ydo  alia  algunos 
soldados  y  no  fueron  bien  recebidos  don  pedro  de  tobar  embio  a  diego  de 
alcaraz  con  gente  aprender  a  los  prin^ipales  y  seiiores  de  un  pueblo  que 
Uaman  el  ualle  de  los  uellacos  que  esta  en  alto  llegado  alia  los  prendieron 
y  presos  parecio  le  a  diego  de  alcaraz  de  los  soltar  a  trueque  de  que 
dieseu  alguu  hilo  y  ropa  y  otras  cosas  de  que  los  soldados  teuian  necesi- 
dad  biendose  sueltos  alsarose  de  guerra  y  subieron  a  ellos  y  como 
estaban  fuertes  y  tenian  yerba  mataron  algunos  espauoles  y  hirieron 
otros  que  desi^ues  murieron  en  el  camino  bolbiendose  retirandose  para 


wiNSHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  439 

8u  uilla  y  sino  lleuaran  cousigo  amigos  de  los  coia§ones  lo  iiasaron  peor 
bolbieron  a  la  nilla  dexando  muertos  desisiete  soldados  de  la  yerba  que 
con  pequefia  lierida  morian  rabiando  rompiendose  las  carnes  con  un 
pesteleucial  hedor  inconportable  bisto  por  don  pedro  de  touar  el  daiio 
pareyiendoles  que  no  quedabau  seguros  en  aquella  uilla  la  paso  quarenta 
leguas  mas  hagia  ^ibola  al  ualle  del  suya  donde  los  dexaremos  por  contar 
lo  que  a  bino  a  el  general  con  el  cainpo  despues  del  cerco  de  tiguex. 

Capitulo  desiocho  como  el  general procuro  dexar  asentada  la  tierraparair 
en  demanda  de  quisuira  donde  de^ia  el  turco  auia  elprinfipio  de  la  riqtie^a. 

mediante  el  gerco  de  tiguex  el  general  quiso  yr  a  cicuye  llebando  con- 
sigo  a  el  goueruador  para  lo  poner  en  libertad  con  promesas  que  quaudo 
saliese  para  quiuira  daria  libertad  a  bigotes  y  lo  dexaria  en  su  pueblo  y 
como  llego  a  cicuye  fue  reyibido  de  paz  y  entro  en  el  pueblo  con  algunos 
soldados  ellos  re^ibieron  a  su  gouernador  con  mucho  amor  y  fiesta  bisto 
que  ubo  el  pueblo  y  hablado  a  los  naturales  dio  la  buelta  i)ara  su  canpo 
quedando  cicuye  de  paz  con  esperan^a  de  cobrar  su  capitan  bigotes. 

acabado  que  fue  el  ferco  como  ya  abemos  dicho  embio  un  capitaii  a 
chia  un  buen  pueblo  y  de  mucha  gente  que  auia  embiado  a  dar  la 
obiden§ia  que  estaba  desbiado  del  rio  al  poniente  quatro  leguas  y 
ballaronle  de  paz  a  qui  se  dieron  aguardar  quatro  tiros  de  bron9e  ques- 
taban  mal  acondi§ionados  tambieu  fueron  a  quirix  probiiicia  de  siete 
pueblos  seis  compaiieros  y  en  el  i)rimer  pueblo  que  seria  de  gieu  ueyiuos 
buyeron  que  no  osaron  a  esperar  a  los  nfos  y  los  fueron  ata,iar  arrienda 
suelta  y  los  bolbieron  a  el  pueblo  a  sus  casas  con  toda  seguridad  y  de 
alii  abisaron  a  los  demas  pueblos  y  los  aseguraron  y  asi  poco  a  poco  se 
fue  asegurando  toda  la  comarca  en  tanto  quel  rio  se  deshelaba  y  se 
dexaba  badear  para  dar  lugar  a  la  Jornada  aunque  los  doye  pueblos  de 
tiguex  nunca  en  twlo  el  tiempo  que  por  alii  estubo  el  campo  se  poblo 
ninguno  por  seguridad  ninguna  que  se  les  diese. 

y  como  el  rio  fue  deshelado  que  lo  auia  estado  casi  quatro  meses  que 
se  pasaba  por  en^ima  del  yelo  a  cauallo  ordenose  la  partida  para 
quibira  donde  decia  el  turco  que  auia  algun  oro  y  plata  aunque  no  tanto 
como  en  Arche  [Arehe?]  y  los  guaes  ya  auia  .algunos  del  campo  sospe- 
chosos  del  tnrco  porque  mediante  el  cerco  tenia  cargo  del  un  espaiiol  que 
se  llamaua  seruantes  y  este  espafiol  juro  con  solenidad  que  auia  bisto  a 
el  turco  hablar  en  una  olla  de  agua  con  el  demonio  y  que  teniendolo  el 
debaxo  de  llaue  que  nadie  podia  hablar  con  el  le  auia  preguntado  el 
turco  a  el  que  a  quieu  auiau  muerto  de  los  cristianos  los  de  tiguex  y  el 
le  dixo  que  a  no  nadie  y  el  turco  le  respondio  mientes  que  yiiico  cbris- 
tianos  an  muerto  y  a  un  capitan  y  que  el  ^eruantes  bieudo  que  degia 
berdad  se  lo  con^edio  por  saber  del  quien  se  lo  auia  diclio  y  el  turco  le 
dixo  quel  lo  sabia  por  si  y  que  para  aquello  no  auia  ne9esidad  que 
nadie  se  lo  dixese  y  por  esto  lo  espio  y  bio  hablar  con  el  demonio  en  la 
olla  como  e  dicho. 

con  todo  esto  se  hiyo  alarde  para  salir  de  tiguex  a  este  tiempo  llegaron 
gentes  de  cibola  a  ber  a  el  general  y  el  general  les  encargo  el  buen  trata- 


X 


440  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

miento  de  los  espafioles  que  biniesen  de  seSora  con  don  pedro  de  touar 
y  lea  die  cartas  que  le  dieseii  a  dou  pedro  eu  que  le  daba  abiso  de  lo 
que  debia  de  lia^er  y  como  abia  de  j'r  eu  busca  del  campo  y  que  hallaria 
cartas  debajo  de  las  cru§es  eu  las  jornadas  que  el  campo  abia  de  lia^er 
salio  el  campo  de  tiguex  a  (;iuco  de  uiayo  la  buelta  de  cicuyc  que  como 
teugo  dicho  sou  ueiute  y  ciuco  jornadas  digo  leguas  de  alii  lleuando  de 
alii  a  bigotes  llegado  alia  les  dio  a  su  capitan  que  ya  andaba  suelto  con 
guardia  el  pueblo  se  holgo  mucbo  con  el  y  estubieron  de  paz  y  dieron 
bastimentos  y  bigotes  y  el  gouernador  dierou  a  el  general  uu  mancebete 
que  se  degia  xabe  uatural  de  quiuira  ijara  que  del  se  informasen  de 
la  tierra  este  de9ia  que  abia  oro  y  plata  pero  no  tauto  como  de^ia  el 
turco  toda  uia  el  turco  se  afirmaua  y  fue  por  guia  y  asi  salio  el  camj)o 
de  alii. 

Capitulo  desinueue  como  salieron  en  demanda  de  quiuira  y  lo  que  aconte- 
cio  en  el  camino. 

salio  el  campo  de  cicuye  dexando  el  jjueblo  de  paz  y  a  lo  que  pare§io 
contento  y  obligado  a  mantener  la  amistad  por  les  aber  restituydo  su 
gouernador  y  capitan  y  caminando  para  salir  a  lo  llano  que  esta  pasada 
toda  la  Cordillera  a  quatro  dias  andados  de  camino  dieron  en  un  rio  de 
gran  corriente  liondo  que  baxaba  de  hacia  cicuyc  y  a  queste  se  puso 
nombre  el  rio  de  cicuyc  detubieron  se  aqui  por  hayer  puente  para  le  pasar 
acabose  en  quatro  dias  cou  toda  diligengia  y  prestesa  hecba  paso  todo 
el  campo  y  ganados  por  ella  y  a  otras  diez  jornadas  dieron  en  iinas 
racherias  de  gente  alarabe  que  por  alii  son  llamados  querechos  y  aula 
dos  dias  que  se  auiau  uisto  uacas  esta  gente  biuen  en  tiendas  de  cueros 
de  uacas  adobados  andan  tras  las  ua§as  liagiendo  carue  estos  aun  que 
bierou  nfo  campo  no  ]ii§ieron  mudamiento  ni  se  alterarou  antes  salieron 
de  sus  tiendas  a  ber  esentamente  y  luego  binieron  a  hablar  con  la  auau- 
guardia  y  dixeron  que  se  a  el  campo  y  el  general  hablo  con  ellos  y  como 
ya  ellos  auiau  hablado  con  el  turco  que  yba  en  la  auanguardia  cofor- 
maron  con  el  eu  quanto  degia  era  gente  niuy  eutendida  por  seiias  que 
parecia  que  lo  decian  y  lo  daban  tan  bien  a  euteuder  que  no  auia  mas 
necesidad  de  interprete  estos  dixeron  que  baxando  lia<,'ia  do  sale  el  sol 
auia  un  rio  muy  grande  y  que  yria  por  la  riiiera  del  por  poblados  uo- 
uenta  dias  sin  quebrar  de  poblado  en  poblado  dec-ian  quese  decia  lo 
primero  del  poblado  liaxa  y  que  el  rio  era  de  mas  de  una  legua  de  ancho 
y  que  auia  muchas  canoas  estos  salieron  de  alii  otro  dia  cou  barrias  de 
perros  en  que  llebabii  sus  aberes  desde  a  dos  dias  que  todauia  caminaba 
el  campo  a  el  rumbo  que  auian  salido  de  lo  poblado  que  era  eutre  norte 
y  oriente  mas  liafia  el  norte  se  bieron  otros  querechos  rancheados  y 
grande  numero  de  uacas  que  ya  parecia  cosa  increibble  estos  dieron 
gradissima  noti^ia  de  poblados  todo  a  el  oriente  de  donde  nos  Lallamos 
a  qui  se  quebro  don  gar^ia  un  brago  y  se  perdio  un  espauol  que  salio  a 
casa  y  no  aserto  a  boluer  al  real  por  ser  la  tierra  muy  liana  decia  el 
tui'co  que  auia  a  haya  una  o  dos  jornadas  el  general  embio  adelante  a 


wrosHip]  NARRATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  441 

el  capitan  diego  lopes  a  la  ligera  con  diez  compaueros  dandole  ruuibo 
por  una  guia  de  mar  ba9ia  adonde  salia  el  sol  que  camiiiase  dos  dias  a 
toda  priesa  y  descubriese  a  haxa  y  bolbiese  a  se  topar  con  el  caupo  otro 
dia  salio  por  el  mesmo  runibo  y  fue  tan  to  el  ganado  que  se  topo  que  los 
que  yban  en  la  auanguardia  cogiero  por  delante  un  gran  numero  de  toros 
y  conio  liuyan  y  unos  a  otros  serrenjmgaban  dieron  en  una  barranca  y 
cayotanto  ganado  dentro  que  la  emparejaron  y  el  demas  ganado  paso 
por  engima  la  gete  de  a  cauallo  que  yba  en  pes  de  ellos  cayeron  sobre 
el  ganado  sin  saber  lo  que  ha^ian  tres  cauallos  de  los  que  cayeron  ensi- 
llados  y  enfrenados  se  fueron  entre  las  bacas  que  no  pudieron  mas  ser 
abidos. 

Como  a  el  general  le  parecio  que  seria  ya  de  buelta  diego  lopes  liigo 
que  seis  compaueros  siguisen  una  ribera  arriba  de  un  pequefio  rio  y 
otros  tantos  la  riuera  abajo  y  que  se  mirase  por  el  rastro  de  los  cauallos 
en  las  entradas  o  las  salidas  del  rio  porque  por  la  tierra  no  es  po- 
sible  hallarse  rastro  porque  la  yerua  en  pisandola  se  torna  a  leuantar 
hallose  por  donde  auian  ydo  y  fue  bentura  que  a  las  bueltas  auian  ydo 
indios  del  campo  en  busca  de  fruta  una  gran  legua  de  donde  se  hallo 
rastro  y  toparon  con  ellos  y  ansi  bajaron  el  rio  abajo  a  el  real  y  dieron 
por  nueua  a  el  general  que  en  ueinte  leguas  que  auian  andado  no  auian 
uisto  otra  cosa  siuo  uacas  y  ^ielo  yba  en  el  campo  otro  indio  pintado 
natural  de  quiuira  que  se  de§ia  sopete  este  indio  siempre  dixo  que  el 
turco  mentia  y  por  esto  no  banian  caso  del  y  aunque  en  esta  sa9on 
tambien  lo  degia  como  los  querechos  auian  informado  con  el  y  el  y  sopete 
no  era  creydo. 

desde  aqui  embio  el  general  delante  a  don  rodrigo  maldonado  con  su 
compaiiia  el  qual  camino  quatro  dias  y  Uego  a  una  barranca  grande 
como  las  de  colima  y  hallo  en  lo  bajo  de  ella  gran  rancheria  de  gente 
por  aqui  aula  atrabesado  cabe§a  de  uaca  y  dorantes  aqui  presetaron  a 
don  rodrigo  un  monton  de  cueros  adobados  y  otras  cosas  y  una  tienda 
tan  grande  como  una  casa  en  alto  lo  qual  mando  que  asi  la  guardasen 
hasta  quel  campo  Uegase  y  embio  copaneros  que  guiasen  el  campo  ha^ia 
aquella  parte  porque  no  se  perdiesen  aunque  auian  ydo  haQiendo  mojones 
de  guesos  y  bonigas  para  que  el  campo  se  siguiese  y  desta  manera 
se  guiaba  ya  el  campo  tras  la  abanguardia. 

llego  el  general  con  su  campo  y  como  bio  tan  gran  multitud  de 
cueros  penso  los  repartir  co  la  gente  y  higo  poner  guardas  para  que 
mirasen  por  ellos  pero  como  la  gente  llego  y  bieron  los  compaueros  que 
el  general  embiaba  algunos  hombres  particulares  con  sefias  para  que 
les  diesen  las  guardas  algunos  cueros  y  los  andaban  a  escoger  enojados 
de  que  no  se  repartia  co  orden  dan  saco  mano  y  en  menos  de  quarto  de 
ora  no  dexaron  sino  el  suelo  limpio. 

los  naturales  que  bieron  aquello  tambien  pusieron  las  manos  en  la  obra 
las  mugeres  y  algunos  otros  quedaron  llorando  porque  creyeron  que  no 
les  auian  de  tomar  nada  sino  bende^irse  lo  como  auian  hecho  cabega  de 
uaca  y  dorantes  quando  por  alii  pasaron  aqui  se  hallo  una  india  tarn 


442  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.M 

blanca  como  muger  de  castilla  saluo  que  tenia  labrada  la  barua  como 
morisca  de  berberia  que  todas  so  labran  en  general  de  aquella  manera 
por  alii  se  ahogolan  los  ojos. 

Capitulo  ueinte  como  cayeron  grandes  piedras  en  el  campo  y  como  se 
descubrio  otra  barranca  donde  se  dibidio  el  campo  en  dos  partes. 

estando  descansando  el  campo  en  esta  barranca  que  abemos  dicho 
una  tarde  comen§o  un  torbellino  con  grandissimo  ayre  y  granic^o  y  en 
pequeSo  espa§io  bino  tain  grande  multitud  de  piedra  tarn  grandescomo 
escudillas  y  niayores  y  tarn  espesas  como  lubia  que  en  parte  cubrieron 
dos  y  tres  palinos  y  mas  de  tierra  y  uno  dexo  el  cauallo  digo  que  uingun 
cauallo  ubo  que  no  se  solto  sino  fueron  dos  o  tres  que  acudierou  a  los 
tener  negros  enpabesados  y  conseladas  y  rrodelas  que  todos  los  demas 
llebo  por  delaute  basta  pegallos  con  la  barranca  y  alguuos  subio  donde 
con  gra  trabajo  se  tornaron  abajar  y  si  como  los  tomo  alii  dentro  fuera 
en  lo  llano  de  arriba  quedara  el  campo  a  gran  rriesgo  sin  cauallos  que 
muchos  no  se  pudieran  cobrar  rrompio  la  piedra  muchas  tiendas  y  aboUo 
muchas  feladas  y  lastimo  muchos  cauallos  y  quebro  toda  la  losa  del 
canpo  y  calaba9os  que  no  puso  poca  ne^esidad  porque  por  alii  no  ay 
losa  ni  se  hage  ni  calaba^os  ni  se  siembra  maiz  ni  comen  pan  salbo  came 
cruda  o  nial  asada  y  fructas. 

desde  alii  embio  el  general  a  descubrir  y  dieron  en  otras  rancherias 
a  quatro.jornadas  a  manera  de  alixares  era  tierra  muy  poblada 
adonde  aula  muchos  frisoles  y  siruelas  como  las  de  castilla  y 
parrales  duraban  estos  pueblos  de  rancherias  tres  jornadas  desiase  cona 
desde  aqui  salieron  con  el  campo  algunos  teyas  porque  asi  se  deyian 
aquellas  gentes  y  caminarou  con  susharriasdeperrosymugeresy  hijos 
hasta  la  prostera  Jornada  de  las  otras  donde  dieron  guias  para  pasar 
adelante  a  donde  fue  el  canpo  a  una  barranca  grande  estas  guias  no  las 
dexaban  hablar  con  el  turco  y  no  hallauan  las  noti9ias  que  de  antes 
de5ian  que  quiuira  era  hacia  el  norte  y  que  no  hallauamos  buena  derrota 
con  esto  se  comen90  a  dar  credito  a  ysopete  y  ansi  Uego  el  campo  a  la 
prostera  barriica  que  era  una  legua  de  borbo  a  bordo  y  un  pequeno  rio 
en  lo  bajo  y  un  llano  Ueno  de  arboleda  con  mucha  uba  morales  y  rosales 
que  es  fruta  que  la  ay  en  frangia  y  sirue  de  agraz  en  esta  barranca  la  aula 
madura  abia  nueses  y  galinas  de  la  calidad  de  las  de  la  nueba  espana 
y  siruelas  como  las  de  castilla  y  en  cantidad  en  este  camino  se  bio  a  uu 
teya  de  un  tiro  pasar  un  toro  por  ambas  espaldas  que  uu  arcubuz  tiene 
bien  que  ha§er  es,  gete  bien  entendida  y  las  mugeres  bien  tratadas  y  de 
berguen§a  cubren  todas  sus  carnes  traen  5apatos  y  borseguiez  de  cuero 
adobado  traen  mantas  las  mugeres  sobre  sus  faldellines  y  mangas  cogi- 
das  por  las  espaldas  todo  de  cuero  y  unos  como  sanbeiiitillos  con  rapa- 
sejos  que  llegan  a  medio  muslo  sobre  los  faldellines. 

en  esta  ban-anca  holgo  el  campo  muchos  dias  por  buscar  comarca 
hicieronse  hasta  aqui  treinta  y  siete  jornadas  de  camino  de  a  seis  y  de 
a  siete  leguas  iwrque  se  daba  cargo  a  quien  fuese  tasanda  y  un  con 


17 


eUREAU   OF   ETHNOLOGY 


f 


^^"M- 


FACSIMILE  OF  P 

From  the  Manuici 


11 


POLIRTFFNTH    ANNUAL    REPORT       PL.    LXX>i 


Wi^i>f:;J^Z' 


:*f/ 


ANEDA'S  RELACION 
■  Lenox  Library 


wiKBHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  443 

tando  por  pasos  de§ian  que  auiau  a  el  poblado  do  dogientas  y  sinquenta 
leguas  bisto  ya  y  cognogido  por  el  general  fran""  uasques  como  hasta 
alii  auiau  audado  eiiganados  por  el  turco  y  que  faltauan  los  bastimentos 
a  el  campo  y  que  por  alii  no  aula  tierra  dode  se  pudiesen  probeer  llamo 
a  los  capitanes  y  alferes  a  junta  para  acordar  lo  que  les  paresiese  se 
debiese  hager  y  de  acuerdo  de  todoa  fue  quel  general  contreinta  de  a 
cauallo  y  media  dogena  de  peoues  y  fuese  en  demanda  de  quiuira  y 
que  do  tristan  de  arellano  bolbiese  con  todo  el  campo  la  buelta  de  tiguex 
sabido  esto  por  la  gente  del  canpo  y  como  ya  se  sabia  lo  acordado  supli- 
caron  de  ello  a  su  general  y  que  no  los  dexase  de  lleuar  adelante  que 
todos  querian  morir  con  el  y  no  bolber  atras  esto  no  aprobeclio  aunque 
el  general  les  congedio  que  les  embiaria  mensajeros  dentro  de  ocho  dias 
si  cobiniese  seguirle  o  no  y  con  esto  se  partio  con  las  guias  que  lleuaba 
y  con  ysopete  el  turco  yba  arrecando  en  cadena. 

Gapitulo  ueinte  y  una  como  el  campo  bolhio  a  tiguex  y  el  general  llego  a 
quiuira. 

partio  el  general  de  la  barranca  con  las  guias  que  los  teyas  le  auian 
dado  bigo  su  maestre  de  campo  a  el  ueinte  y  quatro  diego  lopes  y  Uebo 
de  la  gete  que  le  paregio  mas  escogida  y  de  mejores  cauallos  el  canpo  que- 
do  con  alguna  esperanga  que  embiaria  por  el  general  y  tornaron  se  lo  a 
embiar  a  suplicar  a  el  general  con  dos  hombres  de  a  cauallo  a  la  ligera 
y  por  la  posta,  el  general  llego  digo  que  se  le  huyeron  las  guias  en  las 
primeras  jornadas  y  ubo  de  bolber  diego  lopes  por  guias  a  el  campo  y 
con  mandado  quel  capo  bolbiese  a  tiguex  a  buscar  bastimentos  y  a  aguar- 
dar  a  el  general  dieronle  otras  guias  que  les  dieron  los  teyas  de  bolun- 
tad  aguardo  el  campo  sus  mensajeros  y  estubo  alii  quinge  dias  bagiendo 
carnaje  de  bacas  para  lleuar  tubose  por  quenta  que  se  mataron  en  estos 
quinse  dias  quinientos  toros  era  cosa  increyble  el  numero  de  los  que 
auia  sin  bacas  perdiose  en  este  comedio  mucha  gente  de  los  que  salian 
a  caga  y  en  dos  ni  tres  dias  no  tornaban  a  bolber  a  el  campo  andando 
desatinados  a  una  parte  y  a  otra  sin  saber  bolber  por  donde  auian  ydo 
y  con  aber  aijuella  barranca  (jue  arriba  o  abaxo  auian  de  atinar  y  como 
cada  nocLe  se  tenia  (juenta  con  quien  faltaua  tirauan  artilleria  y  tocauan 
trompetas  y  a  tarn  bores  y  hagian  grandes  hogaredas  y  algunos  se  halla- 
ron  tarn  desbiados  y  abian  desatinado  tanto  que  todo  esto  no  les  apro- 
bechaua  nada  aunque  a  otros  les  balio  el  remedio  era  tornar  adonde 
mataban  el  ganado  y  liayer  una  uia  a  una  parte  y  a  otra  basta  que  daban 
con  la  barranca  o  topaban  con  quien  los  encaminaua  es  cosa  de  notar 
que  como  la  tierra  es  tam  liana  en  siendo  medio  dia  como  an  andado 
desatinados  en  pos  de  la  caga  a  una  parte  y  a  otra  sean  de  estar  cabe  la 
caga  quedos  hasta  (pie  decline  el  sol  para  ber  a  que  rumbo  an  de  bolber 
a  donde  salieron  y  aun  estos  auian  de  ser  hombres  entendidos  y  los  que 
no  lo  eran  se  auian  de  encomendar  a  otros. 

el  general  siguio  sus  guias  hasta  llegar  a  quiuira  en  que  gasto  (jua- 
renta  y  ocho  dias  de  camino  por  la  grande  cayda  que  auian  hecho  sobre 


444  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth  ann.U 

la  florida  y  fue  re9ebi(lo  de  paz  por  las  guias  que  lleuaba  preguiitaron 
a  el  turco  (j[ue  i^orque  aula  metido  y  los  aula  guiado  tarn  abieso  dixo  que 
su  tierra  era  ha§ia  aquella  jiai'tey  que  allende  de  aquello  los  de  cicuye 
le  auian  rogado  que  los  truxese  perdidos  por  los  llanos  por  que  faltaiido 
les  el  bastinieuto  se  murieseii  los  cauallos  y  ellos  flacos  quando  bolbie- 
sen  los  podrian  niatar  sin  trabajo  y  bengarse  de  lo  que  auian  hecho 
y  que  por  esto  los  abia  desrumbado  creyeudo  que  no  supieran  ca^ar  ni 
mautenerse  sin  niaiz  y  que  lo  del  oro  que  no  sabia  adoiide  lo  aula  esto 
dixo  ya  como  desesperado  y  que  se  hallaba  corrido  que  auain  dado  cre- 
dito  a  el  ysopete  y  los  auia  guiado  mejor  que  no  el  y  teniiendose  los  que 
alii  yban  que  no  diese  algun  abiso  por  donde  les  biniese  algun  daiio  le 
dieron  garrote  de  que  el  ysopete  se  holgo  porque  siepre  solia  degir  que 
el  ysopete  era  un  bellaco  y  que  no  sabia  lo  que  se  decia  y  siempre  le 
estorban  ban  que  no  hablase  con  nadie  no  se  bio  entre  aquellag  eute 
oro  ni  plata  ni  noticia  de  ello  el  senor  traya  al  cuello  una  patena  de 
cobre  y  no  la  tenia  en  poca. 

los  mensajeros  quel  campo  embio  en  pos  del  general  bolbieron  como 
dixe  y  luego  como  no  truxeron  otro  recaudo  que  el  que  el  ueinti  quatro 
auia  dicbo  el  canipo  salio  de  la  barranca  la  buelta  de  los  teyas  a  donde 
tomaron  guias  que  los  bolbiesen  por  mas  derecho  camino  ellos  las  dieron 
de  boluntad  porque  como  es  gente  que  no  para  por  aquellas  tierras  en 
pos  del  gauado  todo  lo  saben  guiaban  desta  manera  luego  por  la  manana 
miraba  a  donde  salia  el  sol  y  tomaban  el  rumbo  que  auian  de  tomar  y 
tiraban  una  flecha  y  antes  de  Uegar  a  ella  tirauan  otra por  enyima  y  desta 
manera  yban  todo  el  dia  hasta  las  aguas  adonde  se  auia  de  ha§er  Jornada 
y  por  este  orden  lo  que  se  auia  andado  a  la  yda  en  treinta  y  siete  jor- 
nadas  se  bolbio  en  ueinte  y  5inco  cayado  en  el  camino  ua«as  liallaronse 
en  este  camino  muchas  lagunas  de  sal  que  la  auia  en  gran  cantidad  auia 
sobre  el  agua  tablones  della  mayores  que  mesas  de  quatro  y  de  §inco 
dedos  de  grueso  debajo  del  agua  a  dos  y  tres  palmos  sal  en  grano  mas 
sabrosa  que  la  de  los  tablones  por  que  esta  amargaba  un  poco  era  cris- 
taliua  auia  por  aquellos  llanos  unos  aniinales  como  liardillas  en  gran 
numero  y  mucha  suma  de  cueuas  de  ellas  uino  en  esta  buelta  a  tomar  el 
campo  el  rio  de  cicuye  mas  de  treinta  leguas  por  bajo  de  ella  digo  de  la 
puente  que  se  auia  becho  a  la  yada  y  subiose  por  el  arriba  que  en  gene- 
ral casi  todas  sus  riueras  tenian  rosales  que  son  como  ubas  moscatelea 
en  el  comer  nageu  en  unas  uaias  delgadas  de  un  estado  tiene  la  oja  como 
peregil  auia  ubas  en  agraz  y  mucbo  uino  y  oregano  de9ian  las  guias  que 
se  juntaba  este  rio  con  el  de  tiguex  mas  de  ueinte  jornadas  de  alii  y 
que  boluian  sus  corrientes  a  el  oriente  creese  que  ban  a  el  poderoso  rio 
del  espiritu  santo  que  los  de  don  hernando  de  soto  descubrieron  en  la 
florida  en  esta  Jornada  a  la  yda  se  liundio  una  iudia  labrada  a  el  capi- 
tan  juan  de  saldibar  y  fue  las  barrancas  abajo  buyendo  que  reconoyio  la 
tierra  por  qiie  en  tiguex  donde  se  ubo  era  esclaua  esta  india  ubieron  a 
las  manos  siertos  espanoles  de  los  de  la  florida  que  auian  entrado  desca- 
briendo  bacia  aquella  parte  yo  les  oy  de5ir  quado  bolbieron  a  la  nueba 


wmsBiPi  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  445 

espana  que  les  aula  dicho  la  india  que  auia  iiuebe  dias  que  se  auia  huydo 
de  otros  y  que  nombro  capitanes  por  donde  se  debe  creer  que  no 
llegamos  lejos  de  lo  que  ellos  descubrierou  aunque  dicen  que  estaban 
entoufes  mas  de  dosientas  leguas  la  tierra  adentro  creese  que  tiene  la 
tierra  de  trabesia  por  aquella  parte  mas  de  seicientas  leguas  de  mar  a 
mar. 

pues  como  digo  el  rio  arriba  fue  el  campo  hasta  llegar  a  el  pueblo  de 
cicuye  el  qual  se  hallo  de  guerra  que  no  quisieron  niostrarse  de  paz 
ni  dar  uingun  socorro  de  bastimento  de  alii  fueron  a  tiguex  que  ya 
alguuos  pueblos  se  auian  tornado  a  poblar  que  liiego  se  tornaban  a 
despoblar  de  temor. 

Capitulo  ueinte  y  dos  como  el  general  bolbio  de  qtiiuira  y  se  hi^ieron  otros 
entradas  dehajo  del  norte. 

luego  que  don  tristan  de  arellano  llego  en  tiguex  mediado  el  nies  de 
jullio  del  afio  de  quarenta  y  dos  lii9o  recoger  bastimentos  i)ara  el  inbierno 
beuidero  y  enbio  a  el  capitaii  francisco  de  barrio  nuebo  con  alguna  gete 
el  rio  arriba  debajo  del  norte  en  que  bio  dos  prouiuQias  que  la  una  se 
decia  hemes  de  siete  pueblos  y  la  otra  yuqueyuuque  los  pueblos  de 
hemes  salieron  de  paz  y  dieron  bastimentos  los  de  yuqueyunque  en 
tanto  que  el  real  se  asentaba  despoblaron  dos  muy  hermosos  pueblos 
que  teiiian  el  rio  en  medio  y  se  fueron  a  la  sierra  a  donde  tenian  quatro 
l)ueblo8  muy  fiiertes  en  tierra  aspera  que  no  se  podia  yr  a  ellos  a  cauallo 
en  estos  dos  pueblos  se  ubo  mucho  bastimento  y  109a  muy  hermoya  y 
bedriada  y  de  muchas  labores  y  hechuras  tambien  se  hallaron  muchas 
ollas  llenas  de  metal  escogido  reluciente  con  que  bedriaban  la  losa  era 
serial  que  por  aquella  tierra  auia  miuas  de  plata  si  se  buscaran. 

ueinte  leguas  adelante  el  rio  arriba  auia  un  poderoso  y  grande  rio 
digo  pueblo  que  se  decia  braba  a  quien  los  nfos  pusieron  ualladolid 
tomaba  el  rio  por  medio  pasabase  por  puentes  de  madera  de  muy  largos 
y  grandes  pinos  quadrados  y  en  este  pueblo  se  bieron  las  mas  graudes 
y  brabas  estufas  que  en  toda  aquella  tierra  porqueeran  de  do^e  pilares 
que  catla  uno  tenia  dos  bra§as  de  ruedo  de  altura  de  dos  estados  este 
pueblo  auia  uisitado  hernaudo  de  aluarado  quando  descubrio  a  5icuye 
es  tierra  muy  alta  y  figridissima  el  rio  yba  hondo  y  de  gran  corriente 
sin  ninguu  uado  dio  la  buelta  el  capitau  barrio  nuebo  dexando  de  pax 
aquellas  prouintjias. 

otro  capitan  fue  el  rio  abajo  en  busca  de  los  poblados  qnedegian  los 
de  tutahaco  auia  algunas  jornadasde  alii  estecapitan  bajo  ochenta  leguas 
Rio  que  86  y  hallo  quatro  pueblos  grandes  que  dexo  de  paz  y  andubo 
hundi.  hasta  que  hallo  quel  rio  se  sumia  debaxo  de  tierra  como  guadiana 
en  extremadura  no  paso  adelate  donde  los  iudios  decian  q  salia  muy 
poderoso  ])or  no  llebar  mas  comi^iou  de  ocheta  leguas  de  camiuo  y 
como  bolbio  este  capitan  y  se  llegaba  el  pla^o  en  que  el  capitan  abia  de 
bolber  de  quiuira  y  no  bolbia  don  tristan  senalo  quarenta  coupanerosy 
dexando  el  campo  a  fran™  de  barrio  nuebo  salio  con  ellos  a  buscar  el 


446  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  annU 

general  y  como  llego  a  cicuye  los  del  pueblo  salieroii  de  guerra  que  fue 
causa  que  se  detubiesen  alii  quatro  dias  por  les  ha9er  algun  dauo  coino 
se  les  hi9o  que  cou  tiros  quese  asentaronael  pueblo  les  matarou  alguna 
ggte  por  que  no  salian  a  el  caupo  a  causa  quel  primer  dia  les  mataron 
dos  bombres  senalados. 

en  este  comedio  Uegaron  nuebas  [niebas?]  como  el  general  benia  y  por 
esto  tambieu  ubo  de  aguardar  alii  don  tristan  para  asegurar  aqnel  paso 
llegado  el  general  fue  bien  re^ebido  de  todos  con  grande  alegria  el 
iudio  xabe  que  era  el  man^ebo  que  auian  dado  los  de  cicuye  a  el 
general  qualido  yba  en  demanda  de  quiuira  estaba  cou  don  tristan  de 
arellano  y  como  supo  que  el  general  benia  dando  muestras  que  se 
holgaba  dixo  agora  que  biene  el  general  bereis  como  ay  oro  y  plata  en 
quiuira  aunque  no  tauta  como  degia  el  turco  y  como  el  general  llego  y 
bio  como  no  auian  hallado  nada  quedo  triste  y  pasmado  y  afirmado 
que  la  aula  liigo  creer  a  muchos  que  era  asi  porque  el  general  no  entro 
la  tierra  adentro  que  no  oso  por  ser  muy  poblado  y  no  se  hallar 
poderoso  y  dio  la  buelta  por  lleuar  sus  gentes  pasadas  las  aguas 
porque  ya  por  alia  llobia  que  era  entrada  de  agosto  quando  salio  tardo 
en  la  buelta  quarenta  dias  con  buenas  guias  con  benir  a  la  ligera 
como  bolbieron  decia  el  turco  quando  salio  de  tiguex  el  canpo  que 
para  que  cargauan  los  cauallos  tanto  de  bastimetos  que  se  cansarian  y 
no  podrian  despues  traer  el  oro  y  la  plata  donde  parese  bien  andaba 
con  eugano. 

llegado  el  general  con  su  gete  a  cicuye  luego  se  partio  para  tiguex 
dexando  mas  asentado  el  pueblo  por  que  a  el  luego  salieron  de  paz  y  le 
liablaron  llegado  a  tiguex  procure  de  inberiiar  alii  para  dar  la  buelta 
con  todo  el  campo  porque  degia  traya  noticia  de  grandes  poblaciones 
y  rios  poderossissimos  y  que  la  tierra  era  muy  pareciente  a  la  de 
espaija  en  las  frutas  y  yerbas  y  temporales  y  que  no  benian  satisfechos 
de  creer  que  no  aula  oro  antes  trayan  sospecha  que  lo  aula  la  tierra 
adentro  porque  puesto  que  lo  negauan  entendian  que  cosa  era  y  tenia 
nombre  entre  ellos  que  se  degia  acochis  con  lo  qual  daremos  fin  a  esta 
primera  parte  y  trataremos  en  dar  relation  de  las  prouincias. 

Segunda  parte  en  que  se  teata  de  los  pueblos  y  prouin- 
cias DE  altos  y  de  sus  kitos  y  costumbres  kecopilada  por 

PEDRO   DE   CASTANEDA  UE(piNO   DE   LA  5IUDAD   DE   NAXARA.' 

luus  deo. 

no  me  parece  que  quedara  satisfecho  el  lector  em  aber  bisto  y  enten- 
dido  lo  que  e  contado  de  la  joruada  aunque  en  ello  ay  bien  que  notar 
en  la  discordan^ia  de  las  notigias  porque  aber  fama  tan  grande  de 
grandes  thesoros  y  en  el  mismo  lugar  no  hallar  memoria  ni  aparen^ia 
de  aberlo  cosa  es  muy  de  notar  en  lugar  de  poblados  hallar  grandes 
despoblados  y  en  lugar  de  ciudades  populosas  hallar  pueblos  de  dogien- 


1  The  Seguntla  Parte  begins  a  new  page  in  ttie  manuscript. 


wiNSHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  447 

tos  ueciuos  y  el  mayor  de  ocbo  cieutos  o  mill  no  se  si  esto  les  dara  mate- 
ria para  cousiderar  y  pesar  en  la  bariedad  de  esta  uida  ypara  poderlos 
agradar  les  quiero  dar  relagiou  particular  de  todo  lo  poblado  que  se  bio 
y  descubrio  en  esta  Jornada  y  algunas  costunbres  que  tienen  y  ritos 
conforme  a  lo  que  de  ellos  alcanyamos  a  saber  y  en  que  rumbo  cae  cada 
prouiu^ia  para  que  despues  se  pueda  entender  a  que  parte  esta  la  flori- 
da  y  a  que  parte  cae  la  India  mayor  y  como  esta  tierra  de  la  nueba 
espana  es  tierra  flrme  con  el  peru  ansi  lo  es  con  la  India  mayor  o  de  la 
china  sin  que  por  esta  parte  aya  entrecLo  que  la  dibida  ante  es  estan 
grande  la  anchura  de  la  tierra  que  da  lugar  a  que  aya  tan  graudes 
despoblados  como  ay  entre  las  dos  mares  por  que  la  costa  del  norte 
sobre  la  florida  buelbe  sobre  los  bacallaos  y  despues  torna  sobre  la 
nuruega  y  la  del  sur  a  el  poniente  haciendo  la  otra  punta  debaxo  del 
8ur  casi  como  en  arco  la  bueltade  la  indiadando  lugar  a  que  lastierras 
que  siguen  las  cordilleras  de  anbas  costas  se  desbien  en  tauta  manera 
Unas  de  otras  que  dexen  en  medio  de  si  grandes  llanuras  y  tales  que 
por  ser  inabitables  so  pobladas  de  gauados  y  otros  mucbos  auimales  de 
dibersas  maneras  aunque  no  de  serpientes  por  ser  como  son  esentos  y 
sin  montes  antes  de  todo  genero  de  ca^a  y  aues  como  adelante  se  dira 
dexando  de  contar  la  buelta  quel  campo  dio  para  la  nueba  espana  basta 
que  se  bea  la  poca  ocayion  qu«  para  ello  ubo  comen^aremos  a  tratar  de 
la  uilla  de  culiacan  y  bersea  la  diferenfia  que  ay  de  la  una  tierra  a  la 
otra  para  que  meresca  lo  uno  estar  poblado  de  espaiioles  y  lo  otro  no 
abieudo  de  ser  a  el  contrario  quanto  a  cristianos  porque  en  los  unos  ay 
ragon  de  bombres  y  en  los  otros  barbaridad  de  animales  y  mas  que  de 
bestias. 

Capitulo  primero  de  la  prouincia  de  Culiacan  y  de  hus  ritos  y  costumbres. 

Culiacan  es  lo  ultimo  del  nuebo  reyno  de  galigia  y  fue  lo  primero  que 
poblo  Nuiio  de  guzman  quando  conquisto  este  reyno  esta  a  el  poniente  de 
mexico  doyientas  y'diez  leguas  en  esta  prouincia  ay  ties  leguas  prin^i- 
pales  sin  otras  bariables  que  de  ella  responden  la  primera  es  de  tahus 
que  era  la  mejor  gente  y  mas  entendida  y  los  que  en  esta  sa^on  estan 
mas  domesticos  y  tienen  mas  lumbre  de  la  fe  estos  ydolatraban  y  hagian 
presentes  a  el  demonio  de  sus  aberes  y  reque(;as  que  era  ropa  y  tur- 
quesas  no  comian  carne  humana  ni  la  sacriflcauan  aconstumbraban  a 
criar  muy  grandes  culebras  y  tenian  las  en  benera5ion  aula  entre  ellos 
hombres  en  abito  de  mugeres  que  se  casaban  con  otros  lionbres  y  les 
seruian  de  mugeres  canonicaban  con  gran  fiesta  a  las  mugeres  que 
querian  blbir  solteras  con  un  grande  areyto  o  bayle  en  quese  juntaban 
todos  los  sefiores  de  la  comarca  y  sacaban  la  a  baylar  en  cueros  y  des- 
que  todos  abian  baylado  con  ella  metian  la  en  un  raucho  que  para  aquel 
efecto  estaba  bien  adornado  y  las  seQoras  la  adere9aban  de  ropa  y  bra- 
5alete8  de  finas  turquesas  y  luego  entrabran  a  usar  con  ella  los  sefiores 
uno  a  uno  y  tras  de  ellos  todos  los  demas  que  querian  y  desde  alii  ade- 
lante no  abian  de  negar  a  nadie  pagandoles  sierta  paga  que  estaba  cons- 


448  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  anx.  u 

tituyda  para  ello  y  aunque  despaes  tomabau  maridos  uo  por  eso  eran 
reseruadas  de  cuplir  con  quien  se  lo  pagaba  sus  mayores  fiestas  sou 
mercados  auia  uua  costuinbre  que  las  mugeres  que  se  casaban  los  mari- 
dos las  comprabau  a  los  padres  y  parieutes  por  gran  pregio  y  luego  la 
llebaban  a  uu  senor  que  lo  teiiian  como  por  saserdote  para  que  las  des- 
birgase  y  biese  si  estaba  donyella  y  si  no  lo  estaba  le  abian  de  bolber 
todo  el  pre9io  y  estaba  en  su  escoger  si  la  queria  por  muger  o  uo  o 
dexalla  jjara  que  fuese  canoni^ada  hagiau  grandes  borracheras  a  sus 
tiempos. 

la  seguiida  lengua  es  de  pacaxes  que  es  la  gente  que  abitau  en  la 
tierra  que  esta  entre  lo  llano  y  las  serranias  estos  son  mas  barbara 
gente  alguiios  couien  carne  humana  que  son  los  que  conflnau  con  las 
serranias  son  grandes  someticos  toman  muclias  mugeres  aunque  sean 
hermanas  adoran  en  piedras  pintados  de  entalladura  son  grandes  abu- 
gioneros  y  hechiceros. 

la  tercera  lengua  son  acaxes  aquestos  pose  en  gran  parte  de  la  tierra 
por  la  serrania  y  toda  la  cordillera  y  asi  andan  a  ca<,'a  de  bombres  como 
a  ca§a  de  benados  comen  todos  carne  humana  y  el  que  tiene  mas  guesos 
de  hombre  y  calaberas  colgadas  a  el  rededor  de  su  caga  es  mas  temido 
y  en  mas  tenido  biben  a  barrios  y  en  tierra  muy  aspera  huyen  de  lo 
llano  para  pasar  de  un  barrio  a  otro  a  de  aber  quebrada  en  medio  que 
aunque  se  hable  no  puedau  pasar  tarn  ligeramete  a  una  grita  se  juntan 
quinientos  hombres  y  por  pequena  ocagion  se  matan  y  se  comen  estos 
an  sido  malos  de  sojuzgar  por  la  aspere(;;a  de  la  tierra  que  es  muy 
grande. 

an  se  ballado  en  esta  tierra  muchas  minas  de  plata  ricas  uo  ban  a  lo 
hondo  acabase  en  breue  desde  la  costa  de  esta  prouin^ia  comienga  el 
ancon  que  mete  la  mar  debajo  del  norte  que  entra  la  tierra  adentro 
dogientas  y  sinquentas  leguas  y  fenese  en  la  boca  del  rio  del  tigon  esta 
tierra  es  la  una  punta  a  el  oriente  la  punta  del  ponieute  es  la  California 
ay  de  punta  a  punta  segun  he  oydo  a  hombres  que  lo  an  nabegado 
treinta  leguas  porque  perdieiido  de  bista  a  esta  tierra  ben  la  otra  el 
ancon  di^en  es  ancbo  dentro  a  tener  de  tierra  a  tierra  giento  y  sinquenta 
leguas  y  mas  desde  el  rio  del  tigon  da  la  buelta  la  costa  a  el  sur 
hagiendo  arco  hasta  la  California  que  buelue  a  el  poniente  hai^-iendo 
aquella  punta  que  otro  tiempo  se  tubo  por  isla  por  ser  tierra  baxa  y 
arenosa  poblada  de  gente  bruta  y  bestial  desnuda  y  que  comen  su 
mismo  estiercol  y  se  juntaban  hombre  y  muger  como  animales  ponien- 
dose  la  hembra  en  quatro  pies  publicamente. 

Capitulo  segundo  de  la  prouincia  de  petlatlan  y  todo  lo  poblado  hasta 
chichilticale. 

petlatlan  es  una  poblagion  de  casas  cubiertas  con  una  manera  de 
esteras  hechas  de  causo  congregadas  en  pueblos  que  ban  a  el  luego 
de  un  rio  desde  la  sierras  hasta  la  mar  son  gente  de  la  calidad  y  ritos 
delostahues  culhacaneses  ay  entre  ellosmuchos  someticos  tienen  grande 
pobla^ion  y  comarca  de  otros  pueblos  a  la  serrania  difleren  en  la  lengua 


wrasHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  449 

de  los  tahues  alguu  taiito  puesto  que  se  entieuden  los  unos  a  los  otros 
dixose  petlatlan  por  ser  las  casas  de  petates  dura  esta  manera  de  casas 
por  aquella  parte  docientas  y  quarenta  legvias  y  mas  que  ay  hasta  el 
principlo  del  despoblado  de  cibola  desde  petlatlan  liace  raya  aquella 
tierra  cogno5idamente  la  causa  porque  desde  alii  para  adelante  no  ay 
arbol  sin  espina  ui  ay  frutas  sino  son  tunas  y  mesquites  y  pitahayas 
ay  desde  euliacau  alia  ueinte  leguas  y  desde  jjetlatlan  a  el  ualle  de 
seuora  ciento  y  treinta  ay  entre  medias  muchos  rios  poblados  de  gente 
de  la  misma  suerte  como  son  sinoloa,  boyomo,  teoconio,  y  aquimi  yotros 
mas  pequeuos  estan  tambien  los  cora^ones  ques  nuestro  caudal  abajo 
del  ualle  de  senora. 

senora  es  un  rio  y  ualle  muy  poblado  de  gente  muy  dispuesta  las 
mugeres  bisten  uaguas  de  cuero  adobado  de  benados  y  sanbeni- 
tillos  hasta  medio  cuerpo  los  que  sou  seuores  de  los  pueblos  se 
ponen  a  las  mananas  en  unos  altillos  que  para  aquello  tienen  bechos  y 
a  manera  de  pregones  o  pregoneros  estan  pregonando  por  espa^io  de 
una  ora  como  administrando  les  en  lo  que  an  de  lia§er  tiene  unas  casi- 
Uas  pequeiias  de  adoratorios  en  que  hincan  muchas  flechas  que  las 
ponen  por  de  fuera  como  un  eriso  y  esto  ha9en  quando  asperan  tener 
guerra  a  el  rededor  de  esta  prouincia  hacia  las  sierras  ay  grandes  pobla- 
giones  en  probincillas  apartadas  y  congregadas  de  diez  y  do9e  pueblos 
y  echo  o  siete  de  ellos  que  se  los  nombres  so  com  u  patrico,  mochilagua 
y  arispa,  y  el  uallecillo  ay  otros  que  no  se  bieron. 

desde  senora  a  el  ualle  de  suyaay  quarenta  leguas  en  este  ualle  se 
uino  a  poblar  la  uilla  de  san  bieronimo  que  despues  se  alcaron  y  mata- 
ron  parte  de  la  gente  que  estaba  poblada  como  se  bera  adelante  en  lo 
tergera  parte  en  este  ualle  ay  muchos  pueblos  que  tienen  en  su  torno 
son  las  gentes  de  la  calidad  de  los  de  seuora  y  de  un  traje  y  lengua 
ritos  y  costumbres  con  todo  los  demas  que  ay  hasta  el  despoblado  de 
chichilticale  las  mugeres  se  labran  en  la  barba  y  los  ojos  como  moriscas 
de  berberia  ellos  son  grandes  someticos  beben  bino  de  pitahayas  que 
es  fruta  de  cardones  que  se  abre  como  granadas  hacen  se  con  el  bino 
tontos  ha§en  conserua  de  tunas  en  gran  cantidad  conseruanse  en  su 
sumo  en  gran  cantidad  sin  otra  miel  hagen  pan  de  mesquites  como 
quesos  conseruase  todo  el  aiio  ay  en  esta  tierra  nielones  de  ella  tarn 
grandes  que  tiene  una  persona  que  lleuar  en  uno  ha§en  de  ellos  tasajos 
y  curan  los  a  el  sol  son  de  comer  del  sabor  de  higos  pasado  guisados  son 
muy  buenos  y  dulces  guardanse  todo  el  ano  asi  pasado. 

y  por  esta  tierra  se  bieron  aguilas  candoles  tienen  las  los  senores  per 
grande^a  en  todos  estos  pueblos  no  se  bieron  gallinas  de  ning-una  suerte 
salbo  en  este  ualle  de  suya  que  se  hallaron  gallinas  como  las  de  castilla 
que  no  se  supo  por  donde  entraron  tanta  tierra  de  guerra  teniendo  como 
todos  tienen  guerra  unos  con  otros  entre  suya  y  chichilticale  ay  muchos 
carneros  y  cabras  montesas  grandissimas  de  cuerpos  y  de  cuernos 
espaiioles  ubo  que  afirman  aber  bisto  manada  de  mas  de  5iento  juntos 
corren  tanto  que  en  brebe  se  desparesen. 
14  ETH 29 


450  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (ethahnU 

eu  cliichilticale  torna  la  tierra  a  hacer  raya  y  pierde  la  arboleda 
espinosa  y  la  causa  es  que  como  el  Ancon  llega  liasta  aquel  paraje  y  da 
buelta  la  costa  asi  da  buelta  la  Cordillera  de  las  sierras  y  alii  se  biene 
a  trabesar  la  serrania  y  se  roinpe  para  pasar  a  lo  llano  de  la  tierra 

Gapitulo  tercero  de  lo  ques  chichilticnle  y  el  denpoblado  de  {'ibola  8ti8 
coHtumbrex  y  ritos  y  de  otran  oosas. 

chichilticale  dixose  asi  porque  liallaron  los  frayles  en  esta  cx)marca 
una  casa  que  fue  otros  tiempos  poblada  de  gentes  que  rresquebraban 
de  ^ibola  era  de  tierra  Colorado  o  bermeja  la  casa  era  grande  y  bien 
pareyia  en  ella  aber  sido  fortale9a  y  debio  ser  despoblada  por  los  de  la 
tierra  que  es  la  gente  mas  barbara  de  las  que  se  bierou  hasta  alii  biuen  ea 
rancberias  sin  poblados  biben  de  casar  y  todo  lo  mas  es  despoblado  y  de 
grandes  pinales  ay  pinones  en  gran  cantidad  son  los  pinos  donde  se  dau 
parrados  de  hasta  de  dos  a  tres  estados  de  alto  ay  en9inales  de  bellota 
dulce  y  fanonas  <iue  dan  una  fruta  como  confttes  de  culantro  seco  es 
muy  dulce  como  asucar  ay  berros  en  algunas  fuetes  y  rosales  y  poleo  y 
oregano. 

en  los  rios  deste  despoblado  ay  barbos  y  picoues  como  en  espafia  ay 
leones  pardos  que  se  bierou  desde  el  principio  del  despoblado  siempre 
se  ba  subiendo  la  tierra  hasta  llegar  a  gibola  que  son  ochenta  leguas 
la  uia  del  norte  y  hasta  llegar  alii  desde  culiacan  se  auia  caminado 
lleuando  el  norte  sobre  el  qjo  isquierdo. 

^ibola  son  siete  pueblos  el  mayor  se  dice  ma9aque  comunmente  son 
de  tres  y  quatro  altos  las  casas  en  macaque  ay  cp^as  de  quatro  altos  y 
de  siete  estas  gentes  son  bien  entendidas  andan  cubiertas  sus  berguen- 
gas  y  todas  las  partes  deshonestas  con  pafios  a  manera  de  serbilletas 
de  mesa  con  rapasejos  y  una  borla  en  cada  esquina  atan  los  sobre  el 
quadril  bisten  pellones  de  plumas  y  de  ])elo  de  liebres  matas  de  algodon 
las  mugeres  se  bisten  de  mantas  que  las  atau  o  anudan  sobre  el  honbro 
isquierdo  y  sacan  el  bra(;o  derecho  por  engima  siriense  las  a  el  cuerpo 
traen  capotes  de  cuero  ptilidos  de  buena  faygion  cogen  el  cabello  sobre 
las  dos  orejas  liechos  dos  ruedas  que  paresen  papos  de  cosia. 

esta  tierra  es  un  ualle  entre  sierras  a  manera  de  pefiones  siembran  a 
hoyos  no  crese  el  maiz  alto  de  las  magorcas  desdel  pie  tres  y  quatro 
cada  cafia  gruesas  y  grandes  de  a  ocho  gietos  granos  cosa  no  bista  en 
estas  partes  ay  en  esta  prouincia  osos  en  gran  cantidad  leones  gates 
geruales  y  nutrias  ay  muy  finas  tratan  turquesas  aunque  no  en  la 
cantidad  que  degian  recogen  y  entrogan  pinones  para  su  aiio  no  tiene 
un  hombre  mas  de  una  muger  ay  en  los  pueblos  estufas  que  estan  en 
los  patios  o  placas  donde  se  juntan  a  consulta  no  ay  senores  como  por 
la  nueba  espana  rigense  por  consejo  de  los  mas  biejos  tieuen  sus  saser- 
dotes  a  quien  llaman  papas  que  les  predican  estos  son  uiejos  subense 
en  el  terrado  mas  alto  del  pueblo  y  desde  alii  a  manera  de  pregoneros 
predican  a  el  pueblo  por  las  maiianas  quando  sale  el  sol  estando  todo 
el  pueblo  en  silenyio  asentados  por  los  corredores  escuchando  dicen  les 


W1N9H1PI  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  451 

como  an  de  bibir  y  creo  que  les  digen  alguuos  mandaiDieiitos  que  an 
de  guardar  porque  entre  ellos  no  aj'  borrachera  ni  sodomia  ni  sacriftcios 
ni  comen  came  humana  ni  linrtan  de  comun  trabajan  en  el  pueblo  la 
estnfas  son  comunes  es  sacrilegio  que  las  mugeres  entren  a  dormir  en 
las  estufas  por  senal  de  paz  dar  cruz  queman  los  muertos  hechan  con 
ellos  en  el  fuego  los  instrumentos  que  tienen  para  usar  sus  officios. 

tienen  a  tusayan  entre  norte  y  ponieute  a  ueinte  leguas  es  prouin^ia 
de  siete  pueblos  de  la  misma  suerte  trajes  ritos  y  costunibies  que  los 
de  ^ibola  abra  en  estas  dos  iirouin^ias  que  son  cator^e  pueblos  basta 
ties  o  quatro  mill  hombres  y  ay  hasta  tiguex  quarenta  leguas  o  maa  la 
buelta  del  norte  ay  entre  medias  el  penon  de  acuco  que  contamos  en  la 
primera  parte. 

Gapitulo  quarto  como  se  tratan  los  de  tigue.r  1/  de  la  prouincia  de  tigiiex 
y  sus  comarea^. 

tiguex  es  prouincia  de  doce  pueblos  riberas  de  un  rio  grande  y  cau- 
daloso  unos  pueblos  de  una  parte  y  otros  de  otra  es  ualle  espa^ioso  de 
dos  leguas  en  ancho  tiene  a  el  oriente  una  sierra!  nebada  uiuy  alta  y 
aspera  a  el  pie  de  ella  por  las  espaldas  ay  siete  pueblos  quatro  en  llano 
y  los  tres  metidos  en  la  halda  de  la  sierra. 

tiene  a  el  norte  a  quirix  siete  pueblos  a  siete  leguas  tiene  a  el  nordeste 
la  prouincia  de  hemes  siete  pueblos  a  quarenta  leguas  tiene  a  el  norte  o 
leste  a  Acha  a  quatro  leguas  a  el  sueste  a  tutahaco  prouiuyia  de  ocho 
pueblos  todos  estos  pueblos  en  general  tienen  unos  ritos  y  costumbres 
aunque  tienen  algunas  cosas  en  particulares  que  no  las  tienen  los  otros 
gobiernanse  por  acuerdo  de  los  mas  uiejos  labran  los  ediflcios  del  pueblo 
de  comun  las  mugeres  entienden  en  ha9er  la  mescla  y  las  paredes  los 
hombres  traen  la  madera  y  la  asientau  no  ay  cal  pero  haijen  una  mescla 
de  fenisa  de  carbon  y  tierra  ques  i)oco  menos  que  de  cal  porque  con 
aber  de  tener  quatro  altos  la  casa  no  hacen  la  pared  de  mas  gordor  que 
de  media  bara  juntan  gran  cautidad  de  rama  de  tomillos  y  corriso  y 
ponen  le  fuego  y  como  esta  entre  carbon  y  5enisa  hechan  mucha  tierra 
y  agua  y  hagen  lo  mescla  y  de  ella  hacen  pellas  redondas  que  ponen  en 
lugar  de  piedra  despues  de  seco  y  traban  con  la  misnia  mescla  de  suerte 
que  despues  escomo  argamasa  los  man^ebos  por  casar  siruen  a  el  pueblo 
en  general  y  traen  la  lena  que  se  a  de  gastar  y  la  ponen  en  rima  en  los 
patios  de  los  pueblos  de  donde  la  toman  las  mugeres  para  lleuar  a  sus 
casas  su  abitafion  de  los  man^ebos  es  en  las  estufas  que  son  en  los 
patios  de  el  pueblo  debajo  de  tierra  quadrados  o  redondos  con  pilares 
de  pino  algunas  se  bieron  de  doge  pilares  y  de  quatro  por  nabe  de  gor- 
dor de  dos  bra§as  los  comunes  eran  de  tres  o  quatro  pilares  los  suelos 
de  losas  grandes  y  lisas  como  los  banos  que  se  usan  0  europa  tienen 
dentro  un  fogon  a  manera  de  una  bitacora  de  nabio  donde  ensienden  un 
puno  de  tomillo  con  que  sustentan  la  calor  y  pneden  estar  dentro  como 
en  baiio  lo  alto  eii  pareja  con  la  tierra  alguna  se  bio  tan  espaciosa  que 
tendra  Juego  de  bola  quaudo  alguno  se  a  de  casar  a  de  ser  pororden  de 


452  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

los  que  gobiernaii  a  de  hilar  y  texer  uua  manta  el  baron  y  ponerle  la 
muger  delantey  ella  cubrecon  ella  y  queda  por  su  muger  las  casas  son 
de  las  mugeres  las  estufas  de  los  hombres  si  el  uaron  repudia  la  muger 
a  de  ir  a  ello  a  la  estufa  es  biolable  cosa  domir  las  mugeres  en  la  estufa 
ni  entrar  a  ningun  negocjio  mas  de  meter  de  comer  a  el  marido  o  a  los 
hijos  los  hombres  bilan  y  texen  las  mugeres  crian  los  hijos  y  gaisan  de 
coiner  la  tierra  es  tan  fertil  que  no  desyerban  en  todo  el  ano  mas  de  para 
sembrar  porque  luego  cae  la  niebe  y  cubre  lo  senbrado  y  debajo  de  la 
niebe  cria  la  ma9orca  cogen  en  un  ano  para  siete  ay  gradissimo  numero 
de  guillas  y  de  ansares  y  cuerbos  y  tordos  que  se  mantienen  por  los  sem- 
brados  y  con  todo  esto  quando  bueluen  a  sembrar  para  otro  ano  estan 
los  campos  cubiertos  de  maiz  que  no  lo  an  podido  acabar  de  eucerrar. 

auia  en  estas  prouincias  gra  cantidad  de  gallinas  de  la  tierra  y  gallos 
de  papada  sustentabanse  muertos  sin  pelar  ni  abrir  sesenta  dias  sin 
mal  olor  y  los  hombres  muertos  lo  mismo  y  mas  tiempo  siendo  inbierno 
los  pueblos  son  limpios  de  inmundi^ias  porque  salen  fuera  a  estercolar 
y  desaguan  en  basijas  de  barro  y  las  sacan  a  basiar  fuera  del  pueblo 
tienen  bien  repartidas  las  casas  en  grande  limpie9a  donde  guisan  de 
comer  y  donde  muelen  la  harina  que  es  un  apartado  o  retrete  donde 
tienen  un  farnal  con  tres  piedras  asentado  con  argamasa  donde  entrau 
tres  mugeres  cada  una  en  su  piedra  que  la  una  frangolla  y  la  otra  muele 
y  la  otra  remuele  antes  q  entren  dentro  a  la  pnerta  se  descal9  in  los 
sapatos  y  cogen  el  cabello  y  sacuden  la  ropa  y  cubre  la  cabe5a  mientras 
que  muele  esta  un  liombre  sentado  a  la  puerta  taiiedo  con  una  gayta 
al  tono  traen  las  piedras  y  canta  a  tres  bo^es  muelen  de  una  bez  mucha 
cantidad  porque  todo  el  pan  ha^en  de  harina  desleyda  con  agua  calieute 
a  manera  de  obleas  cogen  gran  cantidad  de  yeruas  y  secan  las  para 
guisar  todo  el  ano  para  comer  no  ay  en  la  tierra  frutas  saluo  piuones 
tienen  sus  predicadores  no  se  hallo  en  ellos  sodomia  ni  comer  carne 
humana  ni  sacriflcarlla  no  es  geute  cruel  porque  en  tiguex  estubieron 
obra  de  quarenta  dias  muerto  a  fran§isco  de  ouando  y  quando  se  acabo 
de  ganar  el  pueblo  lo  hallaron  entero  entre  sus  muertos  sin  otra  li§i6n 
mas  de  la  herida  de  que  murio  bianco  como  niebe  sin  mal  olor  de  un 
indio  de  los  nuestros  que  auia  estado  un  alio  catibo  entre  ellos  alcanse 
a  saber  algunas  cosas  de  sus  costumbres  en  especial  preguntadole  yo 
que  porque  causa  en  aquella  prouingia  andaban  las  mugeres  mogas  eu 
cueros  haQiendo  tam  gran  frio  dixome  que  las  dongellas  auian  de  andar 
ansi  hasta  que  tomasen  maridos  y  que  en  cognogiendo  uaron  se  cubnan 
trayan  los  hombres  por  alii  camisetas  de  cuero  de  benado  adobado  y 
engima  sus  pellones  ay  por  todas  estas  prouincias  loca  bedriada  de 
alcohol  y  jarros  de  extremadas  labores  y  de  hechuras  que  era  cosa  de 
ber. 

Gapitulo  quinto  de  eicuyc  y  log  pueblos  de  su  contomo  y  de  como  una» 
gentes  binieron  a  conquistar  aquella  tierra. 

ya  abemos  dicho  de  tiguex  y  de  todas  las  prouincias  que  estan  en  la 
costa  de  aquel  rio  por  ser  como  son  todos  de  una  calidad  de  gente  y  una 


wiNBHip]  NAKRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  453 

condi^don  y  costumbres  uo  sera  meuester  en  ellos  particulari§ar  ninguna 
cosa  solo  quiero  de^ir  del  a^iento  de  cicuye  y  unos  pueblos  despoblados 
que  le  caen  en  comarca  en  el  caniino  dereclio  quel  campo  llebo  i>ara  alia 
y  otros  que  estan  tras  la  sierra  nebada  de  tiguex  que  tanibien  caen  en 
aquella  comarca  fuera  del  rio. 

cicuyc  es  un  pueblo  de  basta  quiuieutos  hoinbres  de  guerra  es  temido 
por  toda  aquella  tierra  en  su  sitio  es  quadrado  asentado  sobre  peua 
en  medio  uu  gran  patio  o  pla^a  con  sus  estufas  las  casas  son  todas 
parejas  de  quatro  altos  por  lo  alto  se  anda  todo  el  pueblo  sin  que  aya 
calle  que  lo  estorbe  a  los  dos  primeros  doblados  es  todo  5ercado  de 
corredores  que  se  anda  por  ellos  todo  el  pueblo  son  como  balcones  que 
salen  a  fuera  y  debajo  de  ellos  se  pueden  amparar  no  tienen  las  casas 
puertas  por  lo  bajo  con  es(;aleras  leuadisas  se  siruen  y  suben  a  los  corre- 
dores que  son  por  de  dentro  del  pueblo  y  por  alii  se  mandan  que  las 
puertas  de  las  casas  salen  a  aquel  alto  al  corredor  sirue  el  corredor  por 
calle  las  casas  que  salen  a  el  campo  La§en  espaldas  con  las  de  dentro 
del  patio  y  en  tiempo  de  guerra  se  mandan  por  las  de  dentro  es  5ercado 
de  una  §erca  baja  de  piedra  tiene  dentro  una  fuente  de  agua  que  se  la 
pueden  quitar  la  gente  deste  pueblo  se  previa  de  que  nadie  los  a  podido 
sqjuzgar  y  los  sojuzgan  los  pueblos  que  quiereu  son  de  la  misnia  con- 
digiou  y  costumbres  que  los  otros  pueblos  tambien  andau  las  doncellas 
desnudas  hasta  que  toma  maridos  por  que  dicen  que  si  hacen  maldad 
que  luego  se  bera  y  an  si  no  lo  haran  ni  tienO  de  que  tener  berguen§a 
pues  andan  qual  na^ieron. 

ay  eutre  cicuye  y  la  prouiufia  do  (juirix  uu  pueblo  cliico  y  fuerte  a 
quien  los  espanoles  pusieron  nonbre  ximena  y  otro  pueblo  casi  despo- 
blado  que  no  tiene  poblado  sino  un  barrio  este  pueblo  era  grande  segun 
su  sitio  y  fresco  parecia  aber  sido  destruydo  acpieste  se  llamo  el  pueblo 
de  los  cilos  porque  se  liallaron  en  el  grandes  silos  de  maiz. 

adelante  aula  otro  pueblo  grande  todo  destruido  y  asolado  en  los 
patios  del  muchas  pelotas  depiedras  tan  grandes  como  botijas  de  arroba 
que  paregia  aber  sido  hechadas  con  ingenios  o  trabucos  con  que  des- 
truyeron  aquel  pueblo  lo  que  de  ello  se  alcanso  a  saber  fue  que  abria 
desiseis  anos  que  unas  gentes  llamados  teyas  en  gran  numero  auian 
benido  en  aquella  tierra  y  auian  destruydo  aquellos  pueblos  y  auian 
tenido  gercado  a  cicuye  y  no  lo  auian  podido  tomar  por  ser  fuerte  y  que 
quando  salieron  de  aquella  tierra  auiau  liecbo  amistades  con  toda  la 
tierra  pare§io  debio  de  ser  gente  poderosa  y  que  debia  de  tener  ingenios 
para  derriba  los  pueblos  no  saben  decir  de  que  parte  binieron  mas  de 
seiialar  debajo  del  norte  generalmente  llaman  estas  gentes  teyas  por 
gentes  ualietes  como  di^en  los  mexicanos  cbichimecas  o  teules  porque  los 
teyas  que  el  campo  topo  puesto  que  eran  ualientes  eran  cogno^-idos  dela 
gente  de  los  poblados  y  sus  amigos  y  que  se  ban  a  inbernar  por  alia  los 
inbieruos  debaxo  de  los  alaues  de  lo  poblado  porque  detro  no  se  atreben 
a  los  re^ebir  porque  no  se  debeu  fiar  de  ellos  y  puesto  que  los  re^ibea 
de  amistad  y  tractan  con  ellos  de  noche  no  quedan  en  los  pueblos  sino 


454  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (ethannU 

faera  solas  alaues  y  los  pueblos  se  belanabo  9ina  y  grito  grito  como  las 
fortalegas  de  espafia. 

otros  siete  pueblos  ay  a  la  orilla  deste  camino  hacia  la  sierra  nebada 
que  el  uno  quedo  medio  destruydo  de  estas  gentes  ya  dichas  que  estan 
debaxo  de  la  obidien5ia  de  cicuye  estacieuye  en  un  pequeuo  ualle  entre 
sierras  y  moutauas  de  grandes  pinales  tiene  una  pequefia  riuera  que 
Ueba  muy  buenas  truchas  y  nutrias  crianse  por  aqui  muy  grandes  osos 
y  buenos  halcones. 

Capitulo  sexto  en  que  se  declare  quantos  fueron  los  pueblos  que  se  uieron 
en  los  poblados  de  terrados  y  lo  poblado  de  ello. 

paregiome  antes  que  saiga  de^ir  de  los  llanos  de  las  bacas  y  lo  poblado 
y  rancheado  de  ellos  que  sera  bien  que  se  sepa  que  tanto  fue  lo  po- 
blado que  se  bio  de  casas  de  altos  en  pueblos  congregados  y  en  que  tanto 
espayio  de  tierra  digo  que  §ibola  es  lo  primero. 

§ibola  siete  pueblos 

tucayan  siete  pueblos 

el  peiion  de  acuco  uno 

tiguex  do^e  pueblos 

tutahaco  ocho  pueblos 

por  abajo  del  rio  estauan  estos  pueblos.  - 

quirix  siete  j)ueblos 

a  la  sierra  nebeda  siete  pueblos 

xiniena  tres  pueblos, 

cicuye  uno  pueblo. 

hemes  siete  pueblos 

aguas  calientes  tres  pueblos. 

yuqueyunque  de  la  sierra  seis  pueblos. 

ualladolid  dicbo  braba  un  pueblo. 

cilia  un  pueblo. 

por  todos  son  sesentay  seis  pueblos  como  parece  tiguex  es  el  rinon  de 
los  pueblos  ualladolid  lo  mas  alto  el  rio  arriba  a  el  nordeste  los  quatro 
pueblos  a  el  rio  abaxo  al  sueste  porque  el  rio  boltea  haQia  leuante  que 
desde  la  una  punta  de  lo  que  se  bio  el  rio  abaxo  a  la  otra  que  se  bio  el  rio 
arriba  en  que  esta  todo  lo  poblado  ay  9iento  y  treinta  leguas  diez  mas 
o  menos  que  por  todos  los  pueblos  con  los  de  las  trabesias  son  sesenta 
y  seis  como  tengo  dicho  en  todos  ellos  puede  auer  como  ueinte  mill 
liombres  lo  qual  se  puede  bien  considerar  y  entender  por  la  pobla^ion 
de  los  pueblos  y  entre  medias  de  unos  y  otros  no  ay  caserias  ni  otra 
abitacion  sino  todo  despoblado  por  donde  se  be  que  segun  son  poca  gente 
ytan  diferen9iados  eu  trato  gouierno  y  poliyiade  todas  las  nagiones  que 
se  an  bisto  y  descubierto  en  estas  partes  de  poniente  son  benedi^os  de 
aquella  jiarte  de  la  india  mayor  que  cae  su  costa  debaxo  del  ijoniente 
de  esta  tierra  que  por  aqueila  parte  pueden  aber  baxado  atrabesando 
aquellas  cordilleras  baxando  por  aquel  rio  abajo  poblando  eu  lo  mejor 
que  les  pare9ia  y  como  an  ydo  multiplicando  an  ydo  poblando  hasta  que 


wiNsHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  455 

no  hallaroii  rio  porque  se  sume  debaxo  de  tierra  liaciendo  sus  corrientes 
ha9ia  la  tiorida  baxando  del  uordeste  donde  se  hallaua  noti<;ia  todauia 
de  pueblos  qiiese  dexo  de  seguir  al  turco  qne  lo  decjia  sin  aquellas  cor- 
dilleras  do  iiace  aqiiel  rio  se  atrabesaran  yo  cieo  se  tomaran  ricas  noti- 
cias  y  se  entrara  ea  las  tierras  de  donde  aquellas  gentes  pro§eden  que 
segun  el  rfibo  es  principio  de  la  India  mayor  aun  que  partes  innotas  y 
no  sabidas  ni  cognosidas  porque  segun  la  demostragion  de  la  costa  es 
muy  la  tierra  adentro  eutre  la  nuruega  y  la  china  en  el  comedio  de  la 
tierra  de  mar  a  mar  es  graude  anchura  seguu  de  muestran  los  rumbos 
de  ambas  costas  asi  lo  q  descubrio  el  capitan  uillalobos  yendo  por  esta 
mar  de  pouiente  en  demanda  de  la  china  como  lo  que  sea  descubierto 
por  la  mar  del  norte  la  buelta  de  los  bacallaos  que  es  por  la  costa  de  la 
florida  arriba  hacia  la  nuruega. 

ansi  que  tornado  a  el  proposito  de  lo  (iomen^ado  digo  q  en  espa^io  de 
setenta  leguas  en  el  aucho  de  aquella  tierra  poblada  y  de  ciento  y 
treinta  leguas  al  luego  del  rio  de  tiguex  no  se  bieron  ni  hallaron  mas 
poblados  ni  gentes  de  los  ya  diclias  que  ay  repartimientos  en  la  nueba 
espaiiano  uno  sino  uiucbos  de  mayor  nuiuero  de  gentes  eu  inuchos  pue- 
blos de  alios  se  hallaron  metales  de  plata  que  los  tenian  parabedriar  y 
piutar  los  rotro. 

Gapitulo  septimo  que  trata  de  los  llanos  que  se  atrabesaron  de  bacas  y 
de  las  gentes  que  los  habitan. 

dicho  abemos  de  lo  poblado  de  altos  que  segun  parese  esta  en  el 
comedio  de  la  cordillera  en  lo  mas  llano  y  espagioso  de  ella  porque  tiene 
de  atrabesia  giento  y  sinqueuta  leguas  hasta  entrar  en  la  tierra  liana 
que  esta  entre  las  dos  cordilleras  digo  la  que  esta  a  la  mar  del  norte  y 
la  que  esta  a  la  mar  del  sur  que  por  esta  costa  se  podria  mejor  de^ir  a 
la  mar  de  pouiente  esta  cordillera  es  la  que  esta  a  el  mar  del  sur  j)ues 
para  entender  como  lo  poblado  que  digo  es  ba  en  el  comedio  de  la  cor- 
dillera digo  que  desde  chichilticale  que  es  el  principio  de  la  trabesia  a 
§ibola  ay  ocheuta  leguas  de  gibola  que  es  el  primer  pueblo  a  cicuye  que 
es  el  prostero  en  la  trabesia  ay  setenta  leguas  de  cicuye  a  los  llanos  ay 
treinta  leguas  liasta  el  principio  de  ellos  puede  ser  aberse  atrabesado 
algo  por  trabesia  o  a  el  sesgo  por  do  parece  aber  mas  tierra  que  si  se 
atrabesara  por  medio  y  pudiera  ser  mas  dificultoso  y  aspero  y  esto  no 
se  puede  bie  entender  por  la  buelta  que  la  cordillera  ha9e  tras  de  su  costa 
del  Ancon  del  rio  del  tizon. 

agora  direraos  de  los  llanos  <]ue  es  una  tierra  liana  y  espa§iosa  que 
tiene  en  anchura  mas  de  quatro  cientas  leguas  por  aquella  parte  eutre 
las  dos  cordilleras  la  una  la  que  atrabeso  francisco  uasques  coronado  a  la 
mar  del  sur  y  la  otra  la  que  atrabeso  la  gente  de  don  fernando  de  soto 
a  la  mar  del  norte  entrando  por  la  florida  lo  que  de  estos  llanos  se  bio 
todo  era  despoblado  y  no  se  pudo  ber  la  otra  cordillera  ni  jerro  ni  gierra 
que  tubiese  de  altura  tres  estados  con  andar  do5ientas  y  sinquenta 
leguas  por  ellos  atrechos  se  hallauan  algunas  lagunas  redondas  como 


456  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kih.asn.1* 

platos  de  un  tiro  de  piedra  de  ancho  y  inayores  alguaas  dulses  y  alga- 
nas  de  sal  en  estas  lagunas  ay  alguna  yerba  cresida  fuera  de  ellas  toda 
es  muy  chica  de  uu  geme  y  meiios  es  la  tierra  de  liechura  de  bola  que 
doiide  qulera  que  uu  hombre  se  jwne  lo  ^erca  el  ^ielo  a  tiro  de  ba- 
llesta  no  tiene  arboleda  sino  en  los  rios  que  ay  en  algunas  barrancas  que 
son  taui  encubiertas  que  hasta  que  estan  a  el  bordo  de  ellas  no  son 
bistas  son  de  tierra  muerta  tienen  eutradas  que  ha^en  las  bacas  para 
entrar  a  el  agua  que  esta  honda  por  estos  llanos  andan  gentes  como 
tengo  dicho  en  la  primera  parte  en  pos  de  las  bacas  ha§iendo  ca§a  y 
adobado  ciieros  para  lleuar  a  bender  a  los  poblados  los  iubiernos  porque 
ban  a  inbernar  a  ellos  cada  coinpaiiia  a  donde  mas  jerca  se  halla  unos 
a  los  i)oblados  de  cicuye  otros  lia<;ia  quiuira  otros  haQia  la  florida  a  los 
poblados  que  estan  bayia  aquella  parte  y  puerto  estan  gentes  que  los 
llama  querechos  y  teyas  dan  relation  de  grandes  poblados  y  segun  lo 
que  de  estas  gentes  se  bio  y  de  otros  que  ellos  dabau  notiyia  que  aula 
por  otras  partes  ella  es  liarto  mas  gente  tjue  no  la  de  los  poblados  mas 
dispuesta  y  mayores  bombres  de  guerra  y  mas  temidos  andan  como 
alarabes  con  sus  tiendas  y  barrias  de  perros  aparejados  con  lomillos  y 
en  xalmas  y  sinclia  (juando  se  les  tuer^e  la  carga  aullan  llamando  quieu 
los  aderese  comeu  esta  gente  la  carne  cruda  y  beben  la  sagre  no  comeu 
carne  bumana  es  gente  amoroso  y  no  cruel  tienen  flel  amistad  son  muy 
entendidos  por  senas  secan  la  carne  a  el  sol  cortandola  delgada  como 
una  oja  y  seca  la  muelen  como  harina  para  guardar  y  liager  nia5amo- 
rras  para  comer  que  con  un  puno  que  hechan  en  una  olla  se  hinche  por 
que  cre^e  mucbo  guisan  lo  con  nianteca  que  siempre  procuran  traer 
quando  matan  la  baca  ua^ian  una  gran  tripa  y  hinchen  la  de  sangre  y 
hecban  la  a  el  cuello  para  beber  quando  tienen  sed  quando  an  abierto 
lapan§a  de  la  baca  ai)rietan  para  abajo  la  yerua  mascada  y  el  sumo 
que  queda  arriba  lo  beben  que  diyen  que  esto  da  la  sustangia  de  el 
bientre  abren  las  bacas  por  el  lomo  y  desha9en  los  por  sus  coyunturas 
con  un  pedernal  grande  como  un  dedo  atado  en  un  palito  co  tanta 
fa^ilidad  como  si  fuese  con  una  muy  bueiia  berraniienta  dando  les  los 
fllos  en  sus  propios  dientes  es  cosa  de  ber  y  de  notar  la  preste^a  con 
que  lo  lia^en. 

ay  por  estos  llanos  muy  gran  cantidad  de  lobos  que  anda  tras  de  las 
bacas  tienen  el  pelo  bbuico  los  sieruos  son  remendados  de  bianco  el  pelo 
ancho  y  que  muriendo  ansi  con  la  mano  se  pelan  en  caliente  y  quedan 
como  pueroo  pelado  las  liebres  que  son  en  gran  numero  andan  tan 
abobadas  que  yendo  a  cauallo  las  matan  con  las  lan^as  esto  es  de  andar 
hecbas  entre  las  bacas  de  la  gente  de  pie  huyen. 

Capitulo  ocho  de  quiuira  y  en  que  runibo  eata  y  la  notifia  que  dan. 

quiuira  es  a  el  poniente  de  aquellas  barrancas  por  el  medio  de  la  tierr^ 
algo  arrimada  a  la  cordillera  de  la  mar  porque  hasta  quiuira  es  tierra 
liana  y  alii  se  comen^an  a  ber  algunas  sierras  la  tierra  es  muy  poblada 
segun  el  principio  de  ella  se  bio  ser  esta  tierra  muy  apareute  a  la  de 


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ITANEDA'S  RELACION 
tie  Lenox  Library 


wiNSHii]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  457 

espaua  en  su  manera  de  yeruas  y  frutas  ay  siriielas  como  las  de  castilla 
ubas  nuecies  moras  uallico  y  abena  poleo  oregano  lino  en  gran  cantidad 
no  lo  benefficia  porque  no  saben  el  uso  de  ello  la  gente  es  casi  de  la 
manera  y  traje  de  los  teyas  tienen  los  pueblos  a  la  manera  conio  los  de 
la  nueba  espana  las  casas  son  redondas  sin  ^erca  tienen  unos  altos  a 
manera  de  balbacoas  por  baxo  la  tecliubre  adonde  duernien  y  tienen  sus 
aberes  las  techunibres  son  de  paja  ay  en  su  contorno  otras  i)rouincia8 
muy  pobladas  en  grande  numero  de  gente  y  aqui  en  esta  prouinyia  quedo 
un  frayle  que  se  de9ia  fray  ju°  de  padilla  y  un  cspanol  portugues  y 
un  negro  y  un  niestiso  y  siertos  indios  de  la  prouin^ia  de  capothan  de 
la  nueba  espaiia  a  el  frayle  mataron  porque  se  queria  yr  a  la  prouinyia 
de  los  guas  que  eran  sus  enemigos  el  espanol  escapo  huyendo  en  una 
yegua  y  despues  aporto  en  la  nueba  espana  saliendo  por  la  uia  de  panuco 
los  indios  de  la  nueba  espana  que  yban  con  el  frayle  lo  enterraron  con 
consentimiento  de  los  niatadores  y  se  binieron  en  pos  del  espanol  hasta 
que  lo  alcan9aron  este  espaiiol  era  portugues  auia  por  nombre  campo. 

el  gran  rio  del  espiritu  santo  que  descubrio  don  fer"*"  de  soto  en  la 
tierra  de  la  florida  lleua  sus  corrientes  de  aquesta  tierra  pasa  por  una 
prouin^ia  que  se  di^e  arache  segun  alii  tubo  j/or  noticia  berdadera  que 
no  se  bieron  sus  na§imientos  porque  segun  dejian  bienen  de  muy  lejos 
tierra  de  la  cordillera  del  sur  de  la  parte  que  desagua  a  los  llanos  y  atra- 
biesa  toda  la  tierra  liana  y  rompe  la  cordillera  del  norte  y  sale  adonde 
lo  nauegaron  los  de  don  fernando  de  soto  esto  es  mas  de  tregientas 
leguas  de  donde  el  ba  a  salir  a  la  mar  y  por  esto  y  por  las  grandes 
acogidas  que  tiene  sale  tarn  poderosa  a  el  mar  que  an  perdido  la  uista 
de  la  tierra  y  no  el  agua  de  ser  dul§e. 

hasta  esta  tierra  de  quiiiira  fue  lo  ultimo  que  se  bio  y  de  lo  que  ya 
puedo  dar  noticia  o  rela9ion  y  agora  me  conbieue  dar  lii  buelta  a  hablar 
del  campo  que  dexe  en  tiguex  reposando  el  inbierno  para  poder  pasar 
o  bolber  a  buscar  estos  poblados  de  quiuira  lo  qual  despues  no  suyedio 
ansi  ])orque  fue  dios  seruido  que  estos  descubrimientos  quedasen  para 
otras  gentes  j'^  que  nos  contentasemos  los  que  alia  fuimos  con  de^ir  ijue 
fuimos  los  primeros  que  lo  descubrimos  y  tubimos  uotiyia  de  ello. 

como  hercules  conoger  el  sitio  adonde  jullio  <;esar  auia  de  fundar  a 
seuilla  o  bispales  plega  a  el  senor  todo  poderoso  se  sirua  con  todo  que 
sierto  es  que  si  su  uoluntad  fuera  ni  fran"""  uasques  se  bolbiera  a  la 
nueba  espaiia  tan  sin  causa  ni  ra9on  ni  los  de  don  fernando  de  soto 
dexaran  de  poblar  tan  buena  tierra  como  tenian  y  tambien  poblada  y 
larga  mayormente  abiendo  teuido  como  tubieron  noti9ia  de  nuestro 
campo. 


458  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 


TEBCERA  PARTE  COMO  Y  EN  QUE  SE  TBATA  AQUELLO  QUE  ACON- 
TEC^'IO  A  FRANCISCO  XTASQUES  CORONADO  ESTANDO  INBERNANDO  Y 
COMO   DEXO   LA  JORNADA   Y   SE   BOLBIO    A  LA   NUEBA  ESPANA.' 

laus  deo. 

Capitulo  primero  como  hino  de  Senora  don  pedro  de  touar  con  gente  y 
se partio  para  la  nueba  enpafia  don  garci  lopen  de  cardenas. 

en  el  fin  de  la  primera  parte  de  este  libro  diximos  como  francisco 
uasques  coronado  buelto  de  quiuira  aula  ordenado  de  inbernar  en 
tiguex  y  benido  el  inbierno  dar  la  biielta  con  todo  su  can])©  ])ara 
descubrir  todos  aqaellos  poblados  en  estos  comedios  don  pedro  de 
touar  que  como  diximos  auia  ydo  asacar  gente  de  la  uilla  de  san  biero- 
nimo  llego  con  la  gente  que  traya  y  a  la  berdad  considerando  que  pa 
ir  en  demanda  de  su  general  a  la  tierra  del  iudio  que  llemauan  turco  le 
conbenia  lleuar  buena  gente  no  saco  de  alia  los  cedi§iosos  ni  reboltosos 
sino  los  mas  exprimentados  y  mejores  soldados  hombres  de  conflan(,'a 
que  pudo  y  llegados  a  tiguex  aiinque  ballaron  alii  el  campo  no  les 
plugo  muclio  por  que  benian  ya  el  pico  a  el  biento  creyendo  ballar  a  el 
general  en  la  tierra  rica  del  indio  (pie  de5ian  turco  consolaronse  con  la 
esperauga  de  la  buelta  que  se  auia  de  ha9er  y  biuian  eu  gran  placer  y 
alegria  con  la  esperanca  de  la  buelta  que  se  auia  de  hacer  y  de  que 
presto  yria  el  campo  a  quiuira  cou  don  i)edro  de  touar  binierou  cartas 
de  la  nueba  espana  ansi  del  uirrey  don  Antonio  de  mendo^a  como  de 
particulares  entre  los  quales  dieron  una  a  don  garfia  lopes  de  cardenas 
en  que  le  lii9ieron  saber  la  muerte  de  un  su  liermano  mayorazgo  11a- 
mandole  fuese  a  lieredar  a  espana  por  donde  ubo  liyen^ia  y  salio  de 
tiguex  con  algunas  otras  personas  que  ubieron  ligen^ia  para  se  yr  a 
reposar  a  sus  casas  otros  mucbos  se  quisieran  yr  que  lo  dexaron  por 
no  mostrar  tlaqueya  procuraba  en  estos  comedios  a  pasiguar  algunos 
pueblos  de  la  comarca  que  estabau  no  bien  asentados  y  llamar  a  los  de 
tiguex  a  paz  y  buscar  alguna  ropa  de  la  tierra  porque  andabau  ya  los 
soldados  desnudos  y  mal  tratados  llenos  de  piojos  y  no  los  podian 
agotar  ni  deshecbar  de  si. 

el  general  francisco  uasques  coronado  auia  sido  entre  sus  capitanes 
y  soldados  el  mas  bien  quisto  y  obede5ido  capitan  que  podia  auer  salido 
en  indias  y  como  la  necesidad  care§e  de  ley  y  los  capitanes  que  recogian 
la  ropa  la  repartiesen  mal  tomando  para  si  y  sus  amigos  y  criados  lo 
niejor  y  a  los  soldados  se  les  repartiese  el  desbecho  come90  a  aber  algu. 
nas  murmnra^iones  y  desabrimentos  unos  por  lo  dicho  y  otros  por  ber 
que  algunos  sobre  salientes  eran  reseruados  del  trabajo  y  de  las  uelas 
y  mejor  repartidos  en  lo  que  se  repartia  asi  de  ropa  como  de  bastimeiitos 
par  do  se  cree  praticaban  y  a  no  aber  en  la  tierra  para  que  bolber  a 
quiuira  que  no  fue  pequeiia  ocagion  para  lo  de  adelante  como  se  uera. 


I  The  beading  of  the  third  part>  is  written  on  the  same  page  with  the  preceding  text  of  the  second 
part,  there  being  no  break  between  the  end  of  the  second  part  and  the  heading  which  follows  it.  The 
following  page  is  left  blank. 


wiNSHiPl  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  459 

Capitulo  segundo  como  cayo  el  general  y  se  hordeno  la  buelta  para  la 
nueba  espana. 

pasa<]o  que  fue  el  inuierno  se  publico  la  buelta  para  quiuira  y  la  geute 
se  comecaua  a  pergebir  de  las  cosas  necesarias  y  como  uiuguna  cosa 
esta  en  esta  uida  a  la  dispusi^'ion  de  los  hombres  sino  a  la  ordeuaj ion 
de  dios  todo  poderoso  fue  su  uoluutad  que  los  uios  no  se  efectuaseii  y 
fue  el  caso  quel  general  un  dia  de  fiesta  se  salio  aholgar  a  cauallo  como 
solia  y  corriendo  parejas  con  el  capitan  dou  rodrigo  inaldonado  el  yba 
en  un  poderoso  cauallo  y  sus  criados  auian  le  puesto  una  gincha  nueba 
que  del  tiempo  debia  de  estar  podrida  en  la  carrera  rebento  y  bino  a 
caer  de  lado  a  la  parte  que  yba  don  rodrigo  y  a  el  pasar  a  el  cansole  el 
cauallo  con  el  pie  en  la  cabe§a  de  cpie  llego  a  punto  de  nmerte  y  su  cura 
file  larga  y  temida. 

en  este  comedio  quel  estaba  en  la  cama  don  garci  lopes  de  cardenas 
que  auia  salido  para  salir  a  la  nueba  espana  bolbio  de  suya  huyeudo  que 
hallo  despoblada  la  uilla  y  muerta  la  gente  y  cauallos  y  gauados  y  llego 
a  tiguex  y  sabida  la  triste  nueba  como  el  general  estaba  en  los  terminos 
ya  dichos  no  se  lo  osaron  de^ir  hasta  que  estubiese  sano  y  al  cabo  y  a 
que  se  lebantaua  lo  supo  y  sintio  lo  tanto  que  ubo  de  tornar  a  recaer  y 
por  nentura  para  benir  a  liager  lo  que  lii^o  segun  despues  se  creyo  y  fue 
que  como  se  bio  de  aquella  suerte  bino  le  a  la  memoria  que  en  salamanca 
un  mathematico  su  amigo  le  auia  dicbo  que  se  auia  de  ber  en  tierras 
estranas  seuor  y  ])oderoso  y  abia  de  dar  un  cayda  de  que  no  se  auia  de 
poder  leuantar  y  con  esta  inmagina^ion  de  su  muerte  le  dio  deseo  de 
boluer  a  morir  a  donde  tenia  muger  y  hijos  y  como  del  mismo  fi9ico  y 
su  surujano  que  lo  curaua  y  seruia  tambien  de  chismoso  suprese  las 
murmura§iones  que  andaban  entre  los  soldados  trato  secreta  y  oculta- 
mente  con  algunos  caualleros  de  su  opinion  pusieron  en  pratica  la 
buelta  de  la  nueua  espana  entre  los  soldados  hagiendo  juntas  y  corrillos 
y  que  se  hiciesen  consultas  y  lo  pidiesen  con  sus  alferes  a  el  general  co 
carteles  flrmados  de  todos  sus  soldados  lo  qual  ellos  trataron  muy  por 
entero  y  no  fue  menester  gastar  mucho  tieupo  segun  ya  muchos  lo 
tenian  en  uoluntad  el  general  mostro  des  que  se  lo  pidierou  que  no  lo 
queria  hager  sino  lo  confirmauau  todos  los  caualleros  y  capitanes  dando 
8u  pare^er  flrmado  y  como  algunos  eran  en  ello  dieronlo  luego  y  aun 
persuadieron  a  los  otros  a  liager  lo  mismo  y  ansi  dierou  pare§er  que  se 
deuiau  de  boluer  a  la  nueba  espana  pues  no  se  auia  hallado  cosa  rica 
ni  auia  poblado  en  lo  descubrierto  donde  se  pudieseu  ha9er  reparti- 
mientos  a  todo  el  campo  y  como  les  cogio  las  firmas  luego  se  publico  la 
buelta  para  la  nueua  espana  y  como  no  puede  aber  cosa  encubierta 
comegose  a  descubrir  el  trato  doble  y  hallaronse  muchos  de  los  caua- 
lleros faltos  y  corridos  y  procuraron  por  todas  uias  tornar  a  cobrar  sus 
firmas  del  general  el  qual  las  guardo  tanto  que  no  salia  de  una  camara 
ha5iendo  su  dolengia  muy  mayor  poniendo  guardas  en  su  persona  y 
camara  y  de  noche  en  los  altos  a  donde  dormia  con  todo  esto  le  hurtaron 
el  cofre  y  se  dixo  no  hallaron  en  el  sus  firmas  que  las  tenia  en  el  colchou 


460  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ans.U 

por  otro  cabo  se  dixo  que  las  cobraron  ellos  i)idieion  quel  general  les 
diese  sesenta  bombres  escogidos  y  que  ellos  quedarian  y  sustentarian 
la  tierra  basta  que  el  uiirey  les  enibiase  socorro  o  a  llamar  o  que  el  gene- 
ral dexase  el  campo  y  escogiese  sesenta  hombres  con  que  se  fuese  pero 
lo8  soldados  ni  de  una  ni  de  otra  inanera  no  quisieron  quedar  lo  nuo  por 
aber  ya  puesto  la  jiroa  a  la  uueba  espaiia  y  lo  otro  por  que  bieron  clara 
la  discordia  que  se  aula  de  leuantar  sobre  quien  auia  de  maudar  los 
caualleros  no  se  sabe  si  porque  auian  jurado  fldelidad  o  por  tener  creydo 
que  los  soldados  no  los  faborecerian  aunque  agrabiados  lo  ubieron  de 
su  fin  y  pasar  por  lo  determinado  aunque  desde  alii  no  obede^ian  al 
general  como  solian  y  el  era  dellos  raal  quisto  y  haf  ia  caudal  de  los 
soldados  y  lionraba  los  que  fue  a  benir  a  el  efecto  de  lo  quel  queria  y 
que  se  efetuase  la  buelta  de  todo  el  campo. 

Capitulo  terfero  como  se  alfo  Suya  y  las  causas  que  para  ello  dieron  los 
poMadores. 

ya  diximos  en  el  capitulo  pasado  como  don  garcia  lopes  de  cardenas 
bolbio  huyendo  de  suya  desque  hallo  al9ada  la  tierra  y  que  de  deyir 
como  y  ponjue  se  desi>oblo  a  la  aquella  uilla  lo  qual  paso  como  contare 
y  fue  el  caso  que  como  ya  en  aquella  uilla  tio  auia  quedado  sine  la  gente 
ruyn  entere5ada  honbres  reboltosos  y  sediciosos  puesto  que  quedarou 
algunos  bonrados  en  los  cargos  de  republica  y  para  gouernar  a  los  demas 
podia  mas  la  mali^ia  de  los  ruynes  y  cada  dia  hacian  munipudios  y  tra- 
tos  diciendo  que  estaban  bendidos  y  no  para  ser  aprobechados  pues  en 
aquella  tierra  se  mandaba  por  otra  parte  mas  aproposito  de  la  nueba 
espana  que  no  aquella  estaua  y  ellos  quedaban  casi  por  derecbo  y  con 
esto  mouidos  sierta  compafiia  haciendo  caudillo  a  un  pedro  de  auila  se 
amotinaron  y  fueron  la  buelta  de  culiacan  dexando  a  diego  de  alcaraz 
8U  capitan  con  poca  gente  doliente  en  aquella  uilla  de  sant  bieronimo 
que  no  ubo  quig  los  pudiese  seguir  para  los  apremiar  a  que  bolbiese  en 
el  camino  en  algunos  pueblos  les  mataron  alguna  gente  y  al  cabo  salie- 
ron  a  culiacan  adonde  bernando  arias  de  saya  bendra  los  detubo 
entretenidos  con  palabras  porque  aguardaba  a  Juan  gallego 
que  auia  de  benir  alii  con  gente  de  la  nueua  espana  y  (jue  los  bolberia 
algunos  temiendolo  que  auia  de  ser  se  huyan  de  noche  para  la  nueba 
espana  diego  de  alcaraz  que  auia  quedado  con  poca  gente  y  doliente 
aunque  quisiera  no  podia  alii  sustentarse  por  el  peligro  de  layenia  mor- 
tal que  por  alii  usan  traer  los  naturales  los  quales  sintiendo  la  liaque5a 
de  los  espanoles  ya  no  se  dexaban  tratar  como  solian  abian  se  ya  descu- 
bierto  antes  desto  mineros  de  oro  y  como  estaban  en  tierra  de  guerra  y 
no  tenian  posibilidad  no  se  labrauan  estando  en  esta  confugion  no  se 
dexaban  de  belar  y  recatar  mas  que  solian. 

la  uilla  estaba  poblada  ^erca  de  un  rio  pequeno  y  una  nocbe  a  desora 
bieron  fuegos  no  usados  ni  acostumbrados  que  fue  causa  que  doblaron 
las'uelas  pero  como  en  toda  la  noche  no  sintieron  nada  a  la  madrugada 
se  descuidaro  y  los  eneraigos  entraron  tan  callados  por  el  pueblo  que  no 


WIS8HIP]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTAXEDA  461 

fueron  uistos  hasta  que  andaban  matando  y  robaiido  algunas  gentes 
salieron  a  lo  llauo  que  tubieron  lugar  y  a  el  salir  hirieroii  de  muerte  a  el 
capitan  y  como  alguiios  espanoles  se  rehicjieron  en  algunos  caiiallos 
bolbierou  sobre  los  eiieiiiigos  y  socorrieron  alguua  gente  aunque  fue  poca 
y  los  eneuiigos  se  fuerou  con  la  presa  sin  re^ebir  dauo  dexaiido  muertos 
tres  espanoles  y  mucba  gente  de  seruiyio  y  mas  de  ueinto  cauallos. 

los  espanoles  que  quedaron  salieron  aquel  dia  a  pie  sin  cauallos  la 
buelta  de  culiacan  por  fuera  de  caminos  y  sin  iiingun  bastimento  hasta 
llegar  a  los  corayones  adonde  aquellos  indios  los  socorrieron  de  basti- 
mentos  como  amigos  que  siempre  fueron  y  de  alii  co  grandes  trabajos  que 
pasaron  llegaron  a  culiacan  adonde  bernandarias  de  saabedra  alcalde 
mayor  los  regibio  y  hospedo  lo  mejor  que  pudo  Lasta  que  Juan  gallego 
llego  con  el  socorro  que  traya  i)ara  pasar  adelante  en  busca  del  campo 
que  no  poco  le  peso  se  obiese  despoblado  aquel  paso  creyendo  quel 
campo  estaba  en  la  tierra  rica  que  auia  dicho  el  indio  que  llamaron  turco 
porque  lo  parecia  en  su  aspeto. 

Capitulo  quarto  como  se  quedo  fray  juan  de  padilla  y  fray  luis  en  la 
tierra  y  el  camjjo  se  aperfibio  la  huelta  de  mexico. 

ya  quel  general  francisco  uasqiies  uido  que  todo  estaba  pacifico  y 
que  BUS  nego^ios  se  auian  eucaminado  a  su  uoluntad  mando  que  para 
entrado  el  mes  de  abril  del  auo  de  quinieutos  y  quarenta  y  tres  estu- 
biesen  todos  aperyebidos  para  salir  la  buelta  de  la  nueba  espafia. 

biendo  esto  uu  fray  juan  de  padilla  frayle  de  misa  de  la  orden  de  los 
menores  y  otro  fray  luis  lego  dixerou  a  el  general  que  ellos  querian 
quedarse  en  aquella  tierra  el  fray  juan  de  padilla  en  quiuira  porque  le 
parecia  haria  alii  fructo  su  dotrina  y  el  fray  luis  en  cicuye  y  para  esto 
como  era  quaresma  a  la  sa§on  predico  un  domingo  aquel  sermon  del 
padre  de  las  compafias  y  fuudo  su  proiiosito  con  autoridad  de  la  sagrada 
escritura  y  como  su  celo  era  combertir  aquellas  gentes  y  traer  los  a  la 
fe  y  como  tubieron  liyenyia  que  para  esto  no  era  menester  embio  el  gen- 
eral con  ellos  una  compania  que  los  sacasen  hasta  cicuye  dondc  se  que- 
do el  fray  luis  y  el  fray  juan  paso  la  buelta  de  quiuira  Ueuando  el  por- 
tugues  que  diximos  y  el  negro  y  el  mestiso  y  indios  de  la  nueba  espana 
con  las  guias  (jue  auia  traydo  el  general  donde  en  llegando  alia  dentro 
de  mny  poco  tiempo  lo  martiri^aron  como  contamos  en  la  segunda  parte 
cap  otauo  y  ansi  se  puede  creer  murio  martir  pues  su  5elo  era  santo  y 
bueno. 

el  fray  luis  se  quedo  en  cicuye  no  se  a  sabido  del  mas  hasta  oy  aun 
que  antes  quel  campo  saliese  de  tiguex  Ueuandole  sierta  cantidad  de 
obejas  para  que  se  le  quedasen  los  que  las  llebauan  toparon  acompa- 
fiado  de  gente  que  andaba  ui^itando  otros  pueblos  que  estaban  a  quin§e 
y  a  ueinte  leguas  de  cicuye  y  no  dio  poca  bueiia  esperanca  que  estaba 
en  gratia  del  pueblo  y  haria  fruto  su  dotrina  auque  se  quexaba  que  los 
aiejos  lo  desamparaban  y  creyo  al  fin  lo  matarian  yo  para  mi  tengo  que 
como  era  hombre  de  buena  y  santa  uida  nfo  sefior  lo  guardaria  y  daria 


462  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

gracia  que  coubirtiese  alguuas  gentes  de  acjuellas  y  dexase  despues 
de  SU8  dias  quieu  los  administrate  en  la  fee  y  no  es  de  creer  otro  cosa 
porque  la  gente  de  por  alii  es  piadosa  y  uinguna  cosa  cruel  antes  son 
aniigos  o  enemigos  de  la  crueldad  y  guardan  la  fee  y  lealtad  a  los  ainigos. 

el  general  despachados  los  frayles  temieudo  no  le  danase  el  traer 
gente  de  aquella  tierra  a  la  nueba  espana  niado  quel  serni9io  que  los 
soldados  tenian  de  los  naturales  lo  dexasen  yr  libres  a  sus  pueblos 
adonde  quisieseu  qne  a  mi  ber  no  lo  a  serto  que  mas  ualiera  se  dotri- 
narau  entre  christianos. 

andaba  ya  el  general  alegre  y  contento  Uegado  el  placo  y  todos  pro 
beydos  de  lo  necesario  j)ara  su  Jornada  el  campo  salio  de  tiguex  la  buelta 
de  cibola  aconte^io  en  este  cauiiTio  una  cosa  no  poco  de  notar  y  fue  qae 
con  salir  los  cauallos  exeryitados  a  el  trabajo  gordos  y  hermosos  en  diez 
dias  que  se  tardo  en  llegar  a  cibola  murieron  mas  de  treinta  que  no  ubo 
dia  que  no  muriesen  dos  y  tres  y  mas  y  despues  hasta  llegar  a  culiacan 
murieron  gran  numero  de  ellos  cosa  no  acontecjida  en  toda  la  Jornada. 

llegado  que  fue  el  campo  a  ^ibola  se  rehi^o  para  salir  por  el  despo- 
blado  por  ser  alii  lo  ultimo  de  los  poblados  de  a(|uella  tierra  quedando 
toda  acjuella  tierra  paciflca  y  liana  y  que  se  quedaron  algunos  amigos 
entre  ellos  de  los  nuestros. 

Capitulo  quinto  como  el  canpo  salio  del  poblado  y  camino  a  culiacan  y 
lo  que  aconte^io  en  el  camino. 

dexaudo  ya  por  popa  podemos  de5ir  los  poblados  que  se  auian  descu- 
bierto  en  la  tierra  nueba  que  como  tengo  dicbo  eran  los  siete  pueblos 
de  cibola  lo  primero  que  se  bio  y  lo  prostero  que  se  dexo  salio  el  campo 
caminando  por  el  despoblado  y  en  dos  o  tres  jornadas  nunca  dexaron 
los  naturales  de  seguir  el  campo  tras  la  retaguardia  por  coger  algun 
fardaje  o  gente  de  seruiyio  porque  aunque  que  daba  de  paz  y  auian  sido 
buenos  y  le  a  les  aniigos  todauia  como  bieron  que  se  les  dexaba  la  tierra 
libre  se  holgauan  de  ber  en  su  poder  gente  de  la  nuestra  a  aunque  se 
ere  uo  para  los  enojar  como  se  supo  de  algunos  que  no  quiseron  yr  con 
ellos  que  fueron  de  ellos  inportunados  y  rogados  todauia  lleuaron 
alguna  gente  y  otros  que  se  auian  quedado  uoluntariamPte  de  los 
quales  el  dia  de  oy  abra  bnenas  lenguas  el  despoblado  se  camino  sin 
coutraste  y  como  salieron  en  chichilticale  en  la  segunda  Jornada  llego 
a  el  campo  Juan  gallego  que  yba  de  la  nueba  espana  con  socorro  de 
gente  y  cosas  ne^esarias  para  el  cam))o  i)ensando  de  lo  liallar  en  la 
tierra  del  indio  que  llamauan  turcb  y  como  Juan  gallego  bido  que  el 
canpo  se  bolbia  la  prime[ra]  palabra  que  dixo  no  fue  de^ir  norabuena 
bengals  y  no  lo  sintio  tan  poco  que  despues  de  aber  hablado  al  general 
y  llegados  a  el  campo  digo  a  el  aposento  no  ubiese  algunos  mobimientos 
en  los  caualleros  con  aquel  nuebo  socorro  que  no  con  poco  trabajo  auian 
allegado  tras  ta  alii  tenieiido  cada  dia  recuentros  con  los  indios  de 
aquellas  partes  como  se  a  diclio  que  estaban  alcados  ubo  algunos  tratos 
y  platicas  de  poblar  ])or  alii  en  alguna  parte  hasta  dar  relation  a  el 


WIN8BIP]  NARRATIVE    OF    CASTANEDA  463 

bisorey  de  lo  que  pasaba  la  gente  de  los  soldados  que  ueuiau  de  la 
tiiTra  nueba  a  iiiuguua  cosa  dabau  consentiiniento  sino  en  bolber  a  la 
nueba  espafia  por  donde  no  ubo  efecto  uada  de  lo  que  se  proponia  en 
sus  consultas  y  aunque  ubo  algunos  alborotos  al  cabo  se  apasiaguaro 
yban  con  juan  gallego  algunos  de  los  amotiiiados  que  despoblaron  la 
uilla  de  los  cora^ones  asegurados  por  el  y  debajo  de  su  palabra  y  puesto 
que  el  general  quisiera  ha^er  algun  castigo  era  poco  su  poder  porque 
ya  era  desobe  desobedet'ido  y  poco  acatado  y  de  alii  adelante  de  nuebo 
comen§o  a  temer  y  baciase  doliente  andando  con  guarda  en  algunas 
partes  ubo  algunas  gritas  y  de  indios  y  de  heridos  y  muertes  de  cauallos 
hasta  llegar  a  batuco  donde  salieron  a  el  campo  indios  amigos  del  ualle 
del  corayon  ))or  ber  a  el  general  como  amigos  que  sieujire  fueron  y  ansi 
auia  tratado  a  todos  los  espanoles  <iue  por  sus  tierras  auian  pasado 
probeyendoles  en  sus  ne(^esidades  de  bastimentos  y  geute  si  necesario 
era  y  ansi  fueron  de  los  nfos  siempre  muy  bien  tratados  y  gratiflcados 
en  esta  Jornada  se  aprobo  del  agua  del  menbrillo  ser  bueua  contra  la 
yerba  de  estas  partes-  porque  en  un  paso  algunas  jornadas  antes  de 
llegar  a  el  ualle  de  sefiora  los  indios  enemigos  hirieron  a  un  espafiol 
llamado  mesa  y  con  ser  la  berida  mortal  de  yerba  fresca  y  tardarse  mas 
de  dos  oras  en  curar  con  el  agua  no  murio  puesto  que  quedolo  que  la 
yerba  auia  infiyiouado  podrido  y  se  cayo  la  carne  hasta  dexar  los 
guesos  y  nierbos  desnudos  con  pestilengial  liedor  que  fue  la  herida  en 
la  muneca  y  auia  llegado  la  ponsona  hasta  la  espalda  quando  se  uino  a 
curar  y  todo  esto  desamparo  la  carne. 

caminaba  el  campo  sin  toinar  reposo  porque  ya  en  esta  sayon  auia 
falta  de  bastimentos  que  como  aijuellas  comarcas  estaban  alyadas  las 
bituallas  no  auia  adonde  las  tomar  hasta  que  Uego  a  petlatlan  hayiendo 
algunas  entradas  en  las  trabesias  por  buscar  bastimentos  patlatlan  es 
de  la  prouiu<;ia  de  culiacan  y  a  esta  causa  estaba  de  paz  aunque  des- 
pues  aca  a  bido  algunas  nobedades  alii  descanso  el  campo  algunos  dias 
por  se  basteyer  y  salidos  de  alii  con  mayor  preste§a  que  de  antes  pro- 
curaron  pasar  aquellas  treiuta  leguas  que  ay  el  ualle  de  culiacan  donde 
de  nuebo  los  acogieron  como  gente  que  benia  con  su  gouernador  mal 
tratado. 

Capitulo  sexto  como  el  general  malio  de  culiacan  para  dar  qiienta  a  el 
uisorey  del  campo  que  le  encargo. 

ya  parece  que  en  aber  llegado  a  el  ualle  de  culiacan  se  da  fin  a  los 
trabajos  de  esta  Jornada  lo  uno  por  ser  el  general  gouernador  y  lo  otro 
I)or  estar  en  tierra  de  christianos  y  ansi  se  comenyaron  luego  asentar 
algunos  de  la  superioridad  y  dominio  que  sobre  ellos  tenian  sus  capi- 
tanes  y  aun  algunos  capitanes  de  la  obidencia  del  general  y  cada  uno 
hagia  ya  cabeya  de  su  juego  de  manera  que  pasaudo  el  general  a  la 
uilla  que  estaua  de  alii  diez  leguas  mucha  de  la  gente  o  la  mas  de  ella 
se  le  quedo  en  el  ualle  reposando  y  algunos  con  ])roposito  de  no  le 
seguir  bien  sintio  el  general  que  por  uia  de  fuerya  ya  no  era  poderoso 


464  THE    COBONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ktii.akn.U 

annque  la  autoridad  de  ser  goueriiador  le  daba  otra  uueba  autoridad 
determino  llebar  lo  por  otra  mejor  uia  que  fue  maiidar  prober  a  todos 
los  capitanes  de  bastimeiitos  y  came  de  lo  que  aula  en  algunos  pueblos 
que  como  gouernador  estaban  en  su  cabe^a  y  mostrose  estar  doliente 
hafiendo  cama  porque  los  que  con  el  ubieseii  de  negoyiar  pudiesen 
hablarle  o  el  con  ellos  mas  llbremente  sin  enpacho  ni  obenpaciou  y  no 
dexaba  de  embiar  a  llamar  algunos  particulares  amigos  para  les  rogar 
y  encargar  bablasen  a  los  soldados  y  los  animasen  a  salir  de  alii  en  su 
compania  la  buelta  de  la  nueba  espaiia  y  les  dixeseu  lleuaba  muy  a 
cargo  de  los  faboreyeran  si  con  el  uisorey  don  Antonio  de  mendoya 
como  en  su  gouernayion  a  los  que  con  el  quisiesen  quedar  en  ella  y 
desque  ubo  negociado  salio  con  su  camyjo  en  tiempo  regio  y  principle 
de  las  aguas  que  era  por  san  juan  en  el  qual  tiempo  lluebe  brabamete  y 
los  rios  de  aquel  despoblado  que  se  pasan  hasta  conpostela  so  mucbos 
y  muy  peligrosos  y  caudalosos  de  grandes  y  brauos  lagartos  en  un  rio 
de  los  quales  estando  asentado  el  campo  pasaudo  un  soldado  de  la  una 
parte  a  la  otra  a  bista  de  todos  fue  arrebatado  de  un  lagarto  y  llebado 
sin  poder  ser  socorrido  el  general  camino  dexando  por  todas  partes 
gentes  que  no  le  querian  seguir  y  llego  a  mexico  con  menos  de  gien 
bombres  a  dar  quenta  a  el  uisorey  don  Antonio  de  mendoya  no  fue  del 
bien  recebido  auu  que  dio  sus  descargos  y  desde  alii  perdio  reputagion 
y  gouerno  poco  tiempo  la  gouernayion  que  se  le  auiil  eucargado  de  la 
nueba  galiyia  porque  el  uisorey  la  tomo  en  si  liasta  que  uino  a  el  la  audien- 
yia  como  a  el  presente  lo  ay  y  este  fue  el  fin  que  ubieron  aquellos  des- 
cubrimientos  y  Jornada  que  se  bigo  de  la  tierra  nueba. 

quedanos  agora  deyir  por  que  uia  se  podria  entrar  y  por  mas 
derecbo  camino  en  ella  aunque  digo  que  no  ay  atajo  sin  trabajo  y  siem- 
pre  es  lo  mejor  lo  que  se  sabe  porque  prebienen  bien  los  bombres  lo  que 
saben  que  a  de  benir  y  necesidades  en  que  ya  otra  uez  se  bieron  y  decir 
sea  a  que  i^arte  cae  quiuira  ques  el  rumbo  que  llebo  el  campo  y  a  qual 
parte  cae  la  India  mayor  que  era  lo  que  se  pretendia  buscar  quando  el 
campo  salio  para  alia  que  agora  por  aber  uiUalobos  descubierto  esta 
costa  de  la  mar  del  sur  que  es  por  esta  uia  de  poniente  se  cognoye  y  be 
claramente  que  se  aula  de  bolber  estando  como  estabamos  debajo  del 
norte  a  el  poniente  y  no  ba^ia  oriente  como  fuimos  y  con  esto  dexaremos 
esta  materia  y  daremos  fin  a  este  tratado  como  ay  a  hecbo  relayion  de 
algunas  cosas  notables  que  dexe  de  contar  por  las  tratar  particular- 
mente  en  los  dos  capitulos  siguientes. 

GapituU)  septimo  de  las  cosas  que  le  acontei^ieron  al  capitan  Juan  gallego 
por  la  tierra  algada  Ueuando  el  socorro. 

bien  se  sufrira  pues  en  el  capitulo  pasado  pase  en  silenyio  las  hayaiias 
quel  capitan  juan  gallego  bigo  con  ueinte  compaueros  que  lleuabase 
diga  en  el  presente  capitulo  para  que  en  los  tiempos  benideros  los  que 
lo  leyeren  y  de  ello  dieren  notiyia  tengan  autor  sierto  con  quien  apro- 
bar  y  que  no  escribe  fabulas  como  algunas  cosas  que  en  ufos  tiempos 


wiNSHff]  NARRATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  465 

leemos  en  los  libros  de  cauallerias  que  si  no  fiiese  por  Ueuar  aquellas 
fabulas  de  encatamieutos  ay  cosas  el  dia  de  oy  acontesidas  en  estas 
partes  por  nfos  espafioles  en  conquistas  y  recuentros  abidos  con  los 
naturales  que  sobrepujan  en  hechos  de  admiragion  no  solo  a  los  libros 
ya  dichos  sino  a  los  que  se  escriben  de  los  do§e  pares  de  fran9ia  porque 
tanteado  y  mirado  la  fatales  fuer5as  que  los  autores  de  aquellos  tienpos 
les  atribuyeu  y  las  lucidas  y  resplandesientes  armas  de  que  los  adornan 
y  las  pequeuas  estaturas  de  que  agora  son  los  liombres  de  nfos  tiempos 
y  las  pocas  y  ruynes  armas  de  en  estas  partes  mas  es  de  admirar  las 
cosas  estraiias  que  con  tales  armas  los  nfos  acometen  y  hacen  el  dia  de 
oy  que  las  que  escribe  de  los  antiguos  pues  tambien  peleaban  ellos  con 
gentes  barbaras  y  desnudas  como  los  nfos  con  indios  donde  no  dexa  de 
aber  hombres  que  entre  ellos  so  esforcados  y  ualientes  y  muy  9ertero8 
flecheros  i)ues  le  abemos  uisto  derribar  las  aues  que  ban  bolando  y  cor- 
riendo  tras  las  liebres  flecharlas  todo  esto  be  dicho  a  el  fin  que  algunas 
cosas  que  tenemos  por  fabulosas  puedeu  ser  berdaderas  y  pues  cada 
dia  bemos  en  nfos  tiempos  cosas  mayores  como  an  sido  las  de  don 
fer^°  cortes  en  los  benideros  tienpos  que  con  tresientos  hombres  osa 
se  entrar  en  el  rinon  de  la  nueba  espafia  donde  tan  grande  numero  de 
gentes  como  es  mexico  y  con  quinientos  espaiioles  la  acabase  de  ganar 
y  senorear  en  dos  afios  cosa  de  grande  admiration. 

los  hechos  de  don  pedro  de  aluarado  en  la  conquista  de  guatimala  y 
lo  de  montejo  en  tabasco  las  conquistas  de  terra  flrme  y  del  i)eru  cosas 
eran  todas  estas  i^ara  que  yo  ubiera  de  callar  y  pasar  en  silen§io  lo  que 
agora  quiero  contar  pero  por  que  estoy  obligado  a  dar  relacion  de  las 
cosas  en  esta  Jornada  acoutecidas  e  querido  se  sepau  tambien  las  oue 
agora  dire  con  las  demas  que  tengo  dicho. 

y  es  ansi  quel  capitan  juan  gallego  Ilego  a  la  uilla  de  culiacan  con 
bien  poca  gente  y  alii  recogio  la  que  pudo  de  la  que  se  auia  escapade  de 
la  uilla  de  los  cora5ones  o  por  mejor  decir  de  suya  que  por  todos  fueron 
ueinte  y  dos  hombres  y  con  estos  camino  por  toda  aquella  tierra  poblada 
en  que  andubo  do^ientas  leguas  y  de  tierra  de  guerra  y  gente  al5ada  que 
auian  estado  ya  en  el  amistad  de  los  espaiioles  teniendo  cada  dia  o  poco 
menos  recuentros  con  los  enemigos  y  siempre  caminaua  dexando  atras 
el  fardaje  con  las  dos  partes  de  las  gentes  Ueuando  contiuuamente  la 
auangardia  con  seis  o  siete  espaiioles  sin  otros  amigos  que  los  lleuaban 
entrando  en  los  pueblos  por  fuerfa  matando  y  destruyendo  y  poniendo 
fuego  dando  en  los  enemigos  tarn  de  supito  y  con  tanta  preste5a  y 
denuedo  que  no  les  daban  lugar  a  que  se  juntasen  ui  eutendiesen  de 
suerte  que  eran  tan  temidos  que  no  auia  pueblo  que  esperar  los  osase 
que  ansi  huyau  de  ellos  como  de  un  poderoso  exercito  tanto  que  les 
aconte^io  yr  diez  dias  todo  por  poblado  que  no  tenian  ora  de  descansa 
y  todo  lo  hacia  con  siete  companeros  que  quando  llegaua  el  fardaje  con 
toda  la  demas  gente  no  tenian  en  que  entender  saluo  en  robar  que  ya 
ellas  auian  muerto  y  preso  la  gente  que  auian  podido  auer  a  las  manoa 
y  la  demas  auia  hnydo  y  como  no  paraban  aunque  los  pueblos  de  ade« 
14  ETH 30 


466  THE   COKONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

lante  tenian  algun  abiso  erau  con  ellos  tam  presto  que  no  les  daban 
lugar  a  se  recoger  eu  especial  eu  aquella  parte  donde  aula  side  la  uilla 
de  los  coragones  que  alii  mate  y  ahorco  buena  cantidad  de  gente  eu 
castigo  de  sii  rebelion  y  eu  todo  esto  no  perdio  compauero  sin  se  lo 
hirieron  saluo  uuo  que  por  despojar  a  un  indio  que  casi  estaba  muerto 
le  hirio  eu  el  parpalo  del  ojo  quaudo  le  roupio  el  pelejo  y  por  ser  con 
yerba  obiera  de  morir  sino  fuera  socorrido  con  el  agua  del  membrillo  y 
perdio  el  ojo  fuerou  tales  estos  hijos  digo  liechos  que  aquella  gente 
tendra  en  memoria  todo  quauto  la  uida  les  durare  en  espe9ial  quatro  o 
cinco  indios  auiigos  que  salierou  con  ellos  de  los  cora9ones  que  quedarou 
desto  tam  adniirados  que  los  tenian  mas  por  cosa  diuina  que  humana  y 
si  como  nro  campo  los  topo  no  los  topara  obieran  de  llegar  a  la  tierra  del 
indio  que  llamauan  turco  do  yban  encaminados  y  lo  pasaran  sin  riesgo 
segu  la  buena  orden  y  gouierno  lleuaba  y  bien  dotrinada  y  exergitada 
en  la  guerra  de  los  quales  algunos  quedaron  en  esta  uilla  de  culiacan 
donde  yo  a  el  presente  escribo  esta  relation  y  noti5ia  a  donde  ansi  ellos 
como  yo  y  los  demas  que  en  esta  prouincia  paramos  no  nos  a  faltado 
trabajos  apasiguando  y  sustentaudo  esta  tierra  tomando  rebeldes  y 
biniendo  en  probeya  y  ne^esidad  y  en  esta  ora  mas  por  estar  la  tierra 
mas  probe  y  alcangada  que  nunca  lo  fue. 

Capitulo  otauo  en  que  se  quentan  algunas  cosas  admirables  que  se  bieron 
en  los  llanos  con  lafa^on  de  los  toros. 

no  sin  misterio  calle  y  dicimule  en  la  segunda  parte  deste  libro  en 
el  capitulo  septimo  que  habla  de  los  llanos  las  cosas  de  que  hare  men- 
jion  en  este  capitulo  particular  adonde  se  hallase  todo  junto  pues  eran 
cosas  seiialadas  y  no  uistas  en  otras  partes  y  atrebome  a  las  escrebir 
porque  escribo  en  tiempo  que  sou  oy  biuos  muchos  hombres  que  lo  bieron 
y  haran  berdadera  mi  escriptura  quien  podra  crer  que  caminando  por 
aquellos  llanos  mill  cauallos  y  quinientas  uacas  de  las  nuestras  y  mas  de 
5inco  mill  carneros  y  obejas  y  mas  de  mill  y  quinientas  personas  de  los 
amigos  y  serui^io  que  acabando  de  pasar  no  dexaban  mas  rastro  que  si 
nunca  por  alii  ubieran  pasado  nadie  tanto  que  era  menester  ha§er 
montones  de  guesos  y  boDigas  de  uacas  a  trechos  para  que  la  reta- 
guardia  guiase  tras  del  canpo  y  no  se  perdiesen  la  yerba  aunque  menuda 
en  pisandola  se  enhiestaua  tam  limpia  y  derecha  como  de  antes  lo 
estaba. 

otra  cosa  que  se  hallo  a  la  orilla  de  una  laguna  de  sal  a  la  parte  del 
sur  uu  grande  ayuntamiento  de  guesos  de  uacas  que  tenia  de  largo  uu 
tiro  de  ballesta  o  muy  poquito  menos  y  de  esto  casi  dos  estados  en  partes 
y  en  ancho  tres  bra^as  y  mas  en  parte  donde  no  ay  gente  que  lo  pudiese 
ha9er  lo  que  de  ello  se  entendio  fue  que  con  la  reseca  que  debe  de  ha9er  el 
lago  o  laguna  en  tiempo  de  nortes  los  a  juntado  de  el  ganado  «iue  muere 
dentro  en  la  laguna  que  de  uiejo  y  flaco  entrando  no  puede  salir  lo  que 
se  a  de  notar  es  que  numero  de  ganado  seria  menester  para  tanta  osa- 
menta. 


IS 


BUREAU   OF    ETHNOLOGY 


f:*^T> 


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FACSIMILE  OF  PAGES  OF  ' 
From  the   Manuscript  i 


raURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPO«T     PI.   LXXXIV 


/^^ 


■'^HWi 


iiiMjiJi 


\ 


^NEDA'S  RELACION 
LenoJt  Library 


wmsHip]  NARRATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  467 

pues  querer  contar  la  fa§ion  de  los  toros  tambien  es  de  admirar  que 
niugun  cauallo  ubo  a  los  principios  que  los  biese  de  cara  que  no  huyese 
de  su  bista  porque  ellos  tienen  el  rrostro  ancho  y  corto  de  ojo  a  ojo  dos 
palmos  de  frente  los  ojos  salidos  por  el  lado  que  yendo  huyendo  ben  a 
quien  los  sigue  tienen  barbas  como  cabrones  muy  grandes  quaudo  Luyen 
lleuau  la  cabeca  baxa  la  barba  aixastrando  por  el  suelo  del  medio  cuerpo 
para  atras  son  sefiidos  el  pelo  muy  merino  como  de  ouejas  muy  flnas  y 
de  la  sinta  para  adelante  el  pelo  muy  largo  de  faicion  de  leon  raspante 
y  una  gra  corcoba  mayor  que  de  camello  los  cuernos  cortos  y  gordos  que 
se  descubren  poco  por  cima  del  pelo  mudan  el  pelo  de  medio  cuerpo  atras 
por  mayo  en  un  bellon  y  quedan  perfectos  leones  para  mudarse  arrima 
a  algunos  arboles  pequeiios  que  ay  en  algunas  barranquillas  y  alii  se 
rrefriegan  hasta  que  dexan  el  bellon  como  la  culebra  el  pelejo  tienen  la 
cola  corta  y  un  pequeuo  y  sopo  a  el  cabo  lleuan  la  quando  corren  alta 
a  manera  de  alacra  es  cosa  de  ber  que  quando  son  be5erricos  son  berme- 
jos  y  de  la  manera  de  los.nuestros  y  con  el  tiempo  y  la  edad  se  mudan 
en  color  y  faicion. 

ay  otra  cosa  que  todos  los  toros  que  se  mataron  tenian  a  la  oreja 
isquierda  hendida  teniendolas  sanas  quando  chiquitos  este  fue  un 
secreto  que  no  se  pudo  alcan9ar  la  causa  de  ello  de  la  lana  segun  la 
finesa  se  harian  buenos  panos  aunque  no  de  colores  por  ser  ella  de  color 
de  buriel. 

otra  cosa  es  de  notar  que  andan  los  toros  sin  bacas  en  tanto  numero 
que  no  ay  quien  los  pueda  numerar  y  tam  apartados  de  las  uacas  que 
desde  donde  comenijamos  a  ber  toros  jasta  adonde  comeufamos  a  ber 
uacas  aula  mas  de  quarenta  leguas  y  la  tierra  adonde  andaban  era  tan 
liana  y  esconbrada  que  por  do  quieraque  los  mirasen  se  bia  el  cielo  por 
entre  las  piernas  de  suerte  quesiestaban  algo  lejos  paregian  escombra- 
dos  pinos  que  juntaban  las  copas  por  lo  alto  y  si  un  solo  toro  estaba 
pare^ia  quatro  pinos  y  por  serca  que  estubiese  no  se  podia  mirando 
por  encima  ber  tierra  de  la  otra  parte  causaba  todo  esto  ser  la  tierra 
tam  redonda  que  do  quiera  que  un  hombre  se  pouia  pare^ia  que  estaba 
en  la  cumbre  y  uia  el  5ielo  a  el  rededor  de  si  a  tiro  de  ballesta  y  por 
poca  cosa  que  se  le  ponia  delante  le  quitaba  la  uista  de  la  tierra. 

otras  cosas  se  bieron  que  por  no  ser  de  tanta  calidad  no  las  escribo  ni 
hago  de  ellas  minjion  aunque  no  parece  es  de  callar  el  tener  como  tienen 
en  beneragion  en  algunas  partes  de  los  poblados  de  altos  la  serial  de  la 
cruz  por  que  en  acuco  en  una  fuente  que  estaba  en  lo  llano  tenian  una 
cruz  de  dos  palmos  de  alto  de  gordor  de  un  dedo  hecha  de  palo  con  su 
pena  de  una  uara  de  quadro  y  muchos  palitos  adornados  de  plumas  a  el 
rededor  y  muchas  flores  secas  desmenu9adas. 

en  tutabaco  en  un  sepulcro  fuera  del  pueblo  parecia  aber  se  enterrado 
en  el  frescamente  alguien  estaua  otra  cruz  a  la  cabe^era  de  dos  palitos 
atados  con  hilo  de  algodon  y  flores  desmenusadas  secas  yo  digo  que  a 
mi  pare^er  por  alguna  uia  tienen  alguna  lunbre  de  cruz  de  cliristo 
nuestro  redentor  y  podria  ser  por  la  uia  de  la  India  de  do  ellos  progeden. 


468  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [etii.ann.U 

Capitulo  nono  que  trata  el  rumbo  que  llebo  el  campo  y  como  se  podria  yr 
a  buscar  otra  uia  que  man  derecha  fitese  abiendo  deboluer  aquella  tierra. 

muclio  quisiera  yo  agora  que  para  dar  a  entender  lo  que  quiero  degir 
ubiera  en  mi  alguna  parte  de  cosmografla  o  jumetria  para  que  pudiera 
tantear  o  compasar  la  beiitaja  que  puede  aber  y  ay  si  otra  uez  saliesen  de 
la  nueba  espaua  gentes  en  demauda  de  aquella  tierra  en  yr  alia  per  el 
rifion  de  la  tierra  o  seguir  el  camino  quel  campo  llebo  pero  ayudaudome 
la  gratia  del  seiior  dire  lo  que  alcanso  dandolo  a  entender  lo  mejor  que 
a  mi  sea  posible. 

ya  me  parege  que  se  tiene  entendido  quel  portugues  campo  fue  el 
soldado  que  se  escapo  quando  los  de  quiuira  mataron  a  fray  juan  de 
padilla  el  quel  uino  a  salir  a  la  nueba  espaSa  per  panuco  abiendo  andado 
por  la  tierra  de  los  llanos  hasta  que  uino  atrabesar  la  Cordillera  de  la 
mar  del  norte  dexando  siempre  la  tierra  que  descubrio  don  beniando 
de  soto  sobre  mano  isquierda  porque  este  bombre  nuuca  bio  el  rio  del 
espiritu  santo  y  quando  biuo  acabar  de  atrabesar  la  cordillera  de  la 
mar  del  norte  cayo  sobre  panuco  de  manera  que  si  no  se  pusiera  a 
deniandar  por  la  mar  del  norte  ubiera  de  salir  por  la  comarca  de  la 
marca  o  tierra  de  los  sacatecas  de  que  ya  agora  se  tiene  lumbre. 

y  para  aber  de  boluer  en  demauda  de  quiuira  serla  aquella  uia  harto 
mejor  y  mas  derecba  pues  ay  guias  en  la  nueba  espana  de  las  que 
binieron  con  el  portugues  aunque  digo  que  seria  mejor  y  mas  derecbo 
por  la  tierra  de  los  guachichules  arrimandose  siempre  a  la  cordillera 
de  la  mar  del  sur  porque  es  mas  poblada  y  abria  bastimento  porque 
engolfarse  en  la  tierra  liana  seria  perderse  por  la  gran  anchura  que 
tiene  y  ser  esteril  do  comidas  aunque  sea  berdad  que  dando  en  las 
uacas  no  se  pasaria  mucha  necesidad  y  esto  es  solamente  para  yr  en 
demanda  de  quiuira  y  de  aquellos  pueblos  que  decia  el  indio  que 
Uemauan  turco  porque  yr  jjor  donde  fue  el  campo  de  frau°°  uasques 
coronado  el  grandissinio  rodeo  porque  salen  de  mexico  a  el  poniente 
siento  y  diez  leguas  y  despues  a  el  nordeste  cien  leguas  y  a  el  norte 
docientas  y  sinquenta  y  todo  esto  es  hasta  los  barrancos  de  las  uacas 
y  con  aber  andado  ocbo§ientas  y  sinquenta  leguas  por  rumbo  derecho 
no  se  an  desbiado  de  mexico  quatro  sientas  leguas  si  es  querer  yr  a  la 
tierra  de  tiguex  para  desde  alii  bolber  a  el  poniente  eji  demauda  de  la 
tierra  de  la  India  a  se  de  lleuar  el  camino  quel  campo  llebo  porque  aunque 
se  quiera  tomar  otro  camino  no  lo  ay  que  no  da  lugar  el  ancon  de  mar 
que  entra  por  esta  costa  adentro  hacia  el  norte  sino  es  que  se  ubiese  de 
hacer  armada  de  mar  que  fuese  atrabesaudo  este  ancon  de  mar  a 
desembarcar  en  el  paraje  de  la  isla  de  negros  y  por  alii  eutrar  la  tierra 
adentro  atrabesaudo  la  cordillera  en  busca  de  la  tierra  do  proyeden  los 
de  tiguex  o  de  otras  gentes  que  tengau  aquella  poli^ia  porque  aber  de 
entrar  por  tierra  de  la  florida  i)or  la  mar  del  norte  ya  se  a  uisto  y 
conosido  que  quantas  jornadas  por  alii  se  an  becho  an  sido  iufeli^es  y 
no  bien  afortunadas  allende  de  ques  la  tierra  de  aquella  parte  llena  de 
cienegas  y  ahogadiga  esteril  y  la  mas  mala  que  calienta  el  sol  sino  ban 


wiNSHip]  NAEEATIVE    OF   CASTANEDA  469 

a  (lesembarcar  pasado  el  rio  del  espiritu  santo  como  lii5o  don  hernando 
de  soto  y  con  todo  me  afinno  que  auuque  se  pase  muebo  trabajo  es  lo 
mejor  por  la  tierra  que  aya  andado  y  se  sepan  los  aguajes  porque  se 
lleuauan  las  cosas  necesarias  con  mas  fagilidad  y  mas  abundosamente 
y  en  las  tierras  nueuas  los  cauallos  es  lo  nias  ne^esario  y  lo  que  mas 
liage  temer  a  los  euemigos  y  los  que  son  senores  del  campo  tambien 
es  temida  el  artilleria  doiide  no  saben  el  uso  de  ella  y  para  poblados 
como  los  que  fran""  uasques  descubrio  fuera  buena  alguna  piefa  de 
artilleria  gruesa  para  derribar  porque  el  no  llebo  sino  uersillos  menores 
y  no  hombre  ingenioso  para  que  hiciese  uu  trabuco  ni  otra  maquina 
que  los  atemorisas  el  qual  es  muy  necesario. 

digo  pues  que  con  la  lunbre  que  el  dia  de  oy  se  tiene  de  los  rumbos 
que  an  corrido  los  nauios  por  esta  costa  de  la  mar  del  sur  an  andado 
descubriedo  por  esta  parte  de  poniete  y  lo  que  se  sabe  de  la  mar  del 
norte  ha9ia  la  nuruega  ques  la  costa  de  la  florida  arriba  los  que  agora 
eiitrasen  a  descubrir  por  doude  fran""  uasques  entro  y  se  hallasen  en 
tierra  de  §ibola  o  de  tiguex  bien  sabrian  a  que  parte  auia  de  yr  en  de- 
manda  de  la  tierra  quel  marques  del  ualle  don  hernando  cortes  buscaba 
y  la  buelta  que  da  el  ancon  del  ti^on  para  tomar  el  rumbo  berdadero  y 
esto  bastara  para  dar  fin  a  nuestra  relation  en  todo  lo  demas  probe  a 
aquel  poderoso  sefior  de  todas  las  cosas  dios  omnipotente  quel  sabe  el 
como  y  quando  estas  tierras  seran  descubiertas  y  para  quien  esta  guar- 
dada  esta  buena  uentura. 

laus  deo. 

Acabose  de  tresladar  sabado  a  ueinte  y  seis  de  otubre  de  mill  y  qui- 
nientos  y  nouSta  y  seis  anos  en  seuilla. 


TEANSLATION  OF  THE  JSTAREATIYE  OF  CASTASTEDA 

Account  of  the  Expedition  to  Cibola  which  took  place  in  the  year  1540,  in  which  all 
those  settlements,  their  ceremonies  and  customs,  are  described.  Written  by 
Pedro  de  Castafleda,  of  Najera.' 

PREFACE 

To  me  it  seems  very  certain,  my  very  noble  lord,  that  it  is  a  worthy 
ambition  for  great  men  to  desire  to  know  and  wish  to  preserve  for  pos- 
terity correct  information  concerning  the  things  that  have  happened 
in  distant  parts,  about  which  little  is  known.  I  do  not  blame  those 
inquisitive  persons  who,  perchance  with  good  intentions,  have  many 
times  troubled  me  not  a  little  with  their  requests  that  I  clear  up  for 
them  some  doubts  which  they  have  had  about  different  things  that 
have  been  commonly  related  concerning  the  events  and  occurrences 
that  took  place  during  the  expedition  to  Cibola,  or  the  New  Land,  which 
the  good  viceroy — may  he  be  with  God  in  His  glory  ^ — Don  Antonio  de 
Mendoza,  ordered  and  arranged,  and  on  which  he  sent  Francisco  Vaz- 
quez de  Coronado  as  captain -general.  In  truth,  they  have  reason  for 
wishing  to  know  the  truth,  because  most  people  very  often  make  things 
of  which  they  have  heard,  and  about  which  they  have  perchance  no 
knowledge,  appear  either  greater  or  less  than  they  are.  They  make 
nothing  of  those  things  that  amount  to  something,  and  those  that  do 
not  they  make  so  remarkable  that  they  appear  to  be  something  impos- 
sible to  believe.  This  may  very  well  have  been  caused  by  the  fact  that, 
as  that  country  was  not  i)ermanently  occupied,  there  has  not  been  any- 
one who  was  willing  to  spend  his  time  in  writing  about  its  peculiarities, 
because  all  knowledge  was  lost  of  that  which  it  was  not  the  pleasure 
of  God — He  alone  knows  the  reason — that  they  should  enjoy.  In  truth, 
he  who  wishes  to  employ  himself  thus  in  writing  out  the  things  that 
happened  on  the  expedition,  and  the  things  that  were  seen  in  those 
lands,  and  the  ceremonies  and  customs  of  the  natives,  will  have  matter 
enough  to  test  his  judgment,  and  I  believe  that  the  result  can  not  fail 
to  be  an  account  which,  describing  only  the  truth,  will  be  so  remarkable 
that  it  will  seem  incredible. 


'  There  were  seyeral  representativea  of  the  family  of  Castafieda  among  the  Spaniards  in  America 
as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  hut  the  only  possible  mention  of  this  Pedro,  of  the 
Biscayan  town  of  N^era,  'which  I  have  seen  outside  of  the  present  document,  is  the  following  item 
from  a  Relacion  do  los  pesos  de  oro  que  estdn  sefialados  por  indios  vacos  A  los  eonquistadores  d© 
Nueva  Espafia  y  &  sus  hijos,  cuyos  nonibrca  ae  expresan  (ano  1554),  in  Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Doc.  de 
Indias,  xiv,  206:  "A  los  nueve  hijos  de  Pero  Franco,  couquistjidor,  e  su  nuijer,  que  son:  Maria  de 
Acosta,  madre  de  todos,  Pero  Francisco  do  Castaneda,  Juana  de  Castafieda,  In^-s  de  Castaueda,  Fran- 
Cisco  de  Castaiieda,  Lorenzo  Franco,  Marta  de  Castafieda,  Anton  de  Vargas  y  Juana  de  CastaHeda,  lea 
est&n  seiialados  de  entretenimiento  en  cada  un  auo  duzientos  y  setenta  pesos.    ccLxx.'* 

'Mendoza  died  in  Lima,  July  21,  1552. 
470 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  471 

And  besides,  I  think  that  the  twenty  years  and  more  since  that 
expedition  took  place  have  been  tlie  cause  of  some  stories  which  are 
related.  For  example,  some  make  it  an  uninhabitable  country,  others 
have  it  bordering  on  Florida,  and  still  others  on  Greater  India,  which 
does  not  appear  to  be  a  slight  difference.  They  are  unable  to  give  any 
basis  upon  which  to  found  their  statements.  There  are  those  who  tell 
about  some  very  peculiar  animals,  who  are  <!ontradicted  by  others 
who  were  on  the  expedition,  declaring  that  there  was  nothing  of  the 
sort  seen.  Others  difler  as  to  the  limits  of  the  provinces  and  even  in 
regard  to  the  ceremonies  and  customs,  attributing  what  pertains  to  one 
people  to  others.  All  this  has  had  a  large  part,  my  very  noble  lord, 
in  making  me  wish  to  give  now,  although  somewhat  late,  a  short  gen- 
eral" account  for  all  those  who  pride  themselves  on  this  noble  curiosity, 
and  to  save  myself  the  time  taken  up  by  these  solicitations.  Things 
enough  will  certainly  be  found  here  which  are  hard  to  believe.  All  or  the 
most  of  these  were  seen  with  my  own  eyes,  and  the  rest  is  from  reliable 
information  obtained  by  inquiry  of  the  natives  themselves.  Under- 
standing as  I  do  that  this  little  work  would  be  nothing  in  itself,  lacking 
authority,  unless  it  were  favored  and  jirotected  by  a  person  whose 
authority  would  protect  it  from  the  boldness  of  those  who,  without 
reverence,  give  their  murmuring  tongues  liberty,  and  knowing  as  I  do 
how  great  are  the  obligations  under  which  I  have  always  been,  and  am, 
to  your  grace,  I  humbly  beg  to  submit  this  little  work  to  your  protec- 
tion. May  it  be  received  as  from  a  faithful  retainer  and  servant.  It 
will  be  divided  into  three  parts,  that  it  may  bo  better  understood.  The 
first  will  tell  of  the  discovery  and  the  armament  or  army  that  was 
made  ready,  and  of  the  whole  journey,  with  the  captains  who  were 
there;  the  second,  of  the  villages  and  provinces  which  were  found,  and 
their  limits,  and  ceremonies  and  customs,  the  animals,  fruits,  and 
vegetation,  and  in  what  parts  of  the  country  these  are;  the  third,  of 
the  return  of  the  army  and  the  reasons  for  abandoning  the  country, 
although  these  were  insufficient,  because  this  is  the  best  place  there  is 
for  discoveries — the  marrow  of  the  land  in  these  western  parts,  as  will 
be  seen.  And  after  this  has  been  made  plain,  some  remarkable  things 
which  were  seen  will  be  described  at  the  end,  and  the  way  by  which 
one  might  more  ea.sily  return  to  discover  that  better  land  which  we  did 
not  see,  since  it  would  be  no  small  advantage  to  enter  the  country 
through  the  land  which  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley,  Don  Fernando  Cor- 
tes, went  in  search  of  under  the  Western  star,  and  which  cost  him  no 
small  sea  armament.  May  it  please  our  Lord  to  so  favor  me  that  with 
my  slight  knowledge  and  small  abilities  I  may  be  able  by  relating  the 
truth  to  make  my  little  work  pleasing  to  the  learned  and  wise  readers, 
when  it  has  been  accepted  by  your  grace.  For  my  intention  is  not  to 
gain  the  fame  of  a  good  composer  or  rhetorician,  but  I  desire  to  give  a 
faithful  account  and  to  do  this  slight  service  to  your  grace,  who  will,  I 
hope,  receive  it  as  from  a  faithful  servant  and  soldier,  who  took  part  in 


472  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

it.    Althougli  not  in  a  polished  style,  I  write  that  which  happened — 
that  which  I  heard,  experienced,  saw,  and  did. 

I  always  notice,  and  it  is  a  fact,  that  for  the  most  part  when  we  have 
something  valuable  in  our  hands,  and  deal  with  it  without  hindrance, 
we  do  not  value  or  prize  it  as  highly  as  if  we  understood  how  much  we 
would  miss  it  after  we  had  lost  it,  and  the  longer  we  continue  to  have  it 
the  less  we  value  it;  but  after  we  have  lost  it  and  miss  the  advantages 
of  it,  we  have  a  great  pain  in  the  heart,  and  Ave  are  all  the  time  imag- 
ining and  trying  to  find  ways  and  means  by  which  to  get  it  back  again. 
It  seems  tp  me  tluit  this  has  happened  to  all  or  most  of  those  who 
went  on  the  expedition  which,  in  the  year  of  our  Savior  Jesus  Christ 
1640,  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  led  in  search  of  the  Seven  Cities. 
Granted  that  they  did  not  find  the  riches  of  which  they  had  been  told, 
they  found  a  place  in  which  to  search  for  them  and  the  beginning  of  a 
good  country  to  settle  in,  so  as  to  go  on  farther  from  there.  Since  they 
came  back  from  the  country  which  they  conquered  and  abandoned,  time 
has  given  them  a  chance  to  understand  the  direction  and  locality  in  which 
they  were,  and  the  borders  of  the  good  country  they  had  in  their  hands, 
and  their  hearts  weep  for  having  lost  so  favorable  an  ojiportunity.  Just 
as  men  see  more  at  the  bullfight  when  they  are  ujion  the  seats  than 
when  they  are  around  in  the  ring,'  now  when  they  know  and  understand 
the  direction  and  situation  in  which  they  were,  and  see,  indeed,  that 
they  can  not  enjoy  it  nor  recover  it,  now  when  it  is  too  late  they  enjoy 
telling  about  what  they  saw,  and  even  of  what  they  realize  that  they 
lost,  especially  those  who  are  now  as  poor  as  when  they  went  there. 
They  have  never  ceased  their  labors  and  have  spent  their  time  to  no 
advantage.  I  say  this  because  I  have  known  several  of  those  who  came 
back  from  there  who  amuse  themselves  now  by  talking  of  how  it  would 
be  to  go  back  and  proceed  to  recover  that  which  is  lost,  while  others 
enjoy  trying  to  find  the  reason  why  it  was  discovered  at  all.  And  now 
I  will  proceed  to  relate  all  that  happened  from  the  beginning. 

FIRST    PART. 

Chapter  1,  which  treats  of  the  way  we  first  came  to  know  about  the  Seven 
Cities,  and  of  how  Nuno  de  Guzman  made  an  expedition  to  discover  them. 

In  the  year  1530  Nuno  de  Guzman,  who  was  President  of  New  Spain,^ 
had  in  his  possession  an  Indian,  a  native  of  the  valley  or  valleys  of 
Oxitipar,  who  was  called  Tejo  by  the  Spaniards.  This  Indian  said  he 
was  the  son  of  a  trader  who  was  dead,  but  that  when  he  was  a  little 
boy  his  father  had  gone  into  the  back  country  with  line  feathers  to  trade 
for  ornaments,  and  that  when  he  came  back  he  brought  a  large  amount 
of  gold  and  silver,  of  which  there  is  a  good  deal  in  that  country.     He 


'  Temanx  renders  this;  '^C'est  ainsi  que  rbumniequise place derri^re la barri^re qui. dans lesconrses 
des  taureaux,  8^;pare  le  spectateur  des  combattantB,  voit  bien  mieux  la  position  dans  laquelle  il  so 
trouvnit  iorsqu'll  combattait,  qu'alors  m^nie  qu'il  6tait  dans  la  carriere." 

■President,  or  bead,  of  the  Audiencia,  the  administrative  and  judicial  board  which  governed  the 
province. 


iviNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF    CASTANEDA  473 

went  with  liiin  once  or  twice,  and  saw  some  very  larjre  villages,  which 
he  compared  to  Mexico  and  its  environs.  He  had  seen  seven  very 
large  towns  which  had  streets  of  silver  workers.  It  took  forty  days 
to  go  there  from  his  country,  through  a  wilderness  in  which  nothing 
grew,  except  some  very  small  plants  about  a  span  high.  The  way 
they  went  was  up  through  the  country  between  the  two  seas,  follow- 
ing the  northern  direction.  Acting  on  this  information,  Nuno  de  Guz- 
man got  together  nearly  400  Spaniards  and  20,000  friendly  Indians  of 
New  Spain,  and,  as  he  happened  to  be  in  Mexico,  he  crossed  Tarasca, 
which  is  in  the  province  of  Michoacan,  so  as  to  get  into  the  region 
which  the  Indian  said  was  to  be  crossed  toward  the  North  sea,  in  this 
way  getting  to  the  country  which  they  were  looking  for,  which  was 
already  named  "The  Seven  Cities.'"  He  thought,  from  the  forty  days 
of  which  the  Tejo  had  spoken,  that  it  would  be  found  to  be  about  200 
leagues,  and  that  they  would  easily  be  able  to  cross  the  country.  Omit- 
ting several  things  that  occurred  on  this  journey,  as  soon  as  they  had 
reached  the  province  of  Culiacan,  where  his  government  ended,  and 
where  the  New  Kingdom  of  Galicia  is  now,  they  tried  to  cross  the 
country,  but  found  the  diflBculties  very  great,  because  the  mountain 
chains  which  are  near  that  sea  are  so  rough  that  it  was  impossible,  after 
great  labor,  to  find  a  passageway  in  that  region.  His  whole  army  had 
to  stay  in  the  district  of  Culiacan  for  so  long  on  this  account  that  some 
rich  men  who  were  with  him,  who  had  possessions  in  Mexico,  changed 
their  minds,  and  every  day  became  more  anxious  to  return.  Besides 
this,  NuQo  de  Guzman  received  word  that  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley, 
Don  Fernando  Cortes,  liad  come  from  Spain  with  his  new  title,"  and 
with  great  favors  and  estates,  and  as  Nunc  de  Guzman  had  been  a  great 
rival  of  his  at  the  time  he  was  president,'  and  had  done  much  damage 
to  his  property  and  to  that  of  his  friends,  he  feared  that  Don  Fernando 
Cortes  would  want  to  pay  him  back  in  the  same  way,  or  worse.  So  he 
decided  to  establish  the  town  of  Culiacan  there  and  to  go  back  with 
the  other  men,  without  doing  anything  more.  After  his  return  from 
this  expedition,  he  settled  at  Xalisco,  where  the  city  of  Compostelais 
situated,  and  at  Tonala,  which  is  called  Guadalaxara,^  and  now  this  is 
the  New  Kingdom  of  Galicia.  The  guide  they  had,  who  was  called 
Tejo,  died  about  this  time,  and  thus  the  name  of  these  Seven  Cities 
and  the  search  for  them  remains  until  now,  since  they  have  not  been 
discovered.^ 

*TbeSegundaRelaciOD  Au6nimade  la  Jornada  <]ue  hizoNuuodeGuzmau,  1529,  iaicazbelceta'a  Doca- 
meutos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  vol.  11,  p.  303,  also  Impliea  that  the  Dame  of  the  "  Seven  Cities  "  had 
already  been  given  to  the  country  which  he  was  trying  to  discover. 

'Marqu6s  del  Valle  de  Oaxaca  y  Capitan  General  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia  y  de  la  Costa  del  Snr. 

■  Guzman  had  presided  over  the  trial  of  Cortes,  who  was  in  Spain  at  the  time,  for  the  murder  of  bis 
first  wife  seven  years  previously  (October,  1522).  See  Zaragoza's  edition  of  Suarez  de  Peralta's  Tra- 
taflo,  p.  315. 

^Tbe  name  waa  changed  in  1540. 

*The  best  discussion  of  the  stories  <if  the  Seven  Caves  and  the  Seven  Cities  is  in  Bandolier's  Con- 
tributions, p.  9,  if. 


474  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

Chapter  2,  of  hoic  Francisco  Vazquez  Goronado  came  to  he  governor,  and 
the  second  account  ichich  Cabeza  de  Vaca  gave. 

Eight  years  after  2^^u^lo  de  Guzman  made  this  exj)edition,  he  was  put 
in  prison  by  a  juez  de  residencia,'  named  the  licentiate  Diego  de  la 
Torre,  who  came  from  Spain  with  sufficient  powers  to  do  this.^  After 
the  death  of  the  judge,  who  had  also  managed  the  government  of  that 
country  himself,  the  good  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  appointed  as  governor  of  that  province  Francisco  Vazquez  de 
Coronado,  a  gentleman  from  Salamanca,  who  bad  married  a  lady  in  the 
city  of  Mexico,  the  daughter  of  Alonso  de  Estrada,  the  treasurer  and 
at  one  time  governor  of  Mexico,  and  the  son,  most  people  said,  of  His 
Catholic  Majesty  Don  Ferdinand,  and  many  stated  it  as  certain.  As 
I  was  saying,  at  the  time  Francisco  Vazquez  was  appointed  governor, 
he  was  traveling  through  New  Spain  as  an  official  visitor,  and  in  this 
way  he  gained  the  friendship  of  many  worthy  men  who  afterward  went 
on  his  expedition  with  him.  It  happened  that  just  at  this  time  three 
Spaniards,  named  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Dorantes,  and  Castillo  Maldonado, 
and  a  negro,  who  had  been  lost  on  the  expedition  which  Pamiilo  de 
Narvaez  led  into  Florida,  reached  Mexico.^  They  came  out  through 
Culiacan,  having  crossed  the  country  from  sea  to  sea,  as  anyone  who 
wishes  may  find  out  for  himself  by  an  account  which  this  same  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  wrote  and  dedicated  to  Prince  Don  Philip,  who  is  now  King 
of  Spain  and  our  sovereign/  They  gave  the  good  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza an  account  of  some  large  and  powerful  villages,  four  and  five  stories 
high,  of  which  they  had  heard  a  great  deal  in  the  countries  they  had 
crossed,  and  other  things  very  different  from  what  turned  out  to  be 
the  truth.  The  noble  viceroy  communicated  this  to  the  new  governor, 
who  gave  up  the  visits  he  had  in  hand,  on  account  of  this,  and  hurried 
his  departure  for  his  government,  taking  with  him  the  negro  who  had 
come  [with  Cabeza  de  Vaca]  with  the  three  friars  of  the  order  of  Saint 
Francis,  one  of  whom  was  named  Friar  Jlarcos  of  Nice,  a  regular  priest, 
and  another  Friar  Daniel,  a  lay  brother,  and  the  other  Friar  Antonio 
de  Santa  Maria.  When  he  reached  the  province  of  Culiacan  he  sent  the 
friars  just  mentioned  and  the  negro,  who  was  named  Stephen,  off  in 
search  of  that  country,  because  Friar  Marcos  offered  to  go  and  see  it, 
because  he  had  been  in  Peru  at  the  time  Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado  went 
there  overland.  It  seems  that,  after  the  friars  I  have  mentioned  and 
the  negro  had  started,  the  negro  did  not  get  on  well  with  the  friars, 
because  he  took  the  women  that  were  given  him  and  collected  tur- 
quoises, and  got  together  a  stock  of  everything.  Besides,  the  Indians 
in  those  places  through  which  they  went  got  along  with  the  negro  bet- 
ter, because  they  had  seen  him  before.    This  was  the  reason  he  was  sent 

■Ajudge  appointed  to  investigate  the  accounts  and  administration  of  a  royal  oflScial. 

^A  full  account  of  tlie  licoatiate  de  la  Torre  and  his  administration  is  given  by  Mota  Padilla  (ed. 
Icazl>alceta,  pp.  103-106).     He  was  appointed  juez  March  17, 1536,  and  died  during  1538. 

'They  appeared  in  New  Spain  in  April,  1536,  before  Coronado's  appointment.  CastaGeda  may  be 
right  in  the  rest  of  his  statement. 

^Xhis  account  has  been  translated  by  Backingham  Smith.    See  Bibliography  for  the  full  tiUe. 


wiNSHip)  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  475 

on  ahead  to  open  up  the  way  and  pacify  the  Indians,  so  that  when  the 
others  came  along  they  had  nothing  to  do  except  to  keep  an  account  of  * 
the  things  for  which  they  were  looking. 

Chapter  3,  of  how  tliey  killed  the  negro  Stephen  at  Cibola,  and  Friar 
Marcos  returned  in  flight. 

After  Stephen  had  left  the  friars,  he  thought  he  could  get  all  the 
reputation  and  honor  himself,  and  that  if  he  should  discover  those 
settlements  with  such  famous  high  houses,  alone,  he  would  be  con- 
sidered bold  and  courageous.  So  he  proceeded  with  the  people  who 
had  followed  him,  and  succeeded  in  crossing  the  wilderness  which  lies 
between  the  country  he  had  passed  through  and  Gibola.  He  was  so 
far  ahead  of  the  friars  that,  when  these  reached  Chichilticalli,  which  is 
on  the  edge  of  the  wilderness,  he  was  already  at  Cibola,  which  is  80 
leagues  beyond.  It  is  220  leagues  from  Culiacan  to  the  edge  of  the 
wilderness,  and  80  across  the  desert,  which  makes  300,  or  i^erhaps  10 
more  or  less.  As  I  said,  Stephen  reached  Cibola  loaded  with  the  large 
quantity  of  turquoises  they  had  given  him  and  several  pretty  women 
who  had  been  given  him.  The  Indians  who  accompanied  him  carried 
his  things.  These  had  followed  him  from  all  the  settlements  he  had 
passed,  believing  that  under  his  protection  they  could  traverse  the  whole 
world  without  any  danger.  But  as  the  people  in  this  country  were 
more  intelligent  than  those  who  followed  Stephen,  they  lodged  him  in  a 
little  hut  they  had  outside  their  village,  and  the  older  men  and  the  gov- 
ernors heard  his  story  and  took  steps  to  find  out  the  reason  he  had 
come  to  that  country.  For  three  days  they  made  inquiries  about  him 
and  held  a  council.  The  account  which  the  negro  gave  them  of  two 
white  men  who  were  following  him,  sent  by  a  great  lord,  who  knew 
about  the  things  in  the  sky,  and  how  these  were  coming  to  instruct 
them  in  divine  matters,  made  them  think  that  he  must  be  a  spy  or  a 
guide  from  some  nations  who  wished  to  come  and  conquer  them,  because 
it  seemed  to  them  unreasonable  to  say  that  the  people  were  white  in 
the  country  from  which  he  came  and  that  he  was  sent  by  them,  he 
being  black.  Besides  these  other  reasons,  they  thought  it  was  hard  of 
him  to  ask  them  for  turquoises  and  women,  and  so  they  decided  to 
kill  him.  They  did  this,  but  they  did  not  kill  any  of  those  who  went 
with  him,  although  they  kept  some  young  fellows  and  let  the  others, 
about  60  persons,  return  freely  to  their  own  country.  As  these,  who 
were  badly  scared,  were  returning  in  flight,  they  happened  to  come 
upon  the  friars  in  the  desert  60  leagues  from  Cibola,  and  told  them  the 
sad  news,  which  frightened  them  so  much  that  they  would  not  even 
trust  these  folks  who  had  been  with  the  negro,  but  opened  the  packs 
they  were  carrying  and  gave  away  everything  they  had  except  the 
holy  vestments  for  saying  mass.  They  returned  from  here  by  double 
marches,  prepared  for  anything,  without  seeing  any  more  of  the  country 
except  what  the  Indians  told  them. 


476  THE    COKONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ann.U 

Chapter  i,  of  hoic  the  noble  Don  A  ntonio  de  Mendoza  made  an  expedi- 
tion to  discover  Cibola. 

After  Francisco  Vazquez  Goronado  bad  seut  Friar  Marcos  of  Mce 
and  bis  party  on  the  search  already  related,  be  was  engaged  in  Oulia- 
can  about  some  business  that  related  to  bis  government,  when  he  beard 
an  account  of  a  province  called  Topira,^  which  was  to  the  north  of  the 
country  of  Culiacan.  He  started  to  explore  this  region  with  several 
of  the  conquerors  and  some  friendly  Indians,  but  be  did  not  get  very 
far,  because  the  mountain  chains  which  they  had  to  cross  were  very 
diflicult.  He  returned  without  finding  the  least  signs  of  a  good  coun- 
try, and  when  he  got  back,  he  found  the  friars  who  bad  just  arrived, 
and  who  told  such  great  things  about  what  the  negro  Stephen  had  dis- 
covered and  what  they  bad  beard  from  tlie  Indians,  and  other  things 
they  batl  beard  about  the  South  sea  and  islands  and  other  riches,  that, 
without  stopping  for  anything,  the  governor  set  off  at  once  for  the  City 
of  Mexico,  taking  Friar  Marcos  with  him,  to  tell  the  viceroy  about  it. 
He  made  the  things  seem  more  important  by  not  talking  about  them 
to  anyone  except  bis  particular  friends,  under  promise  of  the  greatest 
secrecy,  until  after  he  bad  reached  Mexico  and  seen  Don  Antonio  de 
Mendoza.  Then  be  began  to  announce  that  they  bad  really  found  the 
Seven  Cities,  which  Nuiio  de  Guzman  had  tried  to  find,  and  for  the  con- 
quest of  which  be  had  collected  a  force.  The  noble  viceroy  arranged 
with  the  friars  of  the  order  of  Saint  Francis  so  that  Friar  Marcos  was 
made  father  provincial,  as  a  result  of  which  the  pulpits  of  that  order 
were  filled  with  such  accounts  of  marvels  and  wonders  that  more  than 
300  Spaniards  and  about  800  natives  of  New  Spain  collected  in  a 
few  days.^  There  were  so  many  men  of  such  high  quality  among  the 
Spaniards,  that  such  a  noble  body  was  never  collected  in  the  Indies, 
nor  so  many  men  of  quality  in  such  a  small  body,  there  being  300  men. 
Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado,  governor  of  New  Galicia,  was  captain- 
general,  because  be  had  been  the  author  of  it  all.  The  good  viceroy 
Don  Antonio  did  this  because  at  this  time  Francisco  Vazquez  was  bis 
closest  and  most  intimate  friend,  and  because  he  considered  him  to  be 
wise,  skillful,  and  intelligent,  besides  being  a  gentleman.  Had  he  paid 
more  attention  and  regard  to  the  position  in  which  he  was  placed  and 
the  charge  over  which  be  was  placed,  and  less  to  the  estates  he  left 
behind  in  New  Spain,  or,  at  least,  more  to  the  honor  be  had  and  might 
secure  from  having  such  gentlemen  under  his  command,  things  would 
not  have  turned  out  as  they  did.  When  this  narrative  is  ended,  it 
will  be  seen  that  he  did  not  know  bow  to  keep  his  position  nor  the 
government  that  be  held. 

'  Bandolier  (ContributioDft,  p.  1U4)  says  this  was  Topia,  in  Burango,  a  locality  since  noted  for  its 
rich  mines. 

^MotaPadilla,  xxii,  2,  p.  Ill:  "  Determin6  el  virey  lograr  la  ocasion  de  la  macha  gen  te  noble  que  habia 
en  M6xico,  que  como  corcho  sobre  el  agua  reposado,  seandaba  sintenerqu^  bacer  ni  en  qu6  ocuparse, 
toflos  atenidos  &  que  el  vircy  les  hiciese  algunas  niercedes,  y  &  que  loa  vecinosde  Mexico  les  susten- 
tasen  &  sua  mesas ;  y  &s\,  le  fi;6  f^cil  aprestar  mas  de  trescientos  bombres,  los  mas  de  &  caballo,  por- 
que  ya  se  criaban  muchos;  dixies  &  treinta  pesos  y  prometioles  repartimientos  en  la  tierra  que  se 
poblase,  y  mas  cuando  se  afirmaba  baber  un  cerro  de  plata  y  otras  miuaa." 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  477 

Chapter  J,  concerning  the  captains  who  went  to  Cibola. 

When  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mencloza,  saw  what  a  noble  com- 
pany bad  come  together,  and  the  spirit  and  good  will  with  which  they 
had  all  ijresented  themselves,  knowing  the  worth  of  these  men,  he 
would  have  liked  very  well  to  make  every  one  of  them  captain  of  aa 
army;  but  as  the  whole  number  was  small  he  could  not  do  as  Le  would 
have  liked,  and  so  ho  appointed  the  captains  and  officers,  because  it 
seemed  to  him  that  if  they  were  api)ointed  by  him,  as  he  was  so  well 
obeyed  and  beloved,  nobody  would  find  fault  with  his  arrangements. 
After  everybody  had  heard  who  the  general  was,  he  made  Don  Pedro 
de  Tovar  ensign  general,  a  young  gentleman  who  was  the  son  of  Don 
Fernando  de  Tovar,  the  guardian  and  lord  high  steward  of  the  Queen 
Doiia  Juana,  our  demented  mistress — may  she  be  in  glory — and  Lope 
de  Samaniego,  the  governor  of  the  arsenal  at  Mexico,*  a  gentleman 
fully  equal  to  the  charge,  army-master.  The  captains  were  Don  Tris- 
tan de  Arellano;  Don.  Pedro  de  Guevara,  the  son  of  Don  Juan  de 
Guevara  and  nephew  of  the  Count  of  OTiate ;  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Car- 
denas; Don  Eodrigo  Maldonado,  brother-in-law  of  the  Duke  of  the 
Infantado;  Diego  Lopez,  alderman  of  Seville,  and  Diego  Gutierres,  for 
the  cavalry.  All  the  other  gentlemen  were  iilaced  under  the  flag  of  the 
general,  as  being  distinguished  iiersous,  and  some  of  them  became 
captains  later,  and  th^ir  appointments  were  confirmed  by  order  of  the 
viceroy  and  by  the  general,  Francisco  Vazquez.  To  name  some  of  them 
whom  I  happen  to  remember,  there  were  Francisco  de  Barrionuevo, 
a  gentleman  from  Granada;  Juan  de  Saldivar,  Francisco  de  Ovando, 
Juan  Gallego,  and  Melchior  Diaz — a  captain  who  had  been  mayor  of 
Culiacan,  who,  although  he  was  not  a  gentleman,  merited  the  position 
he  held.  The  other  gentlemen,  who  were  worthy  substitutes,  were  Don 
Alonso  Manrique  de  Lara ;  Don  Lope  de  Urrea,  a  gentleman  from 
Aragon ;  Gomez  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  Luis  Eamirez  de  Vargas,  Juan  de 
Sotomayor,  Francisco  Gorbalan,  the  commissioner  Riberos,  and  other 
gentlemen,  men  of  high  quality,  whom  I  do  not  now  recall.^  The  infantry 
captain  was  Pablo  de  Melgosa  of  Burgos,  and  of  the  artillery,  ETer- 
nando  de  Alvarado  of  the  mountain  district.  As  I  say,  since  then  I 
have  forgotten  the  names  of  many  good  fellows.  It  would  be  well  if  I 
could  name  some  of  them,  so  that  it  miglit  be  clearly  seen  what  cause 
I  had  for  saying  that  they  had  on  this  expedition  the  most  brilliant 
company  ever  collected  in  the  Indies  to  go  in  search  of  new  lands. 
But  they  were  unfortunate  in  having  a  captain  who  left  in  New  Spain 
estates  and  a  pretty  wife,  a  noble  and  excellent  lady,  which  were  not 
the  least  causes  for  what  was  to  happen. 

•See  Mendoza'a  letter  to  the  King,  regarding  Samanie^o'a  position. 

^  Mota  Tadilla,  xxii,  iii,  p.  112,  mentions  among  tbose  who  had  coramauds  on  the  expedition  D.  Diego 
de  Guevara  and  Diego  Lopez  de  Cardenas.  The  second  error  may  be  due  to  the  presence  of  another 
Diego  Lopez  in  the  party. 


478  THE    COEONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

Chapter  C>,  of  hoic  all  the  companies  collected  in  Gompostela  and  set  off 
on  the  journey  in  good  order. 

When  the  viceroy  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza  had  fixed  and  arranged 
everything  as  we  have  related,  and  the  companies  aiid  captaincies  had 
been  arranged,  he  advanced  a  part  of  their  salaries  from  the  chest  of 
His  Majesty  to  those  in  the  army  who  were  in  greatest  need.  And  as 
it  seemed  to  him  that  it  would  be  rather  hard  for  the  friendly  Indians 
in  the  country  if  the  army  should  start  from  Mexico,  he  ordered  them  to 
assemble  at  the  city  of  Gom])o.stela,  the  chief  city  in  the  New  Kingdom 
of  Galicia,  110  leagues  from  Mexico,  so  that  they  could  begin  their 
journey  there  with  everything  in  good  order.  There  is  nothing  to  tell 
about  what  happened  on  this  trip,  since  they  all  finally  assembled  at 
Gompostela  by  shrove-tide,  in  the  year  (fifteen  hundred  and)  forty-one.' 
After  the  whole  force  had  left  Mexico,  he  ordered  Don  Pedro  de  Alarcon 
to  set  sail  with  two  ships  that  were  in  the  port  of  La  Natividad  on  the 
South  sea  coast,  and  go  to  the  port  of  Xalisco  to  take  the  baggage  which 
the  soldiers  were  unable  to  carry,''  and  thence  to  sail  along  the  coast  near 
the  army,  because  he  had  understood  from  the  reports  that  they  would 
have  to  go  through  the  country  near  the  seacoast,  and  that  we  could 
find  the  harbors  by  means  of  the  rivers,  and  that  the  ships  could  always 
get  news  of  the  army,  which  turned  out  afterward  to  be  false,  and  so 
all  this  stuff  was  lost,  or,  rather,  those  who  owned  it  lost  it,  as  will 
be  told  farther  on.  After  the  viceroy  had  completed  all  his  arrange- 
ments, he  set  off  for  Gompostela,  accompanied  by  many  noble  and  rich 
men.  He  kept  the  New  Year  of  (fifteen  hundred  and)  forty-one  at  Pas- 
quaro,  which  is  the  chief  place  in  the  bishopric  of  Michoacan,  and  from 
there  he  crossed  the  whole  of  New  Spain,  taking  much  pleasure  in  enjoy- 
ing the  festivals  and  great  receptions  which  were  given  him,  till  he 
reached  Gompostela,  which  is,  as  I  have  said,  110  leagues.  There  he 
found  the  whole  company  assembled,  being  well  treated  and  entertained 
by  Ghristobal  de  Oiiate,  who  had  the  whole  charge  of  that  government 
for  the  time  being.  He  had  had  the  management  of  it  and  was  in  com- 
mand of  all  that  region  when  Francisco  Vazquez  was  made  governor.' 
All  were  very  glad  when  he  arrived,  and  he  made  an  examination  of  the 
company  and  found  all  those  whom  we  have  mentioned.  He  assigned 
the  captains  to  their  companies,  and  after  this  was  done,  on  the  next  day, 
after  they  had  all  heard  mass,  captains  and  soldiers  together,  the  viceroy 
made  them  a  very  eloquent  short  speech,  telling  them  of  the  fidelity  they 
owed  to  their  general  and  showing  them  clearly  the  benefits  which  this 
expedition  might  afford,  from  the  conversion  of  those  peoples  as  well  as 
in  the  profit  of  those  who  should  conquer  the  territory,  and  the  advan- 

>  The  correct  date  is  1-540.    Castaueda  carries  tlie  error  tliroiigtiout  the  liarrative. 

'See  the  instructions  given  by  Mendoza  to  Alarcon,  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Florida,  p.  1.  The  last 
of  them  reads:  "  Llevareys  ciertas  cossas  que  dofia  Beatrix  de  Strada  embia  para  el  Capitan  General  sa 
marido,  y  mandareys  que  en  ello  y  en  lo  que  mas  llevaredcs  para  algunos  de  los  soldadoa  que  con  61 
estan  que  os  ayan  recoraendado  amigos  6  parientea  suyos  liayabnen  recaudo. " 

*Se©  the  writings  of  Telle  and  Mota  Padilla  concerning  Ouate.  Much  of  the  early  prosperity  of  New 
Galicia — what  there  was  of  it— seems  to  have  been  due  to  Oiiate's  skillful  management. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  479 

tage  to  His  Majesty  and  the  claim  whicli  they  would  thus  have  on 
his  favor  and  aid  at  all  times.  After  he  had  finished,  they  all,  both 
captains  and  soldiers,  gave  him  their  oaths  upon  the  Gospels  in  a 
Missal  that  they  would  follow  their  general  on  this  expedition  and 
would  obey  him  in  everything  he  commanded  them,  which  they  faith- 
fully performed,  as  will  be  seen.  The  next  day  after  this  was  done,  the 
army  started  off  with  its  colors  flying.  The  viceroy,  Don  Antonio,  went 
with  them  for  two  days,  and  there  he  took  leave  of  them,  returning 
to  !N"ew  Spain  with  his  friends.' 

Chapter  /,  of  how  the  army  reached  Ghiametla^  and  the  Jcilling  of  the 
arrny -master,  and  the  other  things  that  happened  vp  to  the  arrival  at 
Culiacan. 

After  the  viceroy  Don  Antonio  left  them,  the  army  continued  its 
march.     As  each  one  was  obliged  to  transport  his  own  baggage  and 

iThe  following  sections  from  the'  Fragmento  de  la  Visita  hecha  &  don  Antonio  de  Hendoza,  printed 
in  Icazbalceta's  Documentos  para  la  Historla  de  Mexico,  ii,  72,  add  something  to  the  details  of  the 
departure  of  the  expedition : 

"199.  Item,  bi  aaben  &c.  que  la  gente  que  salib  de  la  villade  S.  Miguel  deCulnacan,  que  es  el  postrer 
lugar  de  Galicia  de  la  Xiieva  EspaDa,  para  ir  en  descubriraiento  de  la  tierra  nueva  de  Cibola  con  el 
capitan  general  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  fueroa  hasta  doscientos  y  cincuenta  espauoles  de  A 
caballo.  loa  cuales  asl  para  sus  pers6nas,  como  para  su  carruaje,  armas,  y  bastimentos,  y  municiones, 
y  otras  cosas  necesarias  para  el  dicho  viaje,  Uevaron  mas  de  mill  caballos  y  ac^milas,  y  asf  lo  dirto 
loa  testigos,  porque  lo  vieron  y  hallaron  presentes,  y  fueron  al  dicho  viaje :  digan  lo  que  saben  &c. 

''200.  Item,  .  .  .  que  asimismo  con  la  dicha  gente  espaiiolasalieron  de  la  dicba  villade  S.Mignel 
do  Culuacan  hasta  trescientoa  indios,  poco  mas  6  menos,  los  cuales  fueron  de  su  volnntad  d  servir  en 
la  dicha  Jornada,  y  el  dicho  visorey  les  mand6  socorrer,  y  ae  lea  socorrid  con  dineros  y  provisionea,  y 
A  los  que  eran  casados  y  dejaban  acA  sua  mujerea  les  provey6  de  lo  necesario  para  an  austentamiento, 
y  esto  es  publico  y  notorio,     .    .     . 

"201.  Item,  .  .  .  que  el  dicho  visorey  provey<5  para  la  gente  que  fu6  al  dicho  deacnbrimiento, 
demas  de  los  socorroa  que  lea  hizo  en  dineros,  y  caballos,  y  armas  y  otraa  cosas,  les  di6  mncha  cantidad 
de  ganadoa  vacunos  y  ovejunos,  sin  otra  macba  cantidad  de  ganados  que  llev&ban  los  capitanes  y 
soldados,  que  bastaron  para  proveerae  todo  el  tierapo  que  estuvieron  al  dicho  deacnbrimiento;  y 
aaimismo  el  dicho  visorey  lea  did  mucha  cantidad  de  rescates  que  llevaba  4  cargo  el  fator  de  S.  M., 
para  que  con  ellos  compraaen  maiz  y  las  otraa  cosas  de  bastimentos  de  la  tierra  por  do  paaasen, 
porque  no  se  hiciese  nioleatia  A  los  indioa :    .     .    . 

"202.  Item,  .  .  .  que  el  dicho  visorey  mandd  y  encarg6  al  dicho  capitan  general  tuvieso  especial 
caidado  que  los  indioa  que  dosta  tierra  iban  d  servir  en  el  dicho  descubrimiento,  fuesen  bien  tratados  y 
proveidos  de  lo  que  bubiesen  menester,  y  loa  que  se  quisiesen  volver  no  fuesen  detenidos,  antes  los 
enviasericos  y  contentoa,  y  el  diclio  general  aai  lo  hizo  y  cumpli6,     .     .     . 

"203.  Item,  si  saben  que  por  razon  de  los  dichoa  caballos  y  carruaje  que  Uevaron  los  capitanes  y 
espanoles,  los  indios  fueron  reservados  de  Uevar  cargaa  de  los  capitanes  yespa&oles,  y  si  algnnos 
Uevaron,  seria  de  su  comida,  y  ropa  y  bastimentos,  como  ctros  espafiolea  lo  hacian,  que  cargaban 
SUA  caballos  y  sus  personaa  de  bastimentos,     .     .     . 

"204.  Item,  ,  .  .  que  de  todoa  los  dichos  indios  que  fuerou  &  servir  en  la  dicba  Jornada, 
murieron  tan  solamente  hasta  veinte  6  treinta  personas,  y  si  mas  murieran,  loa  testigos  lo  vieran  y 
snpieran:    .    .     . 

"205,  Item,  .  .  .  que  todos  los  tamemea  que  loa  indios  dieron,  .  .  .  se  les  pago  may  4  su 
cuntento  &  loa  indios,  por  mandado  del  dicho  visorey :"     .     .     . 

The  evidence  of  the  Informacion,  which  was  taken  at  Compostela  just  after  the  army  departed,  is 
so  snggestlve  that  I  have  translated  themost  valuable  portions  in  full  at  the  end  of  this  memoir. 

Mota  Padilla,  xxii,  3,  p.  112 :  .  .  .  "  habiendo  llegado  la  comitiva  &  Compostela  hizo  el  goberna- 
dor  reseua  de  la  gente  y  halld  doscientos  y  sesenta  hombres  de  &  caballo  con  lanzas,  eapadas  y  otras 
armas  manuales,  y  alguDos  con  cotas,  celadas  y  barbotea,  unas  de  bierro  y  otras  de  cuero  de  vaoa 
crudio,  y  los  caballos  con  faldones  de  manta  de  la  tierra;  sesenta  infantes,  ballesteros  y  arcabuceros, 
y  otros  con  eapa<1as  y  rodelas :  dividid  la  gente  en  ocho  comjianiaa.  .  .  .  Repartida,  pnes,  la  gente 
de  esta  suerte,  con  mas  de  mil  caballus  sin  ac6milas,  y  otros  de  carga  con  seis  pedrerus,  p61vora  y 
municiou,  y  mas  de  mil  indios  amigos  6  indias  de  servicio,  vaqneros  y  pastores  de  ganado  mayor  y 
menor." 


480  THE    COROXADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.anm.U 

all  (lid  not  know  bow  to  fasten  the  packs,  and  as  the  horses  started  off 
fat  and  plumi),  they  had  a  good  deal  of  difBculty  and  labor  during  the 
first  few  days,  and  many  left  many  valuable  things,  giving  them  to 
anyone  who  wanted  them,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  carrying  them.  In  the 
end  necessity,  which  is  all  powerful,  made  them  skillful,  so  that  one 
could  see  many  gentlemen  become  carriers,  and  anybody  who  despised 
this  work  was  not  considered  a  man.  With  such  labors,  which  they 
then  thought  severe,  the  army  reached  Chiametla,  where  it  was  obliged 
to  delay  several  days  to  procure  food.  During  this  time  the  army- 
master.  Lope  de  Samaniego,  went  off  with  some  soldiers  to  find  food, 
and  at  one  village,  a  crossbowman  having  entered  it  indiscreetly  in 
pursuit  of  the  enemies,  they  shot  him  thi-ough  the  eye  and  it  passed 
through  his  brain,  so  that  he  died  on  the  spot.'  They  also  shot  five  or 
six  of  his  companions  before  Diego  Lopez,  the  alderman  from  Seville, 
since  the  commander  was  dead,  collected  the  men  and  sent  word  to  the 
general.  He  put  a  guard  in  the  village  and  over  the  provisions.  There 
was  great  confusion  in  the  army  when  this  news  became  known.  He 
was  buried  here.  Several  sorties  were  made,  by  which  food  was  ob- 
tained and  several  of  the  natives  taken  prisoners.  They  hanged  those 
who  seemed  to  belong  to  the  district  where  the  army -master  was  killed. 
It  seems  that  when  the  general  Francisco  Vazquez  left  Culiacan 
with  Friar  Marcos  to  tell  the  viceroy  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza  the 
news,  as  already  related,  he  left  orders  for  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  and 
Juan  de  Saldivar  to  start  off  with  a  dozen  good  men  from  Culiacan  and 
verify  what  Friar  Marcos  had  seen  and  heard.  They  started  and  weht 
as  far  as  Chichilticalli,  which  is  Avhere  the  wilderness  begins,  220  leagues 
from  Culiacan,  and  there  they  turned  back,  not  finding  anything  impor- 
tant. They  reached  Chiametla  just  as  the  army  was  ready  to  leave, 
and  reported  to  the  general.  Although  the  bad  news  was  kept  as 
secret  as  possible,  some  things  leaked  out  which  did  not  seem  to  add 
luster  to  the  facts.-  Friar  Marcos,  noticing  that  some  were  feeling  dis- 
turbed, cleared  away  these  clouds,  promising  that  what  they  would  see 
should  be  good,  and  that  the  army  was  on  the  way  to  a  country  where 
their  hands  would  be  filled,  and  in  this  way  he  quieted  them  so  that 
they  appeared  well  satisfied.  From  there  the  army  marched  to  Culia- 
can, making  some  detours  into  the  country  to  seize  provisions.  They 
were  two  leagues  from  the  town  of  Culiacan  at  Easter  vespers,  when  the 

*The  account  which  Mota  Padilla  gives,  cap.  xxii,  sec. 4,  p.  112,  is  much  clearer  and  more  specific 
than  the  somewhat  confused  text  of  Castaiieda.  He  says:  "A  Chametla  .  .  .  liallaron  la  tierra 
alzada,  de  snerte  que  fu6  precise  entrar  il  la  sierra  en  busca  de  maiz,  y  por  cabo  el  maese  de  canipo, 
Lopez  de  Samaniego;  interniirouso  en  la  espcsura  de  on  monte,  en  donde  uu  soldado  que  inadvertida- 
mente  se  aparto,  fu^>  aprehendido  ])or  log  indios,  di<3  voces,  &  las  que,  como  vigilante,  acudi6  el  maese 
de  campo,  y  libr6  del  peligro  al  soldado,  y  pareci^^ndole  eatar  seguro,  alz6  la  vista  &  tiempo  que  de 
entre  unoa  raatorrales  se  lo  disparO  una  flecha,  que  entr^ndole  por  un  ojo,  le  atravesiS  el  cerebro.  .  .  . 
Samaniego  (era)  uno  de  los  mas  esforzados  capitanes  y  amado  de  todoa;  entemise  en  una  ramada, 
de  donde  despues  sus  huesos  fueron  trasladados  A  Compostela.^' 

'Compare  the  Spanish  text The  report  of  Diaz  is  incorporated  iu   the  letter  from  Mendoza  to 

the  King,  translated  herein.  This  letter  seems  to  imply  that  Diaz  staye*!  at  Chichilticalli;  but  if 
such  was  his  intention  when  writing  the  report  to  Mendoza,  he  must  have  changed  his  mind  and 
returned  with  Saldivar  as  far  as  Chiametla. 


W1N8HIP]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  481 

inhabitants  came  oat  to  welcome  their  governor  and  begged  him  not  to 
enter  the  town  till  the  day  after  Easter. 

Chapter  8,  of  hotr  the  army  entered  the  toicn  of  Culiacan  and  the  recep- 
tion it  received,  and  other  things  ichich  happened  before  the  departure. 

When  the  day  after  Easter  came,  the  army  started  in  the  morning  to 
go  to  the  town  and,  as  they  approached,  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
came  out  on  to  an  open  plain  with  foot  and  horse  drawn  up  in  ranks  as 
if  for  a  battle,  and  having  its  seven  bronze  pieces  of  artillery  in  position, 
making  a  show  of  defending  their  town.  Some  of  our  soldiers  were 
with  them.  Our  army  drew  up  in  the  same  way  and  began  a  skirmish 
with  them,  and  after  the  artillery  on  both  sides  had  been  flred  they 
were  driven  back,  just  as  if  the  town  had  been  taken  by  force  of  arms, 
which  was  a  pleasant  demonstration  of  welcome,  except  for  the  artil- 
leryman who  lost  a  hand  by  a  shot,  from  having  ordered  them  to  Are 
before  he  had  finished  drawing  out  the  ramrod.  After  the  town  was 
taken,  the  army  was  well  lodged  and  entertained  by  the  townspeople, 
who,  as  they  were  all  very  well-to-do  people,  took  all  the  gentlemen 
and  people  of  quality  who  were  with  the  army  into  their  own  apartments, 
although  they  had  lodgings  prepared  for  them  all  just  outside  the 
town.  Some  of  the  townspeople  were  not  ill  repaid  for  this  liospitality, 
because  all  had  started  with  fine  clothes  and  accouterments,  and  as 
they  had  to  carry  provisions  on  their  animals  after  this,  they  were  obliged 
to  leave  their  fine  stuff,  so  that  many  preferred  giving  it  to  their  hosts 
instead  of  risking  it  on  the  sea  by  putting  it  in  the  ship  that  had  followed 
the  army  along  the  coast  to  take  the  extra  baggage,  as  I  have  said.  After 
they  arrived  and  were  being  entertained  in  the  town,  the  general,  by 
order  of  the  viceroy  Don  Antonio,  left  Fernandarias  de  Saabedra,  uncle 
of  Hernandarias  de  Saabedra,  count  of  Oastellar,  formerly  mayor  of 
Seville,  as  his  lieutenant  and  captain  in  this  town.  The  army  rested 
here  several  days,  because  the  inhabitants  had  gatliered  a  good  stock 
of  provisions  that  year  and  each  one  shared  his  stock  very  gladly  with 
his  guests  from  our  army.  They  not  only  had  i)lenty  to  eat  here,  but 
they  also  had  plenty  to  take  away  with  them,  so  that  when  the  depart- 
ure came  they  started  oft"  with  more  than  six  hundred  loaded  animals, 
besides  the  friendly  Indians  and  the  servants — more  than  a  thousand 
persons.  After  a  fortnight  had  passed,  the  general  started  ahead  with 
about  fifty  horsemen  and  a  few  foot  soldiers  and  most  of  the  Indian 
allies,  leaving  the  army,  which  was  to  follow  him  a  fortnight  later, 
with  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  in  command  as  his  lieutenant. 

At  this  time,  before  his  departure,  a  pretty  sort  of  thing  happened 
to  the  general,  which  I  will  tell  for  what  it  is  worth.  A  young  soldier 
named  Trugillo  (Truxillo)  pretended  that  he  had  seen  a  vision  while  he 
was  bathing  in  the  river  which  seemed  to  be  something  extraordinary,' 


'  Compare  the  Spauinh  text  for  this  whole  paragrapii.    Ternaux  renders  this  clause  "feijfuant  d'6tre 
tr68-eifray6." 

14  ETH 31 


482  THE    COEONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  ann.U 

80  that  be  was  brought  before  the  general,  whom  he  gave  to  uuderstand 
that  the  devil  had  told  him  that  if  he  would  kill  the  general,  be  could 
marry  his  wife,  Dofia  Beatris,  and  would  receive  great  wealth  and  other 
very  fine  things.  Friar  Marcos  of  Nice  preached  several  sermons  on 
this,  laying  it  all  to  the  fact  that  the  devil  was  jealous  of  the  good  which 
must  result  from  this  journey  and  so  wished  to  break  it  up  in  this  way. 
It  did  not  end  here,  but  the  friars  who  were  in  the  expedition  wrote  to 
their  convents  about  it,  and  this  was  the  reason  the  pulpits  of  Mexico 
proclaimed  strange  rumors  about  this  affair. 

The  general  ordered  Truxillo  to  stay  in  that  town  and  not  to  go  on 
the  expedition,  wbicli  was  what  he  was  after  when  he  made  up  that 
falsehood,  judging  from  what  afterward  ap])eared  to  be  the  truth.  The 
general  started  off  with  the  force  already  described  to  continue  his 
journey,  and  the  army  followed  him,  as  will  be  related. 

Chapter  9,  of  how  the  army  started  from  Culiacan  and  the  arrival  of  the 
general  at  Cibola  and  of  the  army  at  Seiiora  and  of  other  things  that  hap- 
pened. 

The  general,  as  has  been  said,  started  to  continue  his  journey  from 
the  valley  of  Culiacan  somewhat  lightly  equipped,  taking  with  him  the 
friars,  since  none  of  them  wished  to  stay  behind  with  the  army.  After 
they  bad  gone  three  days,  a  regular  friar  who  could  say  mass,  named 
Friar  Antonio  Victoria,  broke  his  leg,  and  they  brought  him  back  from 
the  camp  to  have  it  doctored.  He  stayed  with  the  army  after  this, 
which  was  no  slight  consolation  for  all.  The  general  and  bis  force 
crossed  the  country  without  trouble,  as  they  found  everything  peaceful, 
because  the  Indians  knew  Friar  Marcos  and  some  of  the  others  who  had 
been  with  Melcbior  Diaz  when  he  went  with  Juan  de  Saldibar  to  inves- 
tigate. After  the  general  had  crossed  the  inhabited  region  and  came 
to  Chichilticalli,  wliere  the  wilderness  begins,  and  saw  nothing  favor- 
able, he  could  not  help  feeling  somewhat  downhearted,  for,  although 
the  reports  were  very  fine  about  what  was  ahead,  there  was  nobody  who 
had  seen  it  excejit  the  Indians  wbo  went  with  the  negro,  and  these  had 
already  been  caught  in  some  lies.  Besides  all  this,  be  was  mucli  affected 
by  seeing  that  the  fame  of  Chichilticalli  was  summed  up  in  one  tumble- 
down house  without  any  roof,  although  it  appeared  to  have  been  a 
strong  place  at  some  former  time  when  it  was  inhabited,  and  it  was  very 
plain  that  it  had  been  built  by  a  civilized  and  warlike  race  of  strangers 
who  bad  come  from  a  distance.  This  building  was  made  of  red  earth. 
From  here  they  went  on  through  the  wilderness,  and  in  fifteen  days 
came  to  a  river  about  8  leagues  from  Cibola,  which  they  called  Red 
river,'  because  its  waters  were  muddy  and  reddish.  In  this  river  they 
found  mullets  like  those  of  Spain.  The  first  Indians  from  that  country 
were  seen  here — two  of  them,  who  ran  away  to  give  the  news.    During 

'B.indclier,  iu  his  Gilded  Man.  iiiontifles  tliis  witli  Zuui  river.  The  Ilio  Verme.jo  of  JnramiUo  is 
the  Little  Colorado  or  Colorado  Chiquito.  ' 


W1N8HIP]  TKANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  483 

the  iiiy  bt  following  the  next  day,  about  2  leagues  from  the  village,  some 
Indians  in  a  safe  place  yelled  so  that,  although  the  men  were  ready  for 
anything,  some  were  so  excited  that  they  put  their  saddles  on  hind-side 
before;  but  these  were  the  new  fellows.  When  the  veterans  had 
mounted  and  ridden  round  the  camp,  the  Indians  fled.  None  of  them 
could  be  caught  because  they  knew  the  country. 

The  next  day  they  entered  the  settled  country  in  good  order,  and 
when  they  saw  the  first  village,  which  was  Qibola,  such  were  the  curses 
that  some  hurled  at  Friar  Marcos  that  I  pray  God  may  protect  him 
from  them. 

It  is  a  little,  unattractive  village,  looking  as  if  il^had  been  crumpled  all 
up  together.  There  are  mansions  in  New  Spain  which  make  a  better 
appearance  at  a  distance.'  It  is  a  village  of  about  200  warriors,  is 
three  and  four  stories  high,  with  the  houses  small  and  having  only  a  few 
rooms,  and  without  a  courtyard.  One  yard  serves  for  each  section. 
The  people  of  the  whole  district  had  collected  here,  for  there  are  seven 
villages  in  the  province,  and  some  of  the  others  are  even  larger  and 
stronger  than  Cibola.  These  folks  waited  for  the  army,  drawn  up  by 
divisions  in  front  of  the  village.  When  they  refused  to  have  peace  on 
the  terms  the  interpreters  extended  to  them,  but  ai)i)eared  defiant,  the 
Santiago'^  was  given,  and  they  were  at  once  put  to  flight.  The  Span- 
iards then  attacked  the  village,  which  was  taken  with  not  a  little  diffi- 
culty, since  they  held  the  narrow  and  crooked  entrance.  During  the 
attack  they  knocked  the  general  down  with  a  large  stone,  and  would 
have  killed  him  but  for  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  and  Hernando 
de  Alvarado,  who  threw  themselves  above  him  and  drew  "him  away, 
receiving  the  blows  of  the  stones,  which  were  not  few.  But  the  first 
fury  of  the  Spaniards  could  not  be  resisted,  and  in  less  than  an  hour 
they  entered  the  village  and  captured  it.  They  discovered  food  there, 
which  was  the  thing  they  were  most  in  need  of.^  After  this  the  whole 
province  was  at  peace.^ 

■Mota  Padilla,  p.  113;  "They  reached  Tzibola,  which  was  a  village  divided  into  two  parts,  which  were 
encircled  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the  village  round,  and  the  houses  adjoining  tlirec  and  four  stories 
high,  witli  doors  opening  on  a  great  court  or  plaza,  leaving  one  or  two  doors  in  the  wall,  so  as  to  gi> 
in  and  out.  In  t!ie  middle  of  the  plaza  there  is  a  hatchway  or  trapdoor,  by  which  tlicy  go  down  to  -i 
Bubterrancan  hall,  the  roof  of  which  was  of  large  pine  beams,  and  a  little  hearth  in  the  tloor,  and  the 
walls  jdastered.  The  Indian  men  stayed  there  days  and  nights  playing  (or  gaming)  and  the  women 
brought  them  food;  and  this  was  the  way  the  Indians  of  the  neighboring  villages  lived." 

-The  war  cry  or  "loud  iuvocation  addressed  to  Saint  James  before  engaging  in  battle  with  the  Infi- 
dels."— Captain  John  Stevens'  Dictionary. 

•■Compare  the  translation  of  the  Traslado  do  las  Nuevas  herein.  There  are  some  striking  resem- 
blances between  that  account  and  Cjlstafieda's  narrative. 

■1  Gomara,  Hist.  Indias,  cap.  ccxiii,  ed.  15.j4  :  "  Llegando  a  Sibola  reqnirieron  a  loa  del  pueblo  que  los 
recihiessen  de  paz;  ea  no  yuan  a  les  hazer  mal,  sine  muy  gran  bien,  y  prouecho,  y  que  les  diessen 
comida,  ca  Ueuauan  falta  de  ella.  Ellos  respondiei-on  que  no  querian,  i)ues  yuan  arniados.  y  en  son  de 
lea  dar  guerra:  que  t:d  semblantemostranan.  Assi  que  cobatieron  el  pueblo  los  uuestros,  defendieron 
lo  gran  rate  ochocientos  hombres,  (jue  di-ntro  estanan;  descalabraron  a  Francisco  Va/.<)uez,  capitan 
general  del  exercito,  y  a  otros  niuchos  Espanoles;  mas  al  cabose  salieron  huyendo.  Enlraron  los  nue- 
Btros  y  nombraron  la  Granada,  por  ainor  del  virrey.  q  es  natural  dela  de  Espana.  Es  Sibola  de  hasta 
dozietas  casas  de  tierra  y  madera  tosca,  altas  qnatro  y  cinco  sobrados,  y  las  juiertas  (^omo  escotillones 
de  nao,  suben  a  ellos  con  escaleras  de  palo,  que  quitan  de  noche  y  en  tieinpos  de  guerra.  Tiene  delante 
oada  casa  una  cueaa,  donde  como  en  estufa,  se  recogeu  los  inuiernos,  que  sim  largas,  y  de  muchas 


484  THT   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  1kth.a>n.i4 

The  army  which  had  stayed  with  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  started 
to  follow  their  general,  all  loaded  with  provisions,  with  lances  on  their 
shoulders,  and  all  on  foot,  so  as  to  have  the  horses  loaded.  With 
no  slight  labor  from  day  to  day,  they  reached  a  province  which 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  named  Hearts  (Corazones),  because  the  people 
here  ottered  him  many  hearts  of  animals.'  He  founded  a  town  here 
and  named  it  San  Hierouimo  de  los  Corazones  (Saint  Jerome  of  the 
Hearts).  After  it  bad  been  started,  it  was  seen  that  it  could  not  be 
kept  up  here,  and  so  it  was  afterward  transferred  to  a  valley  which 
had  been  calh'd  Senora.''  The  Spaniards  call  it  Seiiora,  and  so  it  will 
be  known  by  this  name. 

From  here  a  force  went  down  the  river  to  the  seacoast  to  find  the 
harbor  and  to  find  out  about  the  ships.  Don  Rodrigo  Maldonado,  who 
was  captain  of  tbose  who  went  in  search  of  the  ships,  did  not  tind  them, 
but  he  brought  back  with  him  an  Indian  so  large  and  tall  that  the  best 
man  in  the  army  reached  only  to  his  chest.  It  was  said  that  other 
Indians  were  even  taller  on  that  coast.  After  the  rains  ceased  the  army 
went  on  to  where  the  town  of  Senora  was  afterward  located,  because 
there  were  provisions  in  that  region,  so  that  they  were  able  to  wait 
there  for  orders  from  the  general. 

About  the  middle  of  the  month  of  October,^  Captains  Melchior  Diaz 
and  Juan  Gallego  came  from  Cibola,  Juan  Gallego  on  his  way  to  New 
S])ain  and  Melchior  Diaz  to  stay  in  the  new  town  of  Hearts,  in  com- 
mand of  the  men  who  remained  there.  He  was  to  go  along  the  coast 
in  search  of  the  shii)s. 

Chapter  10,  of  Iww  the  army  started  from  the  town  of  Senora,  leaving  it 
inhabited,  and  how  it  reached  Cibola,  and  of  what  happened  to  Captain 
Melchior  Diaz  on  his  expedition  in  search  of  the  ships  and  how  he  discov- 
ered the  Tison  {Firebrand)  river. 

After  Melchior  Diaz  and  Juan  Gallego  had  arrived  in  the  town  of 
Senora,  it  was  announced  that  the  army  was  to  depart  for  Cibola;  that 
Melchior  Diaz  was  to  remain  in  charge  of  that  town  with  80  men;  that 
Juan  Gallego  was  going  to  New  Spain  with  messages  for  the  viceroy, 
and  that  Friar  Marcos  was  going  back  with  him,  because  lie  did  not 
think  it  was  safe  for  him  to  stay  in  Cibola,  seeing  that  his  report  had 


nienes.  Aunqtie  qo  esta  maa  de  37}  grados  de  la  Gquinocial :  qne  sino  fneHse  por  laB  montands.  seria 
del  teuiplo  de  Sevilla.  La^  famoaas  sietc  ciudaden  de  fray  Marcos  de  Nii^a,  que  estuD  en  espacio  de  seys 
leguaa.  teman  obra  de  4.00U  hombret*.  Las  riquezafl  de  sti  reyno  es  no  teuer  qne  comer,  ni  qne  vestir, 
dnrado  la  nieve  sicte  mesefl." 

'Ovie<lD,  Historia,  vol.  iii.  lib.  xxxv,  cap.  vi,  p.  610  (ed.  1853),  aays  of  Cabe7.a  de  Vaca  and  his  com- 
]>anions:  "Piies  pa.saadas  la.s  sierras  qnes  dicho,  Uogaron  I'stos  quatro  chripstiauos  .  .  .  &  tres 
pueblos  que  estabun  Juntos  6  pequenos,  en  que  avia  hasta  veyntc  casas  en  ellos,  las  quales  erau  coino 
las  passadas  i*^  juntas,  .  .  .  &  este  pueblo,  6  n)ejordi<;iendo  pueblos  juntos,  uonibraron  los  chrlps- 
tianoH  la  Tilla  de  los  Corazones,  porque  les  dieron  alii  niAs  de  8eys<;ieutos  corazones  de  venadoa  escal- 
ades 6  secos."    Cabeza  de  Vaca  describes  this  place  in  his  Naufraffios,  p.  172  of  Smith's  translation. 

-  It  is  possible  that  the  persistant  use  of  the  form  Senora,  Madame,  for  the  place  Souora,  may  be  due 
t«  the  copyists,  although  it  is  as  likely  that  the  Spanish  settlers  made  the  change  in  their  common 
parlance. 
>  This  should  be  September.    See  the  next  chapter;  also  the  Itinerary. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  485 

turned  out  to  be  entirely  false,  because  the  kingdoms  that  he  had  told 
about  had  not  been  found,  nor  the  populous  cities,  nor  the  wealth  of 
gold,  nor  the  precious  stones  which  he  had  reported,  nor  the  fine  clothes, 
nor  other  things  that  had  been  proclaimed  from  the  pulpits.  When 
this  had  been  announced,  those  who  were  to  remain  were  selected  and 
the  rest  loaded  their  provisions  and  set  oft'  in  good  order  about  the  mid- 
dle of  September  on  the  way  to  Cibola,  following  their  general. 

Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  stayed  in  this  new  town  with  the  weakest 
men,  and  from  this  time  on  there  was  nothing  but  mutinies  and  strife, 
because  after  the  army  had  gone  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  took  25  of  the 
most  efticient  men,  leaving  in  his  place  one  Diego  de  Alcaraz,  a  man 
unfitted  to  have  people  under  his  command.  He  took  guides  and  went 
toward  the  north  and  west  in  search  of  the  seacoast.  After  going 
about  150  leagues,  they  came  to  a  province  of  exceedingly  tall  and  strong 
men — like  giants.  They  are  naked  and  live  in  large  straw  cabins  built 
underground  like  smoke  houses,  with  only  the  straw  roof  above  ground. 
They  enter  these  at  one  end  and  come  out  at  the  other.  More  than  a 
hundred  persons,  old  and  young,  sleep  in  one  cabin.'  When  they  carry 
anything,  they  can  take  a  load  of  more  than  three  or  four  hundredweight 
on  their  heads.  Once  when  our  men  wished  to  fetch  a  log  for  the  fire, 
and  six  men  were  unable  to  carry  it,  one  of  these  Indians  is  reported  to 
have  come  and  raised  it  in  his  arms,  put  it  on  his  head  alone,  and  car- 
ried it  very  easily.-  They  eat  bread  cooked  in  the  ashes,  as  big  as  the 
large  two-pound  loaves  of  Castile.  On  account  of  the  great  cold,  they 
carry  a  firebrand  (tison)  in  the  hand  when  they  go  from  one  place  to 
another,  with  which  they  warm  the  other  hand  and  the  body  as  well, 
and  in  this  way  they  keep  shifting  it  every  now  and  then.''  On  this 
account  the  large  river  which  is  in  that  country  was  called  Rio 
del  Tison  (Firebrand  river).  It  is  a  very  great  river  and  is  more  than 
2  leagues  wide  at  its  mouth;  here  it  is  half  a  league  across.     Here  the 


*Ban(lelier,  in  his  Final  Report,  vol.  i,  p.  108,  snggests  the  following  from  the  Relacionof  Padre  Sedel- 
mair,  S..T.,  1746,  which  he  quotes  from  the  manuscript :  "SusranchcHaa,  porgrandesdogentio  ([tie  Mean, 
sereilucen  il  nnad  doscaaas,  con  techode  terrado  y  zacate,  armadas  sobre  miichoshorconfs  por  pilarea 
con  viguelos  de  unos  A  otros,  y  b.a,jas,  tan  capaces  que  cabon  en  cada  una  mas  de  cion  i)er8ona8,  con  trea 
iliviHiones,  la  primera  una  enranjada  del  tamafio  de  la  casu  y  b;ya  para  donnir  eu  el  verano,  luego  la 
segunda  division  como  sala,  y  la  tercera  corao  alcoba,  dimde  ]>or  el  abrigo  meten  loa  vie.jos  y  vie,ia8, 
muchachitos  y  muehachitas,  escepto  los  ]umas  ijue  viven  entro  ellos,  que  cada  familia  tiene  su  choza 
aparte."    These  were  evidently  the  ancestors  of  the  Yuman  Indians  of  Arizona. 

^Fletcher,  in  The  World  Ercompasaed  by  Sir  Frauds  Drake,  p.  131,  (ed.  1854)  tells  a  similar  story  of 
some  Indians  whom  Brake  visited  on  the  coast  of  f'alifornia :  '*  Yet  are  tho  men  commonly  so  strong 
of  body,  that  that  which  2  or  3  of  our  men  could  hardly  beare,  one  of  them  would  lake  vpon  hla 
backe,  and  without  grudging,  carrie  it  easily  away,  vp  hill  and  downe  hill  an  English  mile  together." 
^lota  Padilla,  cap.  xxxii,  p.  158,  describes  an  attempt  to  catch  one  of  these  Indians;  "  Quiso  el 
capitan  [Melchior  Diaz]  remitir  A  un  iudio,  porque  el  virey  viese  su  corpulencia  y  hallando  Jl  un  man- 
cebo,  trataron  de  apresarlo;  mas  liizo  tal  resisteucia,  que  entre  quatro  eapaijoles  no  pudieron  amar- 
rarlo,  y  daba  tales  gritos,  que  los  obligaron  d  dejarlo,  per  no  iudiaponer  los  Animos  de  aquellos 
indios." 

'Father  Sedelmair,  in  hia  Relacion,  mentions  this  custom  of  the  In<lians.     (See  Bandolier,  Final 

Report,  vol.  i,  p.  108) :  "  Su  fraza<1a  eu  tiempo  de  frit*  es  un  tizon  eucendido  (jue  aplicandole  li  la  hoca 

.  del  eatomago  caminan  ])or  las  mafianas,  y  calentando  ya  el  sol  corao  A  las  ocho  tiran  los  tizones ,  rjue  por 

muchoaque  liayan  tirado  por  los  caminos,  pucden  .ser  guias  de  los  caminantes:  desnerteque  todoa 

estos  rios  puedeu  llarmarae  rioa  del  Tizon,  nombre  que  algunas  luapas  ponen  A  itno  solo.  ' 


486  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  ann.14 

captain  beard  that  there  had  been  ships  at  a  point  three  days  down 
toward  the  sea.  When  he  reached  the  place  where  the  ships  had  been, 
which  was  more  than  15  leagues  up  the  river  from  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor,  they  found  written  on  a  tree:  "Alarcon  reached  this  place; 
there  are  letters  at  the  foot  of  this  tree."  He  dug  up  the  letters  and 
learned  from  them  how  long  Alarcon  had  waited  for  news  of  the  army 
and  that  he  had  gone  back  with  the  ships  to  Ifew  Spain,  because  he  was 
unable  to  proceed  farther,  since  this  sea  was  a  bay,  which  was  formed 
by  the  Isle  of  the  Marquis,'  which  is  called  California,  and  it  was 
explained  that  California  was  not  an  island,  but  a  point  of  the  main- 
land forming  the  other  side  of  that  gulf. 

After  he  had  seen  this,  the  captain  turned  back  to  go  up  the  river, 
without  going  down  to  the  sea,  to  find  a  ford  by  which  to  cross  to  the 
other  side,  so  as  to  follow  the  other  bank.  After  they  had  gone  five  or 
six  days,  it  seemed  to  them  as  if  they  could  cross  on  rafts.  For  thia 
purpose  they  called  together  a  large  number  of  the  natives,  who  were 
waiting  for  a  favorable  opportunity  to  make  an  attack  on  our  men,  and 
when  they  saw  that  the  strangers  wanted  to  cross,  they  helped  make 
the  rafts  with  all  zeal  and  diligence,  so  as  to  catch  them  in  this  way  on 
the  water  and  drown  them  or  else  so  divide  them  that  they  could  not 
helji  one  another.  While  the  rafts  were  being  made,  a  soldier  who  had 
been  out  around  the  camp  saw  a  large  uumber  of  armed  men  go  across 
to  a  mountain,  where  they  were  waiting  till  the  soldiers  should  cross 
the  river.  He  reported  this,  and  an  Indian  was  quietly  shut  up,  in 
order  to  find  out  the  truth,  and  when  they  tortured  him  he  told  all  the 
arrangements  that  had  been  made.  These  were,  that  when  our  men 
were  crossing  and  part  of  them  had  got  over  and  part  were  on  the  river 
and  part  were  waiting  to  cross,  those  who  were  on  the  rafts  should 
drown  those  they  were  taking  across  and  the  rest  of  their  force  should 
make  an  attacik  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  If  they  had  had  as  much 
discretion  and  courage  as  they  had  strength  and  power,  the  attempt 
would  have  succeeded. 

When  he  knew  their  plan,  the  captain  had  the  Indian  who  had  C(m- 
fessed  the  attair  killed  secretly,  and  that  night  he  was  thrown  into  the 
river  with  a  weight,  so  that  the  Indians  would  not  suspect  tliat  tliey 
were  found  out.  The  next  day  they  noticed  that  our  men  suspected 
them,  and  so  they  made  an  attack,  shooting  showers  of  arrows,  but 
when  the  horses  began  to  catch  up  with  them  and  the  lances  wounded 
them  without  mercy  and  the  musketeers  likewise  made  good  shots,  tliey 
had  to  leave  the  plain  and  take  to  the  mountain,  until  not  a  man  of 
them  was  to  be  seen.  The  force  then  came  back  and  crossed  all  right, 
the  Indian  allies  and  the  Spaniards  going  across  on  the  rafts  and  the 
horses  swimming  alongside  the  rafts,  where  we  will  leave  them  to  con- 
tinue their  journey.^ 

'  Cortes. 

*  Mota  Padilla,  sec.  xxxii,  p.  158,  aays:  Molchior  Dias  paao  el  rio  del  Tison  "en  unoa  cestua  ifrandea 
que  los  indios  tieuen  aderezadoa  con  un  betum  que  no  lea  pa.sa  el  agua.  y  asidoa  de  vl  cuatro  6  aeia  indioa, 
lo  llevan  uadandu,     .  .     li  to  iiue  ayudaron  tainbien  laa  indiaa." 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  487 

To  relate  lio\r  the  army  tliat  was  on  its  way  to  Cibola  got  on :  Every- 
thing went  along  in  good  shape,  since  the  general  had  left  everything 
peaceful,  because  he  wished  the  people  in  that  region  to  be  contented 
and  without  fear  and  willing  to  do  what  they  were  ordered.  In  a 
province  called  Vacapan  there  was  a  large  quantity  of  priclily  pears,  of 
which  the  natives  make  a  great  deal  of  preserves.'  They  gave  this 
preserve  away  freely,  and  as  the  men  of  the  army  ate  much  of  it,  they 
all  fell  sicli  with  a  headache  and  fever,  so  that  the  natives  might  liave 
done  much  harm  to  the  force  if  they  had  wished.  This  lasted  regu- 
larly twenty-four  hours.  After  this  they  continued  their  march  until 
they  reached  Chichilticalli.  The  men  in  the  advance  guard  saw  a  flock 
of  sheep  one  day  after  leaving  this  place.  I  myself  saw  and  followed 
them.  They  had  extremely  large  bodies  and  long  wool;  tlieir  horns 
were  very  thick  and  large,  and  when  they  I'un  they  throw  back  their 
heads  and  i)ut  their  horns  ou  the  ridge  of  their  back.  They  are  used  to 
the  rough  country,  so  that  we  could  not  catch  them  and  had  to  leave 
them.'-' 

Three  days  after  we  entered  the  wilderness  we  found  a  horn  on  the 
bank  of  a  river  tliat  flows  in  the  bottom  of  a  very  steep,  deep  gully, 
which  the  general  had  noticed  and  left  there  for  his  army  to  see,  for  it 
was  six  feet  long  and  as  thick  at  the  base  as  a  man's  thigh.  It  seemed 
to  be  more  like  the  horn  of  a  goat  than  of  any  other  animal.  It  was 
something  worth  seeing.  The  army  proceeded  and  was  about  a  day's 
march  from  Cibola  when  a  very  cold  tornado  came  up  in  the  afternoon, 
followed  by  a  great  fall  of  snow,  which  was  a  bad  combination  for  the 
carriers.  The  army  went  on  till  it  reached  some  caves  in  a  rocky  ridge, 
late  in  the  evening.  The  Indian  allies,  who  were  from  5few  Spain,  and 
for  the  most  part  from  warm  countries,  were  in  great  danger.  They 
felt  the  coldness  of  that  day  so  much  that  it  was  hard  work  the  next 
day  taking  care  of  them,  for  they  suffered  much  i)ain  and  had  to  be 
carried  on  the  horses,  the  soldiers  w'alking.  After  this  labor  the  army 
reached  Cibola,  where  their  general  was  waiting  for  them,  with  tlieir 
quarters  all  ready,  and  here  they  were  reunited,  except  some  captains 
and  men  who  had  gone  ott'  to  discover  other  provinces. 

Chapter  11,  of  how  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  discovered  Tusayan  or  Tuta- 
haco'  and  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  saw  the  Firebrand  river  and  the 
other  things  that  had  happened. 

While  the  things  already  described  were  taking  place,  Cibola  being  at 
peace,  the  General  Francisco  Vazquez  found  out  from  the  people  of  the 


'  The  Znnis  make  a  similar  sort  of  pre8er\'es  froBi  the  froit  of  the  tuna  and  the  yucca.  See  Gushing 
In  The  Millstone,  Indianapolis,  July,  1884,  ii]).  108-109. 

'■'Compare  the  Spanish  text  for  this  whole  description.  Mota  Padilla,  sec.  xxii,  6,  p.  H:i.  says: 
"  Chiehilticali  (que  tiuiere  decir  casa  colorada,  por  uua  que  estaba  en  el  euibarrada  eon  tierra  eolorada, 
que  llaniau  almagre) ;  aqui  so  hallaron  |)inos  con  grandes  pifias  ile  ]>iriouea  uuiy  huenos;  yniasaile- 
lante,  en  la  ciuiadeunaspeuas,  se  hallaron  cahezas  de  carneros  de  jjrandes  ciiernos,  y  algunos  dijerou 
haber  visto  tres  6  cuatro  carneros  de  aquellos,  y  (lue  eran  niuy  li<;eros  (de  estos  aniniales  .se  ban 
visto  en  el  Catay,  que  es  la  Tartaria.)  '' 

^Compare  chapter  13.     These  two  groups  of  pueblos  were  not  the  same. 


488  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.axn.u 

province  about  tbe  provinces  that  lay  around  it,  and  got  them  to  tell 
their  friends  and  neighbors  that  Christians  had  come  into  the  country, 
whose  only  desire  was  to  be  their  friends,  and  to  find  out  about  good 
lands  to  live  in,  and  for  them  to  come  to  see  the  strangers  and  talk  with 
them.  They  did  this,  since  they  know  how  to  communicate  with  one 
another  in  these  regions,  and  they  informed  him  about  a  province  with 
seven  villages  of  the  same  sort  as  theirs,  although  somewhat  difi'erent. 
They  had  nothing  to  do  with  these  peoi)le.  This  province  is  called 
Tusayan.  It  is  twenty-five  leagues  from  Cibola.  The  villages  are  high 
and  the  people  aie  warlike. 

The  general  had  sent  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  to  these  villages  with 
seventeen  horsemen  and  three  or  four  foot  soldiers,  Juan  de  Padilla,  a 
Franciscan  friar,  who  had  been  a  fighting  man  in  his  youth,  went  with 
them.  When  they  reached  the  region,  they  entered  the  country  so 
quietly  that  nobody  observed  them,  because  there  were  no  settlements 
or  farms  between  one  village  and  another  and  the  people  do  not  leave 
the  villages  except  to  go  to  their  farms,  especially  at  this  time,  when 
they  had  heard  that  Cibola  had  been  captured  by  very  fierce  people, 
Avho  traveled  on  animals  which  ate  people.  This  information  was  gen- 
erally believed  by  those  who  had  never  seen  horses,  although  it  was  so 
strange  as  to  cause  much  wonder.  Our  men  arrived  after  nightfall 
and  were  able  to  conceal  themselves  under  the  edge  of  the  village, 
where  they  heard  the  natives  talking  in  their  houses.  But  in  the  morn- 
ing they  were  discovered  and  drew  up  in  regular  order,  while  the 
natives  came  out  to  meet  them,  with  bows,  and  shields,  and  wooden 
cltibs,  drawn  up  in  lines  without  any  confusion.  The  interpreter  was 
given  a  chance  to  si)eak  to  them  and  give  them  due  warning,  for  tliey 
were  very  intelligent  people,  but  nevertheless  they  drew  lines  and 
insisted  that  our  men  should  not  go  across  these  lines  toward  their 
village.'  While  they  were  talking,  some  men  acted  as  if  they  would 
cross  the  lines,  and  one  of  the  natives  lost  control  of  himself  and  struck 
a  horse  a  blow  on  the  cheek  of  the  bridle  with  his  club.  Friar  Juan, 
fretted  by  the  time  that  was  being  wasted  in  talking  with  them,  said 
to  the  captain :  "To  tell  the  truth,  I  do  not  know  why  we  came  here." 
When  the  men  heard  this,  they  gave  the  Santiago  so  suddenly  that 
they  ran  down  many  Indians  and  the  others  tied  to  the  town  in  confu- 
sion. Some  indeed  did  not  have  a  chance  to  do  this,  so  quickly  did 
the  people  in  the  village  come  out  with  presents,  asking  for  peace.'*  The 
captain  ordered  his  force  to  collect,  and,  as  the  natives  did  not  do  any 
more  harm,  he  and  those  who  were  with  him  found  a  place  to  establish 
their  headquarters  near  the  village.  They  had  dismounted  here  when 
the  natives  came  peacefully,  saying  that  they  had  come  to  give  in  the 
submission  of  the  whole  province  and  that  they  wanted  bim  to  be 
friends  with  them  and  to  accept  the  presents  which  they  gave  liim. 


'Compare  the  lines  which  the  Hopi  or  M  ki  Imliaiin  still  mark  with  sacred  meal  daring  their  festi- 
vals, as  described  hy  Dr  Fewkes  in  iiis  "Few  Slimmer  Ceremonials."  in  vol.  ii  of  the  JourDal  of 
Aiiiericim  Ethnology  and  Archaiolug.y. 

3  Compare  tlie  Spanish  text. 


W1N8BIP]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  489 

This  was  some  cottou  cloth,  although  not  much,  because  they  do  not 
make  it  in  that  district.  Tliey  also  j^ave  hiui  some  dressed  skins  and 
corn  meal,  and  pine  nuts  and  corn  and  birds  of  the  country.  After- 
ward they  presented  some  turquoises,  but  not  many.  The  people  of 
the  whole  district  came  together  that  day  and  submitted  themselves, 
and  they  allowed  him  to  enter  their  villages  freely  to  visit,  buy,  sell, 
and  barter  with  them. 

It  is  governed  like  Cibola,  by  an  assembly  of  the  oldest  men.  They 
have  their  governors  and  generals.  This  was  where  they  obtained  the 
information  about  a  large  river,  and  that  several  days  down  the  river 
there  were  some  people  with  very  large  bodies. 

As  Do!i  Pedro  de  Tovar  was  not  commissioned  to  go  farther,  he 
returned  from  there  and  gave  this  information  to  the  general,  who  dis- 
patched Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  with  about  twelve  companions 
to  go  to  see  this  river.  He  was  well  received  when  he  reached  Tusayan 
and  was  entertained  by  the  natives,  who  gave  him  guides  for  his  jour- 
ney. They  started  from  here  loaded  with  provisions,  for  they  had  to 
go  through  a  desert  country  before  reaching  the  inhabited  region, 
which  the  Indians  said  was  more  than  twenty  days'  journey.  After 
they  had  gone  twenty  days  they  came  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  which 
seemed  to  be  more  than  5  or  4  leagues  above  the  stream  which  flowed 
between  them.'  This  country  was  elevated  and  full  of  low  twisted 
pines,  very  cold,  and  lying  open  toward  the  north,  so  that,  this  being  the 
warm  season,  no  one  could  live  there  on  account  of  the  cold.  They 
spent  three  days  on  this  bank  looking  for  a  passage  down  to  the  river, 
which  looked  from  above  as  if  the  water  was  0  feet  across,  although  the 
Indians  said  it  was  half  a  league  wide.  It  was  impossible  to  descend, 
for  after  these  three  days  Captain  Melgosa  and  one  Juan  Galeras 
and  another  companion,  who  were  the  three  lightest  and  most  agile 
men,  made  an  attempt  to  go  down  at  the  least  difficult  i)lace,  and  went 
down  until  those  who  were  above  were  unable  to  keep  sight  of  them. 
They  returned  about  4  oclock  in  the  afternoon,  not  having  succeeded 
in  reaching  the  bottom  on  account  of  the  great  difficulties  which  they 
found,  because  what  seemed  to  be  easy  from  above  was  not  so,  but 
instead  very  hard  and  difficult.  They  said  that  they  had  been  down 
about  a  third  of  the  way  and  that  the  river  seemed  very  large  from  the 
place  which  they  reached,  and  that  from  what  they  saw  they  thought 
the  Indians  had  given  the  width  correctly.  Those  who  stayed  above 
had  estimated  that  some  huge  rocks  on  the  sides  of  the  cliffs  seemed  to 
be  about  as  tall  as  a  man,  but  those  who  went  down  swore  that  when 
they  reached  these  rocks  they  were  bigger  than  the  great  tower  of 
Seville.  They  did  not  go  farther  up  the  river,  because  they  could  not 
get  water.  Before  this  they  had  had  to  go  a  league  or  two  inland 
every  day  late  in  the  evening  in  order  to  find  water,  and  the  guides 
said  that  if  they  should  go  four  days  farther  it  would  not  be  possible 


'Com  pare  the  Spanish  text.    Ternaux  translates  it:  "LeHl>ord8  80ntt«liementi-lev£8qu'ilsfroyaient 
6tre  k  trois  on  quatre  Ueues  en  Tair." 


490  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ans.u 

to  go  on,  because  there  was  no  water  within  three  or  fonr  days,  for  when 
they  travel  across  this  region  themselves  tliey  take  with  them  women 
loaded  with  water  in  gourds,  and  bury  tlie  gourds  of  water  along  the 
way,  to  use  when  thej'  return,  and  besides  this,  they  travel  in  one  day 
over  what  it  takes  ns  two  days  to  accomjilish. 

This  was  the  Tison  (Firebrand)  river,  mucli  nearer  its  source  tlian 
where  Melchior  Diaz  and  his  company  crossed  it.  These  were  the 
same  kind  of  Indians,  Judging  from  wliat  was  afterward  learned. 
They  came  back  from  this  point  and  the  expedition  did  not  liave  any 
other  result.  On  the  way  they  saw  some  water  falling  over  a  rock  and 
learned  from  the  guides  that  some  bunches  of  crystals  which  were 
hanging  there  were  salt.  They  went  and  gathered  a  quantity  of  this 
and  brought  it  back  to  Cibola,  dividing  it  among  those  who  were 
there.  They  gave  the  general  a  written  account  of  what  they  had 
seen,  because  one  Pedro  de  Sotomayor  had  gone  with  Don  Garcia  Lopez 
as  chronicler  for  the  army.  The  villages  of  that  province  remained 
peaceful,  since  they  were  uever  visited  again,  nor  was  any  attempt 
made  to  find  other  peoples  in  that  direction. 

Chapter  12,  of  how  people  came  from  Gicuye  to  Cibola  io  see  the  Chris- 
tians, and  how  Hernando  de  Alvarado  trent  to  see  the  cows. 

While  they  were  making  these  discoveries,  some  Indians  came  to 
Cibola  from  a  village  which  was  70  leagues  east  of  this  province,  called 
Cicuye.  Among  them  was  a  captain  who  was  called  Bigotes  (Whiskers) 
by  our  men,  because  he  wore  a  long  mustache.  He  was  a  tall,  well-built 
young  fellow,  with  a  line  figure.  He  told  tlie  general  that  they  had 
come  in  response  to  tlie  notice  which  liad  been  given,  to  oft'er  them- 
selves as  friends,  and  that  if  we  wanted  to  go  through  their  country 
they  would  consider  us  as  their  friends.  They  brought  a  present  of 
tanned  hides  and  shields  and  head-pieces,  which  were  very  gladly  re- 
ceived, aiul  the  general  giive  them  some  glass  dishes  and  a  number  of 
pearls  and  little  bells  which  they  prized  highly,  because  these  were 
things  they  had  never  seen.  They  described  some  cows  which,  from 
a  picture  that  one  of  them  had  painted  on  his  skin,  seemed  to  be 
cows,  although  from  tlie  hides  this  did  not  seem  possible,  because  the 
hair  was  wooUj^  and  snarled  so  that  we  could  not  tell  what  sort  of  skins 
they  had.  The  general  ordered  Hernando  de  Alvarado  to  take  20  com- 
panions and  go  with  them,  and  gave  him  a  commission  for  eighty  days, 
after  which  he  shoiild  return  to  give  an  account  of  what  ho  had  found.' 

Captain  Alvarado  started  on  this  journey  and  in  live  days  reached  a 
village  which  was  on  a  rock  called  Acuco-  having  a  population  of  about 
200  men.    These  people  were  robbers,  feared  by  the  whole  country 

'The  report  of  Alvarado,  trauslated  herein,  Is  probably  the  ofBcial  account  of  'what  he  accom- 
plisheil. 

'In  regard  to  the  famous  rock  fortress  of  Aconia  see  Bandolier's  Introduction,  p.  14,  and  liis  Final 
Ke7»nrt,  vol.  i,  p.  133.  Tlie  Spaniards  called  it  b.y  a  name  resembling  that  which  tht-y  beard  applied  to 
it  in  Zani-Ciliola.  Tbe  true  Zufii  name  of  Acoiua,  tm  the  authority  of  Mr  F.  W.  Ilodgc,  is  H:ilvukta; 
that  of  the  Acoma  peoj>le,  Hjikukwe. 


wiNsHir]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  491 

round  about.  The  village  was  very  stroug,  because  it  was  up  on  a  rock 
out  of  reach,  having  steep  sides  in  every  direction,  and  so  high  that  it 
was  a  very  good  musket  that  could  throw  a  ball  as  liigh.  There  Avas 
only  one  entrance  by  a  stairway  built  by  hand,  whicji  began  at  the  top 
of  a  slope  which  is  around  the  foot  of  the  rock.  There  was  a  broad 
stairway  for  about  200  steps,  then  a  stretch  of  about  100  narrower 
steps,  and  at  the  top  they  had  to  go  up  about  three  times  as  high  as  a 
man  by  means  of  holes  in  the  rock,  in  which  they  put  the  points  of  their 
feet,  holding  on  at  the  same  time  by  their  hands.  There  was  a  wall  of 
large  and  small  stones  at  the  top,  which  they  could  roll  down  without 
showing  themselves,  so  that  no  army  could  possibly  be  strong  enough 
to  capture  the  village.  On  the  top  they  had  room  to  sow  and  store  a 
large  amount  of  corn,  and  cisterns  to  collect  snow  and  water.  These 
peoi)le  came  down  to  the  plain  ready  to  light,  and  would  not  listen  to 
any  arguments.  They  drew  lines  on  the  ground  and  determined  to 
I)revcnt  our  men  from  crossing  these,  but  when  they  saw  that  they 
would  have  to  fight  they  offered  to  make  peace  before  any  harm  had 
been  done.  They  went  through  their  forms  of  making  peace,  which  is 
to  touch  the  horses  and  take  their  sweat  and  rub  themselves  with  it, 
and  to  make  crosses  with  the  fingers  of  the  hands.  But  to  make  the 
most  secure  peace  they  put  their  hands  across  each  other,  and  they  keep 
this  jieace  inviolably.  They  made  a  jireseut  of  a  large  number  of  [tur- 
key-] cocks  with  very  big  wattles,  much  bread,  tanned  deerskins,  pine 
[pinon]  nuts,  flour  [corn  meal],  and  corn. 

From  here  they  went  to  a  province  called  Triguex,'  three  days  dis- 
tant. The  i^eople  all  came  out  peacefully,  seeing  that  Whiskers  was 
with  them.  These  men  are  feared  throughout  all  those  provinces.  Al  va- 
rado  sent  messengers  back  from  here  to  advise  the  general  to  come  and 
winter  in  this  country.  The  general  was  not  a  little  relieved  to  hear 
that  the  country  was  growing  better.  Five  days  from  here  he  came  to 
Cicuj'e,^  a  very  strong  village  four  stories  high.  The  i)eople  came  out 
from  the  village  with  signs  of  joy  to  welcome  Hernando  de  Alvarado  and 
their  captain,  and  brought  them  into  the  town  with  drums  and  i)ii)es 
something  like  flutes,  of  which  they  have  a  great  many.  They  made 
many  presents  of  cloth  and  turquoises,  of  which  there  are  quantities 
in  tliat  region.  The  Spaniards  enjoyed  themselves  here  for  several  days 
and  talked  with  an  Indian  slave,  a  native  of  the  country  toward  Florida, 
which  is  the  region  Don  Fernando  de  Soto  discovered.  This  fellow  said 
that  there  were  large  settlements  in  the  farther  ])art  of  that  country. 
Hernando  de  Alvarado  took  him  to  guide  them  to  tliecows;  but  he  told 
them  so  many  and  such  great  things  about  the  wealth  of  gold  and  silver 
in  his  country  that  they  did  not  care  about  lookin  g  for  cows,  but  returned 
after  they  had  seen  some  few,  to  report  the  rich  news  to  the  general. 

'An  error  for  Tiguex,  at  or  near  the  present  Bernalillo.  SlmpHon  localeil  this  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Piierro,  southeast  of  Acoma,  but  I  ftiUow  BaniU'licr,  acronlmg  to  whom  Alvarado  pursued  a 
northeasterly  direi^tion  from  Afoma.     See  his  IiitriKluction,  p.  :J0,  and  Filial  Report,  vol.  i,  i».  129. 

*Peco9.    BesuU'S  his  Final  Report,  vol.  i,  p.  127,  see  Baudelier's  Report  on  the  Pecos  Ruins. 


492  THE    CORONAOO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  |eih.ann.14 

They  called  tlie  Indian  ''Turk,"  because  he  looked  like  one.'  Meanwhile 
the  general  had  sent  Bon  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  to  Tiguex  with  men 
to  get  lodgings  ready  for  the  army,  which  had  arrived  from  Senora 
about  this  time,  before  taking  them  there  for  the  winter;  and  when 
Hernando  de  Alvarado  reached  Tiguex,  on  his  way  back  from  Cicuye, 
he  found  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  there,  and  so  there  was  no 
need  for  him  to  go  farther.  As  it  was  necessary  that  the  natives  should 
give  the  Spaniards  lodging  places,  the  people  in  one  village  had  to 
abandon  it  and  go  to  others  belonging  to  their  friends,  and  they  took 
with  them  nothing  but  themselves  and  the  clothes  they  had  on.  Infor- 
mation was  obtained  here  about  many  towns  up  toward  the  north,  and 
I  believe  that  it  would  have  been  much  better  to  follow  this  direction 
than  that  of  the  Turk,  who  was  the  cause  of  all  the  misfortunes  which 
followed. 

Chapter  13,  of  how  the  general  went  toward  Tutahaco  with  a  few  men 
and  left  the  army  tcith  Don  Tristan,  who  took  it  to  Tiguea: 

Everything  already  related  had  happened  when  Don  Tristan  de  Are- 
llano reached  Cibola  from  Senora.  Soon  after  he  arrived,  the  general, 
who  had  received  notice  of  a  province  containing  eight  villages,  took 
30  of  the  men  who  were  most  fully  rested  and  went  to  see  it,  going 
from  there  directly  to  Tiguex  with  the  skilled  guides  wlio  conducted 
him.  lie  left  orders  for  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  to  proceed  to  Tiguex 
by  the  direct  road,  after  the  men  had  rested  twenty  days.  On  this 
journey,  between  one  day  when  they  left  the  camping  place  and  mid- 
day of  the  third  day,  when  they  saw  some  snow-covered  mountains, 
toward  which  they  went  in  search  of  water,  neither  the  Spaniards 
nor  the  horses  nor  the  servants  drank  iinything.  They  were  able 
to  stand  it  because  of  the  severe  cold,  although  witli  great  diffi- 
culty.    In  eight  days  they  reached  Tutahaco,^  where  they  learned  that 

'The  accoant  ■which  Mota  Patlilla  (cap.  xxxii,  5,  p.  161)  gives  of  the  Turk  aiul  Ills  storii's  ia  very 
8jj;nificaiit;  Alvarado  "halhi  un  iutlio  en  aquelloa  llanos  quien  le  dijo,  mas  por  fteuas  quo  per  voces,  sor 
<le  una  provincia  quo  distaha  treinta  soles,  la  cual  se  llamaha  Copala,  y  al  indio  se  le  pnao  per  nomhre 
el  Turco,  por  ser  miiy  moreno,  aperaouado  y  de  bueiia  disposicion ;  y  lea  dijo  tantaa  cosaa  de  aquella 
provincia,  que  loa  puso  en  admiracion,  y  en  especial  quo  hahia  tanta  cantidad  do  oro,  quo  no  aido 
podian  cargnr  loa  caballos,  sino  carros;  que  hahia  una  laguna  en  la  que  navegahan  canoas.  y  <ine  las 
del  cacique  tenian  argollas  de  oro;  y  para  que  se  cxplicase,  le  mostraban  plata,  y  decia  que  no,  sino 
como  nil  anillo  que  vio  de  oro :  decia  que  ll  su  cacique  lo  sacaban  en  audaa  A  las  guerras,  y  que  euaudo 
queria,  lea  quitaban  los  hoziiloa  d  unoa  lebreles  quo  despedazahan  A  loa  euerai;;o.s ;  que  tenian  una  easa 
muy  grande,  adonde  todos  acudian  A  servirle;  que  en  las  puertaa  teniae  mantaa  de  algodon." 

Gomarn,  Indias,  cap.  ccxiiii,  adds  some  details:  "  Viendo  lapociv  gcnte,  y  mu<'atra  do  riqueza,  dieron 
loa  Boldadosniuy  pocaa  graciaa  a  los  fray les,  quo  conellos  yuan,  yque  loauan  aquella  tierra do  Sibola:  y 
por  no  boluer  a  Mexico  sin  hazer  algo,  ni  las  nianos  vazias,  acordaron  de  passar  adelante,  (pio  les  dezian 
sermejor  tierra.  Asai  quo  fueron  a  Acuco,  lugar  aobre  v«  forlisainiopefiol,  y  desde  alii  fue  don  Oarci 
lopez  de  Cardenas  con  su  compafiia  de  cauallos  a  la  mar,  y  Francisco  Vazquez  con  los  de  mas  a  Tiguex, 
quoesta  ribera  de  vngran  rio.  AUi  tuuieron  nueuade  Axa,  y  Quiuira;  donde  dezian,  queestaua  vn  Uey, 
dicho  por  nonibre  Tatarrax,  barhudo,  canoa,  y  rico,  que  ceDia  vn  bracamarte,  que  rezaua  cu  lioras,  que 
adoraua  vna  cruz  do  oro,  y  vna  ymagen  de  muger,  Senora  Del  cielo.  Mucho  alegro,  y  sostuuo  eata 
nueua  al  exercito,  aunqne  algunos  la  tuuieron  por  falsa,  y  echadiza  de  fraylea.  Determinaron  yr  alia 
con  intencion  de  inuernar  en  tierra  tan  rica  como  so  sonaua." 

^Coronado  probably  reached  the  Kio  Grande  near  the  present  Isleta.  .Taraniillo  applies  this  name 
to  Aconia,  and  jierhaps  he  ia  more  correct,  if  we  ought  loread  it  Tulahaiu.  since  the  Tiguas  (the 
inhabitants  of  Jsleta,  Sandia,  Taos,  and  Picuris  ])ueblos)  call  Acoma  Tuthea-u&y,  according  to 
Bandelier,  Gilded  Man,  p.  211. 


wissHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTAXEDA  493 

tliere  were  other  towns  down  the  river.  These  people  were  peaceful. 
The  villages  are  terraced,  like  those  at  Tiguex,  and  of  the  same  style. 
The  general  went  up  the  river  from  here,  visiting  the  whole  province, 
until  he  reached  Tiguex,  wliere  he  found  Hernando  de  Alvarado  and 
the  Turk.  He  felt  no  slight  joy  at  such  good  news,  because  the  Turk 
said  that  in  his  country  there  was  a  river  in  the  level  country  which 
was  2  leagues  wide,  in  which  there  were  fishes  as  big  as  horses,  and 
large  numbers  of  very  big  canoes,  with  more  than  20  rowers  on  a  side, 
and  that  they  carried  sails,  and  that  their  lords  sat  on  the  poop  under 
awnings,  and  on  the  prow  they  had  a  great  golden  eagle.  He  said  also 
that  the  lord  of  that  country  took  his  afternoon  nap  under  a  great  tree 
on  which  were  hung  a  great  number  of  little  gold  bells,  which  put  him 
to  sleep  as  they  swung  in  the  air.  He  said  also  that  everyone  had 
their  ordinary  dishes  made  of  wrought  plate,  and  the  jugs  and  bowls 
were  of  gold.  He  called  gold  acochis.  For  the  present  he  was  be- 
lieved, on  account  of  the  ease  with  which  he  told  it  and  because  they 
showed  him  metal  orna'ments  and  he  recognized  them  and  said  they 
were  not  gold,  and  he  knew  gold  and  silver  very  well  and  did  not  care 
anything  about  other  metals. 

The  general  sent  Hernando  de  Alvarado  back  to  (Jicuye  to  demand 
some  gold  bracelets  which  this  Turk  said  they  had  taken  from  him  at 
the  time  they  captured  him.  Alvarado  went,  and  was  received  as  a 
friend  at  the  village,  and  when  he  demanded  the  bracelets  they  said 
they  knew  nothing  at  all  about  them,  saying  the  Turk  was  deceiving 
him  and  was  lying.  Captain  Alvarado,  seeing  that  there  were  no  other 
means,  gotthe  captain  Whiskers  and  the  governor  to  come  to  his  tent,  and 
when  they  had  come  he  put  them  in  chains.  The  villagers  prepared  to 
light,  and  let  fly  their  arrows,  denouncing  Hernando  de  Alvarado,  and 
saying  that  he  was  a  man  who  had  no  respect  for  peace  and  friendship. 
Hernando  de  Alvarado  started  back  to  Tiguex,  where  the  general  kept 
them  prisoners  more  than  six  months.  This  began  the  want  of  confi- 
dence in  the  word  of  the  Spaniards  whenever  there  was  talk  of  peace 
from  this  time  on,  as  will  be  seen  by  what  happened  afterward. 

Chapter  14,  of  how  the  army  went  from  Cibola  to  Tiguex  and  what 
happened  to  them  on  the  way,  on  account  of  the  snow. 

We  have  already  said  that  when  the  general  started  from  Cibola,  he 
left  orders  for  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  to  start  twenty  days  later.  He 
did  so  as  soon  as  he  saw  that  the  men  were  well  rested  and  provided 
with  food  and  eager  to  start  off  to  find  their  general.  He  set  off  with 
his  force  toward  Tiguex,  and  the  first  day  they  made  their  camp  in  the 
best,  largest,  and  finest  village  of  that  (Cibola)  province.'  This  is  the 
only  village  that  has  houses  with  seven  stories.  In  this  village  certain 
houses  are  used  as  fortresses;  they  are  higher  than  the  others  and  set 

'This  was  Matsaki,  at  the  northwestern  base  of  Thunder  mountain,  about  18  miles  from  Hawikuh, 
where  the  a*lvance  force  bad  encamped. 


494  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

up  above  tlieiii  like  towers,  and  there  are  embrasures  and  loopholes  in 
them  for  defending  the  roofs  of  the  dittierent  stories,  because,  like  the 
other  villages,  they  do  not  have  streets,  and  the  flat  roofs  are  all  of  a 
height  and  are  used  in  common.  The  roofs  have  to  be  reached  first, 
and  these  upper  houses  are  the  means  of  defending  them.  It  begau  to 
snow  on  us  there,  and  the  force  took  refuge  under  the  wings  of  the 
village,  which  extend  out  like  balconies,  witli  wooden  pillars  beneath, 
because  they  generally  use  ladders  to  go  uj)  to  those  balconies,  since 
they  do  not  have  any  doors  below. 

The  army  continued  its  march  from  here  after  it  stopped  snowing,  and 
as  the  season  had  already  advanced  into  December,  during  the  ten  days 
that  the  army  was  delayed,  it  did  not  fail  to  snow  during  the  evenings 
and  nearly  every  night,  so  that  they  had  to  clenr  away  a  large  amount 
of  snow  when  they  came  to  where  they  wanted  to  make  a  camp.  The 
road  could  not  be  seen,  but  the  guides  managed  to  find  it,  as  they 
knew  the  country.  There  are  junipers  and  pines  all  over  the  country, 
which  they  used  in  making  large  brushwood  fires,  the  smoke  and  heat 
of  which  melted  the  snow  from  2  to  -t  yards  all  around  the  fire.  It 
was  a  dry  snow,  so  that  although  it  fell  on  the  baggage  and  covered 
it  for  half  a  man's  height  it  did  not  hurt  it.  It  fell  all  night  long,  cov- 
ering the  baggage  and  tlie  soldiers  and  their  beds,  piling  up  in  the 
air,  so  that  if  anyone  had  suddenly  come  upon  the  army  nothing  would 
have  been  seen  but  mountains  of  snow.  The  horses  stood  half  buried 
in  it.  It  kept  those  who  were  underneath  warm  instead  of  cold.  The 
army  passed  by  the  great  rock  of  Acuco,  and  the  natives,  who  were 
peaceful,  entertained  our  men  well,  giving  them  provisions  and  birds, 
although  there  are  not  many  people  here,  as  I  have  said.  Many  of  the 
gentlemen  went  up  to  the  top  to  see  it,  and  they  had  great  difficulty  in 
going  up  the  steps  in  the  rock,  because  they  were  not  used  to  them,  for 
the  natives  go  up  and  down  so  easily  that  they  carry  loads  and  the 
■women  carry  water,  and  they  do  not  seem  even  to  touch  their  hands, 
although  our  men  had  to  pass  their  weapons  up  from  one  to  another. 

From  here  they  went  on  to  Tiguex,  where  they  were  well  received 
and  taken  care  of,  and  the  great  good  news  of  the  Turk  gave  no  little 
joy  and  helped  lighten  their  hard  labors,  although  when  the  army 
arrived  we  found  the  whole  country  or  province  in  revolt,  for  reasons 
which  were  not  slight  in  themselves,  as  will  be  shown,  and  our  men  had 
also  burnt  a  village  the  day  before  the  army  arrived,  and  returned  to 
the  camp.' 

Chapter  1')^  of  why  Tiguex  revolted^  and  hoic  they  were  punished,  with- 
out heinfi  to  blame  for  it. 

It  has  been  related  how  the  general  reached  Tiguex,  where  he  found 
Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  and  Hernando  de  Alvarado,  and  how  he 


iTh«  Spanish  uiauuBcript  is  very  confusinj;  througbout  tiiis  chapter.    As  usual,  Ternaux  passes 
over  most  of  the  passaj^es  which  have  given  trouhle,  omitting  what  he  could  not  guess. 


wiNsHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  495 

sent  the  latter  back  to  Oicuye,  where  he  took  the  captain  Whiskers  and 
the  governor  of  the  village,  who  was  an  old  man,  prisoners.  The  people 
of  Tiguex  did  not  feel  well  about  this  seizure.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
general  wished  to  obtain  some  clothing  to  divide  among  his  soldiers, 
and  for  this  purpose  he  summoned  one  of  the  chief  Indians  of  Tiguex, 
with  whom  he  had  already  had  much  intercourse  and  with  whom  he 
was  on  good  terms,  who  was  called  Juan  Aleman  by  our  men,  after 
a  Juan  Aleman '  who  lived  in  Mexico,  whom  he  was  said  to  resemble. 
The  general  told  him  that  he  must  furnish  about  three  hundred  or  more 
pieces  of  cloth,  which  he  needed  to  give  his  i)eople.  He  said  that  he 
was  not  able  to  do  this,  but  that  it  pertained  to  the  governors;  and  that 
besides  this,  they  would  have  to  consult  together  and  divide  it  among 
the  villages,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  the  demand  of  each 
town  separately.  The  general  did  this,  and  ordered  certain  of  the 
gentlemen  who  were  with  him  to  go  and  make  the  demand;  and  as 
there  were  twelve  villages,  some  of  them  went  on  one  side  of  the  river 
and  some  on  the  other.-  As  they  were  in  very  great  need,  they  did 
not  give  the  natives  a  chance  to  consult  about  it,  but  when  they  came 
to  a  village  they  demanded  what  they  had  to  give,  so  that  they  could 
proceed  at  once.  Thus  these  peoi)le  could  do  nothing  except  take  off 
their  own  cloaks  and  give  them  to  make  up  the  number  demanded  of 
them.  And  some  of  the  soldiers  who  were  in  these  i)arties,  when  the 
collectors  gave  them  some  blankets  or  cloaks  which  were  not  such 
as  they  wanted,  if  they  saw  any  Indian  with  a  better  one  on,  they 
exchanged  with  him  without  more  ado,  not  stopping  to  find  out  the 
rank  of  the  man  they  were  stripping,  which  caused  not  a  little  hard 
feeling. 

Besides  what  I  have  just  said,  one  whom  I  will  not  name,  out  of  regard 
for  him,  left  the  village  where  the  camp  was  and  went  to  another  village 
about  a  league  distant,  and  seeing  a  pretty  woman  there  he  called  her 
husband  down  to  hold  his  horse  by  the  bridle  while  he  went  up;  and 
as  the  village  was  entered  by  the  upper  story,  the  Indian  supposed  he 
was  going  to  some  other  i)art  of  it.  While  he  was  there  the  Indian 
heard  some  slight  noise,  and  then  the  Spaniard  came  down,  took  his 
horse,  and  went  away.  The  Indian  went  up  and  learned  that  he  had 
violated,  or  tried  to  violate,  his  wife,  and  so  he  came  with  the  important 
men  of  the  town  to  complain  tliat  a  man  had  violated  his  wife,  and  he 
told  how  it  happened.  When  the  general  made  all  the  soldiers  and  the 
persons  who  were  with  him  come  together,  the  Indian  did  not  recognize 
the  man,  either  because  he  had  changed  his  clothes  or  for  whatever 
other  reason  there  may  have  been,  but  he  said  that  he  could  tell  the 
horse,  because  he  had  held  his  bridle,  and  so  he  was  taken  to  the 
stables,  and  found  the  horse,  and  said  that  the  master  of  the  horse 
must  be  the  man.  He  denied  doing  it,  seeing  that  he  had  not  been 
recognized,  and  it  may  be  that  the  Indian  was  mistaken  in  the  horse; 


'  Dutch  Jack,  perhaps. 


496  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.  asn.H 

anyway,  he  went  ofl'  witliout  getting  any  satisfaction.'  Tlie  next  day 
one  of  the  Indians,  wh-o  was  guarding  the  horses  of  the  army,  came 
running  in,  saying  that  a  companion  of  his  had  been  killed,  and  that 
the  Indians  of  the  country  were  driving  off  the  horses  toward  their 
villages.  The  Spaniards  tried  to  collect  the  horses  again,  but  many 
were  lost,  besides  seven  of  the  general's  mules.'' 

The  next  day  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  went  to  see  the  villages 
and  talk  with  the  natives.  He  found  the  villages  closed  by  palisades 
and  a  great  noise  inside,  the  horses  being  chased  as  in  a  bull  fight  and 
shot  with  arrows.  They  were  all  ready  for  fighting.  Nothing  could  be 
done,  because  they  would  not  come  down  onto  the  plain  and  the  villages 
are  so  strong  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  dislodge  them.  The  general 
then  ordered  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  to  go  and  surround  one 
village  with  all  the  rest  of  the  force.  This  village  was  the  one  where  the 
greatest  injury  had  been  done  and  where  the  affair  with  the  Indian 
woman  occurred.  Several  captains  who  had  gone  on  in  advance  with 
the  general,  Juan  de  Saldivar  and  Barrionuevo  and  Diego  Lopez  and 
Melgosa,^  took  the  Indians  so  much  by  surprise  that  they  gained  the 
upper  story,  with  great  danger,  for  they  wounded  many  of  our  men 
from  within  the  houses.  Our  men  were  on  toj)  of  the  houses  in  great 
danger  for  a  day  and  a  night  and  part  of  the  next  day,  and  they  made 
some  good  shots  with  their  crossbows  and  muskets.  The  horsemen  on 
the  plain  with  many  of  the  Indian  allies  from  New  Spain  smoked  then! 
out  from  the  cellars^  into  which  they  had  broken,  so  that  they  begged 
for  peace.^  Pablo  de  Melgosa  and  Diego  Lopez,  the  alderman  from 
Seville,  were  left  on  the  roof  and  answered  the  Indians  with  the  same 
signs  they  were  making  for  peace,  which  was  to  make  a  cross.  They 
then  i)ut  down  their  arms  and  received  pardon.  They  were  taken 
to  the  tent  of  Don  Garcia,  who,  according  to  what  he  said,  did  not 
know  about  the  peace  and  thought  that  they  had  given  themselves 
up  of  their  own  accord  because  they  had  been  conquered.  As  he 
had  been  ordered  by  the  general  not  to  take  them  alive,  but  to  make 
an  example  of  them  so  that  the  other  natives  would  fear  the  Span- 
iards, he  ordered  200  stakes  to  be  prepared  at  once  to  burn  them  alive. 

'The  instructions  which  Mendoza  f^Ave  to  Alarcon  show  how  carefully  the  viceroy  tried  to  guard 
against  any  such  trouble  -w-ith  the  natives.  BucUingham  Siuith's  Florida,  p.  4:  "Iten;  ai  pobla- 
redes  en  alguua  parte,  no  sea  entre  los  yndios.  sino  apartado  dellos.  y  mandareys  quo  ningun 
espai^ol  ni  otra  persona  de  las  vuostras  vaya  al  lujrar  ni  A  las  cassas  de  los  yndios  sino  fuere  con 
expressa  liceucia  vuestra.  y  al  que  lo  contrario  hiziore  castigalle  eys  rauy  asi)eramente,  y  la  licencia 
aveys  de  daila  las  vezes  que  fuere  necessario  para  alguna  cossa  (jue  convenga  y  li  personaa  d©  quien 
vos  esteys  contiado  que  no  haril  cossa  tnal  heclia.  y  estad  muy  advertido  en  guardar  eata  ordeD,  porque 
es  cossa  que  conviene  mas  do  lo  que  vos  pwleys  pensar." 

■E8iie.)0,  Helacion  del  Viaje,  1584  (Parheco  y  Cardenas,  I>oo.  de  Indias,  vol.  xv,  p.  175),  says  that  .at 
Puala  (Tiguex)  iiuehlo,  "  hallanios  relaciou  nuiy  verdadera ;  que  estubo  en  esta  provincia  Francisco 
Vazquez  Coronado  y  le  matarou  en  ella  nueve  soldados  y  ruarenta  caballos,  y  que  por  este  respeto 
habia  asolado  l.a  gente  de  un  i)uehlo  desta  itrovincia,  y  destos  nos  dieron  razon  los  naturales  deatos 
pueblos  por  senas  que  entendinios." 

'Ternaux  says  Diego  Lopez  Melgosa.  and  when  Melgosa's  name  appears  again  he  has  it  Pablo  Lopez 
Melgosa. 

^Evidently  tlie  underground,  or  partially  underground,  ceremonial  chambers  or  kivas. 

^Compare  the  Spanish  text. 


wrasHiP]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  497 

Nobody  told  him  about  the  peace  that  had  been  granted  them,  for  the 
soldiers  knew  as  little  as  he,  and  those  who  should  have  told  him  about 
it  remained  silent,  not  thinkin  g  that  it  was  any  of  their  business.  Then 
when  the  enemies  saw  that  the  Spaniards  were  binding  them  and 
beginning  to  roast  them,  about  a  hundred  men  who  were  in  the  tent 
began  to  struggle  and  defend  themselves  with  what  there  was  there 
and  with  the  stakes  they  could  seize.  Our  men  who  were  on  foot 
attacked  the  tent  on  all  sides,  so  that  there  was  great  confusion  around 
it,  and  then  the  horsemen  chased  those  who  escajjed.  As  the  country 
was  level,  not  a  man  of  them  remained  alive,  unless  it  was  some  who 
remained  hidden  in  the  village  and  escaped  that  night  to  spread  through- 
out the  country  the  news  that  the  strangers  did  not  respect  the  peace 
they  had  made,  which  afterward  proved  a  great  misfortune.  After  this 
was  over,  it  began  to  snow,  and  they  abandoned  the  village  and  returned 
to  the  camp  just  as  the  army  came  from  Cibola. ' 

Chapter  16,  of  how  they  besieged  Tiguex  and  took  it  and  of  what  hap- 
pened during  the  siege. 

As  I  have  already  related,  it  began  to  snow  in  that  country  just  after 
they  captured  the  village,  and  it  snowed  so  much  that  for  the  next  two 
months  it  was  impossible  to  do  anything  except  to  go  along  the  roads 
to  advise  them  to  make  peace  and  tell  them  that  they  would  be  par- 
doned and  might  consider  themselves  safe,  to  which  they  replied  that 
they  did  not  trust  those  who  did  not  know  how  to  keep  good  faith  after 
they  had  once  given  it,  and  that  the  Spaniards  should  remember  that 
they  were  keeping  Whiskers  prisoner  and  that  they  did  not  keep  their 
word  when  they  burned  those  who  surrendered  in  the  village.  Don 
Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  was  one  of  those  who  went  to  give  this  notice. 
He  started  out  with  about  30  companions  and  went  to  the  village  of 
Tiguex  to  talk  with  Juan  Aleman.  Although  they  were  hostile,  they 
talked  with  him  and  said  that  if  he  wished  to  talk  with  them  he  must  dis- 
mount and  they  would  come  out  and  talk  with  him  about  a  peace,  and 

'Goniara,  cap.  ccxiiii,  gives  the  following  account  of  these  events:  "  Fueronseloa  Indios  vna  noche 
y  amanecieron  muertos  treynta  cauallos,  que  puso  temor  al  exercito.  Caminando,  quemaron  vn  lugar,  y 
en  otro  que  acometieron,  lea  matarou  ciertos  Espa&oles,  y  hirieron  cinquenta cauallos,  y  metieron  dentro 
loe  vezinos  a  Francisco  de  Ouado,  herido,  o  muerto,  para  comer,  y  sacrificar,  a  lo  que  pensaron,  o 
qui^a  para  mt'jor  ver,  que  hoini)re8  eran  los  Espaiioles,  ca  no  se  hallo  por  alii  rastro  de  sacrificio 
hamano.  Pusieron  cerco  los  nuestroa  al  lugar,  pero  no  lo  pudieron  tomar  en  mas  de  qnarenta,  y  cinco 
dias.  Beuian  iiieue  los  cercados  por  falta  de  agua,  y  vieudose  perdidos,  hizieron  vna  hoguera,  echaron 
en  ella  sua  mutas,  plumajes,  Tnrqueaas,  y  cosaa  preciadas,  porquo  nolasgozaasen  aquelloscstrangeroa. 
Salieron  en  eaquadron,  con  loa  uiiios,  y  mugerea  en  medio,  para  abrircaminoporfuerija,  y  saluarae:  mas 
pocoa  escaparon  de  las  eapadas,  y  caualloa,  y  do  vn  rio  q  cerca  estaua.  Murieron  en  la  pelea  aiete 
Eapaitoles  y  quedaron  heridoa  ocbeta,  y  muchos  cauallos,  porq  veays  quanto  vale  la  determlnacion 
en  la  neceasidad.  Muchoa  Indios  se  boluieron  al  pueblo,  con  la  gente  menuda,  y  ae  defendieron  haata 
que  se  les  puso  fuego.  Elose  tanto  aquel  rio  estado  eu  siete  y  treynta  grades  de  la  Equinocial,  que 
Bufria  paaaar  cnoima  horabrea  a  cauallo,  y  caualloa  con  carga.  Dura  la  nieve  medio  afio.  Ay  en 
aqlla  ribera  nu^lonea,  y  algodou  bianco,  y  Colorado,  de  que  bazen  muy  maa  anchaa  mantaa,  que  en 
otraa  partes  de  Indias." 

Mota  Padilla,  xxxii,  6,  p.  161 :  "  Esta  accion  se  tuvo  en  Espaiia  por  mala,  y  con  razon,  porque  fu6 
una  crueldad  considerable ;  y  habiendo  el  maeae  de  campo,  Garcia  Lopez  paaado  &  EspaDa  &  heredar 
un  mayorazgo,  estuvo  preao  en  una  fortaleza  por  este  cargo." 
14  ETH 32 


498  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.asn.U 

that  if  he  would  seud  away  the  horsemen  and  make  his  men  keep  away, 
Juan  Aleman  and  another  captain  would  come  out  of  the  village  and 
meet  him.  Everything  was  done  as  they  required,  and  then  when 
they  approached  they  said  that  they  had  no  arms  and  that  he  must 
take  his  off.  Don  Garcia  Lopez  did  this  in  order  to  give  them  confi- 
dence, on  account  of  his  great  desire  to  get  them  to  make  peace.  When 
he  met  them,  Juan  Aleman  approached  and  embraced  him  vigorously, 
while  the  other  two  who  had  come  with  him  drew  two  mallets'  which 
they  had  hidden  behind  their  backs  and  gave  him  two  such  blows  over 
his  helmet  that  they  almost  knocked  him  senseless.  Two  of  the  soldiers 
on  horseback  had  been  unwilling  to  go  very  far  off,  even  when  he  ordered 
them,  and  so  they  were  near  by  and  rode  up  so  quickly  that  they  res- 
cued him  from  their  hands,  although  they  were  unable  to  catch  the 
enemies  because  the  meeting  was  so  near  the  village  that  of  the  great 
shower  of  arrows  Avhich  were  shot  at  them  one  arrow  hit  a  horse  and 
went  through  his  nose.  The  horsemen  all  rode  up  together  and  hur- 
riedly carried  off  their  captain,  without  being  able  to  harm  the  enemy, 
while  many  of  our  men  were  dangerously  wounded.^  They  then  with- 
drew, leaving  a  number  of  men  to  continue  the  attack.  Don  Garcia 
Lopez  de  Cardenas  went  on  with  a  part  of  the  force  to  anotlier  village 
about  half  a  league  distant,  because  almost  all  the  people  in  this  region 
had  collected  into  these  two  villages.  As  they  paid  no  attention  to  the 
demands  made  on  them  except  by  shooting  arrows  from  the  upper 
stories  with  loud  yells,  and  would  not  hear  of  peace,  he  returned  to  his 
companions  whom  he  had  left  to  keep  up  the  attack  on  Tiguex.  A 
large  number  of  those  in  the  village  came  out  and  our  men  rode  off 
slowly,  pretending  to  flee,  so  that  they  drew  the  enemy  on  to  the  plain, 
and  then  turned  on  them  and  caught  several  of  their  leaders.  The  rest 
collected  on  the  roofs  of  the  village  and  the  captain  returned  to  his  camp. 
After  this  affair  the  general  ordered  the  army  to  go  and  surround  the 
village.  He  set  out  with  his  men  in  good  order,  one  day,  with  several 
scaling  ladders.  When  he  reached  the  village,  he  encamped  his  force 
near  by,  and  then  began  the  siege;  but  as  the  enemy  had  had  several 
days  to  provide  themselves  with  stores,  they  threw  down  such  quanti- 
ties of  rocks  upon  our  men  that  many  of  them  were  laid  out,  and  they 
wounded  nearly  a  hundred  with  arrows,  several  of  whom  afterward 
died  on  account  of  the  bad  treatment  by  an  unskillful  surgeon  who  was 
with  the  army.    The  siege  lasted  fifty  days,  during  which  time  several 

'  Wooden  warclubs  shaped  like  potato-mashers. 

*Mota  Padilla,  xxxii,  7,  p.  161,  describes  this  encounter:  "D.  Garcia  pas6  at  pueblo  mayor  A  requertr 
al  principal  caciqae,  que  se  llamaba  I).  Juan  Loman,  auuque  no  estaba  bautizadx>,  y  se  dej6  ver  por  los 
miiros  sin  qucrer  biijar  de  paz,  y  &  iustancias  de  D.  Garcia,  ofreci6  salirle  &  hablar,  como  dejase  el 
caballo  y  ospada,  porque  tenia  uiucho  miedo;  y  en  esta  conformidad,  desmontd  1).  Garcia  del  caballo, 
entregole  con  la  espada  A  sua  soldados,  &  quienes  hizo  retirar,  y  accrcdudose  il  los  muros,  luego  que  Juan 
Loman  se  afront6,  se  abraz6  de  ^1,  y  al  puuto,  entre  seis  indios  que  habia  dejado  apercibidos,  lo  Ueva- 
ron  en  peso  y  lotntraran  en  el  pueblo  si  lapuerta  no  es  pequeua,  por  lo  que  en  ella  hizo  bincapi6,  y 
pndo  resistir  hasta  que  Uepraron  soldados  de  &  caballo,  que  le  defendieron.  Quisieron  los  indios 
hacer  alguna  crueldad  con  dicbo  I).  Garcia,  por  lo  que  intentaron  llevarlo  vivo,  que  si  los  Indios  salen 
con  macana?  6  porras  que  usabau,  le  quitan  la  vida." 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF    CASTANEDA  499 

assaults  were  made.  The  lack  of  water  was  what  troubled  the  Indians 
most.  They  dug  a  very  deep  well  inside  the  village,  but  were  uot  able 
to  get  water,  and  while  they  were  making  it,  it  fell  in  and  killed  30  per- 
sons. Two  hundred  of  the  besieged  died  in  the  fights.  One  day  when 
there  was  a  hard  fight,  they  killed  Francisco  de  Obando,  a  captain 
who  had  been  army-master  all  the  time  that  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Car- 
denas was  away  making  the  discoveries  already  described,  and  also 
Francisco  Pobares,  a  fine  gentleman.  Our  men  were  unable  to  prevent 
them  from  carrying  Francisco  de  Obando  inside  the  village,  which  was 
regretted  not  a  little,  because  he  was  a  distinguished  person,  besides 
being  honored  on  his  own  account,  affable  and  much  beloved,  which 
was  noticeable.'  One  day,  before  the  capture  was  completed,  they 
asked  to  speak  to  us,  and  said  that,  since  they  knew  we  would  not 
harm  the  women  and  children,  they  wished  to  surrender  their  women 
and  sons,  because  they  were  using  up  their  water.  It  was  impos- 
sible to  persuade  them  to  make  peace,  as  they  said  that  the  Spaniards 
would  not  keep  an  agreement  made  with  them.  So  they  gave  up  about 
a  hundred  persons,  women  and  boys,  who  did  not  want  to  leave  them. 
Don  Lope  de  Urrea^  rode  up  in  front  of  the  town  without  his  helmet 
and  received  the  boys  and  girls  in  his  arms,  and  when  all  of  these  had 
been  surrendered,  Don  Lope  begged  them  to  make  peace,  giving  them 
the  strongest  pronuses  for  their  safety.  They  told  him  to  go  away,  as 
they  did  not  wish  to  trust  themselves  to  people  who  had  no  regard  for 
friendship  or  their  own  word  which  they  had  pledged.  As  he  seemed 
unwilling  to  go  away,  one  of  them  put  an  arrow  in  his  bow  ready  to 
shoot,  and  threatened  to  shoot  liim  with  it  unless  he  went  off,  and  they 
warned  him  to  put  on  his  helmet,  but  he  was  unwilling  to  do  so,  saying 
that  they  would  not  hurt  him  as  long  as  he  stayed  there.  When  the 
Indian  saw  that  he  did  not  want  to  go  away,  he  shot  and  planted  his 
arrow  between  the  fore  feet  of  the  horse,  and  then  put  another  arrow 
in  his  bow  and  repeated  th<at  if  he  did  not  go  away  he  would  really 
shoot  him.  Don  Loi)e  put  on  his  helmet  and  slowly  rode  back  to  where 
the  horsemen  were,  without  receiving  any  harm  from  them.  When  they 
saw  that  he  was  really  in  safety,  they  began  to  shoot  arrows  in  show- 
ers, with  loud  yells  and  cries.  The  general  did  not  want  to  make  an 
assault  that  day,  in  order  to  see  if  they  could  be  brought  in  some  way 
to  make  peace,  which  they  would  not  consider. 

Fifteen  days  later  they  decided  to  leave  the  village  one  night,  and 
did  so,  taking  the  women  in  their  midst.  They  started  about  the 
fourth  watch,  in  the  very  early  morning,  on  the  side  where  the  cavalry 
was.'    The  alarm  was  given  by  those  in  the  camp  of  Don  Uodrigo 

>Bat  see  the  Spanish.  Temanx  tranelatea  it:  "  Lea  Indiena  par^-inrent  &  a'emparer  de  (d'Obando) 
et  remmenfercnt  vivant  dans  leur  village,  .  .  .  car  c'etait  un  homme  distingu6  qui,  par  sa  vertu  et 
son  atfabiliU\  s'^tait  fait  aimer  de  tout  le  inonde." 

'Temaux  substituted  tbe  uame  of  Dou  Garci-Lopez  for  tiiat  of  Don  Lope  throughout  this  passage. 

'Compare  the  Spanish  text.  Ternaux:  "lis  prirent  le  parti  d'abandonner  le  village  pendant  la 
nuit:  lis  se  tnirent  done  en  route :  les  femnies  marchaieut  au  milieu  d'eux.  Quaiul  its  furent  arrives 
&  nn  endroit  oil  campait  don  Rodrigo  Maldnnado,  lea  sentinelles  donndreut  I'alarme." 


500  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ei-h.ann.U 

Maldonado.  The  enemy  attacked  them  and  killed  one  Spaniard  and 
a  horse  and  wounded  others,  but  they  were  driven  back  with  great 
slaughter  until  they  came  to  the  river,  where  the  water  flowed  swiftly 
and  very  cold.  They  threw  themselves  into  this,  and  as  the  men  had 
come  quickly  from  the  whole  camp  to  assist  the  cavalry,  there  were  few 
who  escaped  being  killed  or  wounded.  Some  men  from  the  camp  went 
across  the  river  next  day  and  found  many  of  them  who  had  been  over- 
come by  the  great  cold.  They  brought  these  back,  cured  them,  and 
made  servants  of  them.  This  ended  that  siege,  and  the  town  was 
captured,  although  there  were  a  few  who  remained  in  one  part  of  the 
town  and  were  captured  a  few  days  later.* 

Two  captains,  Don  Diego  de  Guevara  and  Juan  de  Saldivar,  had 
captured  the  other  large  village  after  a  siege.  Having  started  out 
very  early  one  morning  to  make  an  ambuscade  in  which  to  catch  some 
warriors  who  used  to  come  out  every  morning  to  try  to  frighten  our 
camp,  the  spies,  who  had  been  placed  where  they  could  see  when  they 
were  coming,  saw  the  people  come  out  and  proceed  toward  the  coun- 

1  There  is  much  additional  information  of  the  Biege  and  capture  of  Tiguex  in  the  account  given  by 
Mota  Padilla,  xxxii,  8,  p.  161:  "  Habi^ndose  puesto  el  cerco,  estuvieron  los  indios  rebeldea  &  los 
requerimientos,  por  lo  que  se  intents  abrir  brecha,  y  rota  la  argamasa  superficial,  ae  advirti6  que  el 
centro  del  muro  era  de  palizada,  troncoa  y  mimbres  bien  bincados  en  la  tierra,  por  lo  que  resistian  loa 
golpcs  que  daban  con  unas  malas  barraa,  en  cuyo  tiempo  hacian  de  laa  azoteas  mucho  daho  en  los 
nuestros  con  las  piedras  y  con  la  flechas  por  las  troneras;  y  quoriendo  un  soldado  taparcon  lodo  una 
tronera  de  donde  se  hacia  mucbo  dauo,  por  un  ojo  le  entraron  una  flecba,  de  que  cayo  muerto:  Uam^- 
base  Francisco  Pobares;  y  Aotro  que  se  Ilamaba  Juan  Paniagua,  muy  buen  cristiano  y  persona  noble, 
le  dieron  otro  flechazo  en  el  pdrpado  de  un  ojo,  y  publicaba  que  A  la  devocion  del  rosario,  quo  siempre 
rezaba,  dobio  la  vida;  otro  soldado,  Uaraado  Francisco  de  Ovando,  se  entr6  de  bruzas  por  una  porta- 
fiuela,  y  apenas  bubo  aaomado  la  cabeza,  cuando  lo  asieron  y  lo  tirarou  para  adentro,  quitAndole  la 
vida:  pusoso  unaescala  por  donde  A  todo  trance  Bubieron  algunos;  pero  con  arte,  los  indios  tenian 
muchas  piezas  &  cielo  deseubierto,  para  que  se  no  comunicasen;  y  como  d  cortas  distancias  habia 
torrecillas  con  muchas  saeteras  y  troneras,  hacian  mucho  dauo,  de  suerte  que  hirieron  mas  de 
sesenta,  de  los  que  murieron  tres:  un  fulano  Carbajal,  bennauo  de  Hernando  Trejo,  quien  fu6  dea- 
puestenientedegobernadorpor  Francisco  de  Ibarra,  en  Cbametla:  tambien  muri<5  un  vizcaino,  llamado 
Alonso  de  Castaneda,  y  un  fulano  Benitez;  y  esto  fu6  por  culpa  de  ellos,  pues  ya  que  habia  pocas 
annas  de  fuego  con  que  ofender,  pudieron  haber  pegado  luego  d  los  muros,  pues  eran  de  troncones  y 
palizadas  con  solo  el  embarrado  de  tierra. 

-'9.  Viendo  el  gobernador  el  poco  efecto  de  su  invasion,  mandO  se  tocase  d  recoger,  con  dnimo  de  ren- 
dirlos  por  falta  de  agua,  ya  que  no  i>or  hambre,  porque  sabia  tenian  buenas  trojes  de  maiz.  Trataron 
de  curar  los  heridos,  auuque  se  enconarou,  y  se  cicatrizaban ;  y  Begun  se  supo,  era  la  causa  el  que  en 
unas  vasijas  de  mimbre  encerraban  los  indios  vivoras,  y  con  las  flechas  las  tocabau  para  que  mordie- 
sen  las  puntas  y  quedaaen  venenosas ;  y  habi^ndose  roantenido  alguu  tiempo,  cuando  ae  eaperaba 
padeciesen  falta  do  agua,  comeuz6  A  nevar,  con  cuya  nieve  so  aocorrieron  y  mantuvieron  doa  meses, 
en  loB  que  intentaron  los  unestros  muchos  desatinoa :  el  uno  fu6  formar  unos  ingenios  con  unos  maderos, 
que  llamaban  vaivenes,  y  son  los  antiguos  arietes  con  que  se  batian  las  fortalezas  en  tiempo  que  no  se 
conocia  la  pdlvora;  mas  no  acertaron:  deapues,  por  falta  do  artilleria,  intentaron  hacer  unoa  cai^ooes 
de  madera  bien  liadoa  de  cordelea  A  mode  de  cohetes;  maa  tampoco  sirvio;  y  no  arbitraron  el  arriiiiar 
leua  A  los  muros  y  prenderles  fuego :  A  mi  ver  entiendo  que  la  crueldad  con  que  quitaron  la  vida  A  los 
ciento  y  treinta  gandules,  los  hizo  indignoa  del  triunfo ;  y  asi,  en  una  noche  los  sitiados  salieron  y  ae 
pusieron  en  fuga,  dejando  A  los  nuestros  burlados  y  ain  coaa  du  provecho  que  lograsen  por  despojos 
de  la  plaza  aitiada  y  se  salieron  loa  indioa  con  su  valeroso  becho. 

"10.  Por  la  parte  que  salieron  eataban  de  centinelas  dos  aoldados  poco  apercibidos,  de  loscualesel 
uno  no  parecifi,  y  el  otro  fu6  hallado  con  el  corazon  atravesado  cou  una  flecha;  y  traido  el  cuerpo,  le 
pusieron  junto  A  la  lumbrada  comun  del  campo;  y  cuando  volrierou  los  soldados.que  intentaron  el 
alcance  do  los  indios,  al  desmontar  uno  de  ellos  del  caballo,  le  pis6  la  boca  al  miserable,  y  se  atribuy6 
au  fatal  niuerte  A  haber  sido  renegador  y  blaafemo.  Luego  que  amanecit),  se  trat6  de  reconocer  el 
paeblo,  y  entrando,  se  hall6  abastecido  pero  sin  agua,  y  ao  reconoci6  un  pozo  profundo  en  la  plaza 
que  aquellos  indios  abrieron  en  bnsca  de  agua,  y  por  no  encontrarla,  ae  resolvieron  A  la  fuga,  que 
consiguieron."    .    .    . 


wrasHip]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  501 

try.  The  soldiers  left  the  ambuscade  and  went  to  the  village  and  saw 
the  people  fleeing.  They  pursued  and  killed  large  numbers  of  them. 
At  the  same  time  those  in  the  camp  were  ordered  to  go  over  the  town, 
and  they  plundered  it,  making  prisoners  of  all  the  people  who  were 
found  in  it,  amounting  to  about  a  hundred  women  and  children.  This 
siege  ended  the  last  of  March,  in  the  year  '42.'  Other  things  had 
happened  in  tlie  meantime,  which  would  have  been  noticed,  but  that 
it  would  have  cut  the  thread.  I  have  omitted  them,  but  will  relate 
them  now,  so  that  it  will  be  possible  to  understand  what  follows. 

Chapter  17,  ofhotc  messengers  reached  the  army  from  the  valley  ofSeiiora 
and  how  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  died  on  the  expedition  to  the  Firebrand 
river. 

We  have  already  related  how  Captain  Melchior  Diaz  crossed  the 
Firebrand  river  on  rafts,  in  order  to  continue  his  discoveries  farther  in 
that  direction.  About  the  time  the  siege  ended,  messengers  reached 
the  army  from  the  city  of  San  Hieronimo  with  letters  from  Diego  de 
Alarcou,^  who  had  remained  there  in  the  place  of  Melchior  Diaz.  These 
contained  the  news  that  Melchior  Diaz  had  died  while  he  was  conduct- 
ing his  search,  and  that  the  force  had  returned  without  finding  any  of 
the  things  they  were  after.     It  all  happened  in  this  fashion : 

After  they  had  crossed  the  river  they  continued  their  search  for  the 
coast,  which  here  turned  back  toward  the  south,  or  between  south  and 
east,  because  that  arm  of  the  sea  enters  the  land  due  north  and  this  river, 
wliich  brings  its  waters  down  from  the  north,  flowing  toward  the  south, 
enters  the  head  of  the  gulf.  Continuing  in  the  direction  they  bad  been 
going,  they  came  to  some  sand  banks  of  hot  ashes  which  it  was  impos- 
sible to  cross  without  being  drowned  as  in  the  sea.  The  ground  they 
were  standing  on  trembled  like  a  sheet  of  paper,  so  that  it  seemed  as 
if  there  were  lakes  underneath  them.  It  seemed  wonderful  and  like 
something  infernal,  for  the  ashes  to  bubble  up  here  in  several  places. 
After  they  had  gone  away  from  this  place,  on  account  of  the  danger 
they  seemed  to  be  in  and  of  the  lack  of  water,  one  day  a  greyhound 
belonging  to  one  of  the  soldiers  chased  some  sheep  which  they  were 
taking  along  for  food.  When  the  captain  noticed  this,  he  threw  his 
lance  at  the  dog  while  his  horse  was  running,  so  that  it  stuck  up  in  the 
ground,  and  not  being  able  to  stop  his  horse  he  went  over  the  lance 
so  that  it  nailed  him  through  the  thighs  and  the  iron  came  out  behind, 
rupturing  his  bladder.  After  this  the  soldiers  turned  back  with  their 
captain,  having  to  light  every  day  with  the  Indians,  who  had  remained 
hostile.  He  lived  about  twenty  days,  during  which  they  i^roceeded 
with  great  difi&culty  on  account  of  the  necessity  of  carrying  him.'    They 


>  Temaux  translated  this,  "4  la  flu  de  1542."  Professor  Hayncs  corrected  the  error  in  a  note  iu 
Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  vol.  ii,  p.  491,  saying  that  "it  ia  evident  that  the  siege  must 
have  been  concluded  early  in  1.541.'* 

^Should  be  Alcaraz. 

^Mota  Padilla's  account  of  the  death  of  Diaz  ia  translated  in  the  Introduction. 


502  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.akn.u 

returned  in  good  order  without  losing  a  man,  until  he  died,  and  after 
that  they  were  relieved  of  the  greatest  difficulty.  When  they  reached 
Senora,  Alcaraz  dispatched  the  messengers  already  referred  to,  so  that 
the  general  might  know  of  this  and  also  that  some  of  the  soldiers  were 
ill  disposed  and  had  caused  several  mutinies,  and  that  he  had  sen- 
tenced two  of  them  to  the  gallows,  but  they  had  afterward  escaped 
from  the  prison. 

When  the  general  learned  this,  he  sent  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  to  that 
city  to  sift  oiit  some  of  the  men.  He  was  accompanied  by  messengers 
whom  the  general  sent  to  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza  the  viceroy,  with  an 
account  of  what  had  occurred  and  with  the  good  news  given  by  the 
Turk.  When  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  arrived  there,  he  found  that  the 
natives  of  that  province  had  killed  a  soldier  with  a  poisoned  arrow, 
which  had  made  only  a  very  little  wound  in  one  hand.  Several  soldiers 
went  to  the  place  where  this  happened  to  see  about  it,  and  they  were 
not  very  well  received.  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  sent  Diego  de  Alcaraz 
with  a  force  to  seize  the  chiefs  and  lords  of  a  village  in  what  they  call 
the  Valley  of  Knaves  (de  los  Vellacos),  which  is  in  the  hills.  After 
getting  there  and  taking  these  men  prisoners,  Diego  de  Alcaraz  decided 
to  let  them  go  in  exchange  for  some  thre.ad  and  cloth  and  other  things 
which  the  soldiers  needed.  Finding  themselves  free,  they  renewed 
the  war  and  attacked  them,  and  as  they  were  strong  and  had  poison, 
they  killed  several  Spaniards  and  wounded  others  so  that  they  died 
on  the  way  back.  They  retired  toward  the  town,  and  if  they  had  not 
had  Indian  allies  from  the  country  of  the  Hearts,  it  would  have  gone 
worse  with  them.  They  got  back  to  the  town,  leaving  17  soldiers  dead 
from  the  poison.  They  would  die  in  agony  from  only  a  small  wound, 
the  bodies  breaking  out  with  an  insupportable  pestilential  stink.  When 
Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  saw  the  harm  done,  and  as  it  seemed  to  them  that 
they  could  not  safely  stay  in  that  city,  he  moved  40  leagues  toward 
Cibola  into  the  valley  of  Suya,  where  we  will  leave  them,  in  order  to 
relate  what  happened  to  the  general  and  his  army  after  the  siege  of 
Tiguex. 

Chapter  18,  of  how  the  general  managed  to  leave  the  country  in  peace  so 
as  to  go  in  search  of  Quirira,  where  the  Turk  said  there  was  the  most 
wealth. 

During  the  siege  of  Tiguex  the  general  decided  to  go  to  Cicuye  and 
take  the  governor  with  him,  in  order  to  give  liim  his  liberty  and  to 
promise  them  that  he  would  give  Whiskers  his  liberty  and  leave  him 
in  the  village,  as  soon  as  he  should  start  for  Quivira.  He  was  received 
peacefully  when  he  reached  Cicuye,  and  entered  the  village  with  several 
soldiers.  They  received  their  governor  with  much  joy  and  gratitude. 
After  looking  over  the  village  and  speaking  with  the  natives '  he  returned 


^ Compare  the  Spanish  t«xt.    Temaux:  "Le  g6n6ral  le  retablit  dans  sa  dignity,  examina  le  pays.et 
retouma  au  camp." 


wiuBHip]  TRANSLATION   OF    CASTANEDA  503 

to  his  army,  leaving  Cicuye  at  peace,  in  the  hope  of  getting  back  their 
captain  Whiskers. 

After  the  siege  was  ended,  as  we  have  already  related,  he  sent  a 
captain  to  Ohia,  a  fine  village  with  many  people,  Avhich  had  sent  to 
offer  its  submission.  It  was  4  leagues  distant  to  the  west  of  the  river. 
They  found  it  peaceful  and  gave  it  four  bronze  cannon,  which  were  in 
poor  condition,  to  take  care  of.  Six  gentlemen  also  went  to  Quirix,  a 
province  with  seven  villages.  At  the  first  village,  which  had  about  a 
hundred  inhabitants,  the  natives  fled,  not  daring  to  wait  for  our  men ; 
but  they  headed  them  off  by  a  short  cut,  riding  at  full  speed,  and  then 
they  returned  to  their  houses  in  the  village  in  perfect  safety,  and  then 
told  the  other  villagers  about  it  and  reassured  them.  In  this  way  the 
entire  region  was  reassured,  little  by  little,  by  the  time  the  ice  in  the 
river  was  broken  up  and  it  became  possible  to  ford  the  river  and  so  to 
continue  the  journey.  The  twelve  villages  of  Tiguex,  however,  were 
not  repopulated  at  allduring  the  time  the  army  was  there,  in  spite  of 
every  promise  of  security  that  could  jwssibly  be  given  to  them. 

And  wheu  the  river,  which  for  almost  four  months  had  been  frozen 
over  so  that  they  crossed  the  ice  on  horseback,  had  thawed  out,  orders 
were  given  for  the  start  for  Quivira,  where  the  Turk  said  there  was  some 
gold  and  silver,  although  not  so  much  as  in  Arche  and  the  Guaes. 
There  were  already  some  in  the  army  who  suspected  the  Turk,  because 
a  Si^aniard  named  Servantes,'  who  had  charge  of  him  during  the  siege, 
solemnly  swore  that  he  had  seen  the  Turk  talking  with  the  devil  in  a 
pitcher  of  water,  and  also  that  while  he  had  him  under  lock  so  that  no 
one  could  speak  to  him,  the  Turk  had  asked  him  what  Christians  had 
been  killed  by  the  people  at  Tiguex.  He  told  him  "nobody,"  and  then 
the  Turk  answered:  "You  lie;  five  Christians  are  dead,  including  a 
captain."  And  as  Cervantes  knew  that  he  told  the  truth,  he  confessed 
it  so  as  to  find  out  who  had  told  him  about  it,  and  the  Turk  said  he 
knew  it  all  by  himself  and  that  he  did  not  need  to  have  anyone  tell  him 
in  order  to  know  it.  And  it  was  on  account  of  this  that  he  watched  him 
and  saw  him  speaking  to  the  devil  in  the  pitcher,  as  I  have  said. 

While  all  this  was  going  on,  preparations  were  being  made  to  start 
from  Tiguex.  At  this  time  people  came  from  Cibola  to  see  the  general, 
and  he  charged  them  to  take  good  care  of  the  Spaniards  who  were 
coming  from  Sehora  with  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar.  He  gave  them  letters 
to  give  to  Don  Pedro,  informing  him  what  he  ought  to  do  and  how  he 
should  go  to  find  the  army,  and  that  he  would  find  letters  under  the 
crosses  which  the  army  would  put  up  along  the  way.  The  army  left 
Ti guex  on  the  5th  of  May '^  and  returned  to  Cicuye,  which,  as  I  have  said, 
is  twenty-fivemarches,  which  meansleagues,  from  there,  taking  Whiskers 
with  them.  Arrived  there,  he  gave  them  their  captain,  who  already 
went  about  freely  with  a  guard.  The  village  was  very  glad  to  see  him, 
and  the  people  were  peaceful  and  offered  food.     The  governor  and 


•  Or  Cervant^'S,  as  Ternaux  spells  it. 

^  Coronado  says,  lu  his  letter  of  October  20,  that  he  started  April  2:t. 


504  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ETH.AmM 

Whiskers  gave  the  general  a  young  fellow  called  Xabe,  a  native  of 
Quivira,  who  could  give  them  information  about  the  country.  This  fel- 
low said  that  there  was  gold  and  silver,  but  j;ot  so  much  of  it  as  the 
Turk  had  said.  The  Turk,  however,  continued  to  declare  that  it  was 
as  he  had  said.  He  went  as  a  guide,  and  thus  the  army  started  off 
from  here. 

Chapter  19,  of  how  they  started  in  search  of  Quivira  and  of  what 
happened  on  the  way. 

The  army  started  from  Cicuye,  leaving  the  village  at  peace  and,  as  it 
seemed,  contented,  and  under  obligations  to  maintain  the  friendship 
because  their  governor  and  captain  had  been  restored  to  them.  Pro- 
ceeding toward  the  plains,  which  are  all  on  the  other  side  of  the  moun- 
tains, after  four  days'  journey  they  came  to  a  river  with  a  large,  deep 
current,  which  flowed  down  toward  Oicuye,  and  they  named  this  the 
Cicuye  river.'  They  had  to  stoji  here  to  make  a  bridge  so  as  to  cross  it. 
It  was  finished  in  four  days,  by  much  diligence  and  rapid  work,  and  as 
soon  as  it  was  done  the  whole  army  and  the  animals  crossed.  After 
ten  days  more  they  came  to  some  settlements  of  people  who  lived  like 
Arabs  and  who  are  called  Querechos  in  that  region.  They  had  seen 
the  cows  for  two  days.  These  folks  live  in  tents  made  of  the  tanned 
skins  of  the  cows.  They  travel  around  near  the  cows,  killing  them 
for  food.  They  did  nothing  unusual  when  they  saw  our  army,  except 
to  come  out  of  their  tents  to  look  at  us,  after  which  they  came  to 
talk  with  the  advance  guard,  and  asked  who  we  were.  The  general 
talked  with  them,  but  as  they  had  already  talked  with  the  Turk,  who 
was  with  the  advance  guard,  they  agreed  with  what  he  had  said.  That 
they  were  very  intelligent  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  although  they 
conversed  by  means  of  signs  they  made  themselves  understood  so  well 
that  there  was  no  need  of  an  interpreter.^  Thej^  said  that  there  was  a 
very  large  river  over  toward  where  the  sun  came  from,  and  that  one 
could  go  along  this  river  through  an  inhabited  region  for  ninety  days 
without  a  break  from  settlement  to  settlement.  They  said  that  the  first 
of  these  settlements  was  called  Haxa,  and  that  the  river  was  more  than 
a  league  wide  and  that  there  were  many  canoes  on  it.  These  folks 
started  off  from  here  next  day  with  a  lot  of  dogs  which  dragged  their 
possessions.  For  two  days,  during  which  the  army  marched  iii  the 
same  direction  as  that  in  which  they  had  come  from  the  settlements — 
that  is,  between  north  and  east,  but  more  toward  the  north^ — they  saw 

'The  Rio  Pecos.    The  bridge,  however,  was  doubtless  bnilt  across  the  upper  waters  of  the  Cauadian. 

^There  is  nn  elaborate  account  of  tlie  sign  language  of  the  Indians,  by  Garrick  Mallery,  in  the  first 
annual  report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1879-80. 

^MotaPadiUa,  xxxiii,  3,  p.  165.  says;  "IlaataalU  caraiuaron  los  nuestro.s.  guiailos  por  el  Turcoparael 
Oriente,  con  miicha  inclinaciou  al  Norte,  y  desde  entAnces  los  gui6  via  rocta  al  Orient©;  y  bal)iendo 
andado  tres  jornadas,  hubo  do  hacer  alto  el  gobernador  para  conferir  sobro  si  soria  acertadodejarse 
llevar  do  aquel  indio,  habieudo  luudado  de  runibo,  en  cuyo  intermedio  un  soldado,  0  por  traveaura.  6 
por  hacer  carne,  se  apiirto,  y  auntiue  lo  eaperaron,  no  se  supo  mas  de  61;  y  A  dos  jornadas  que 
auduvieron,  guiados  todavia  del  indio.  pasaron  una  barranca  profunda,  que  fu6  la  primera  qniebra 
que  vieron  de  la  tierra  desde  Tigiies."  Compare  the  route  of  the  expedition  in  tho  lutroauctiou,  and 
also  in  the  translation  of  Jaramillo. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF    CASTANEDA  505 

other  roaming  Querechos  and  such  great  numbers  of  cows  that  it 
already  seemed  something  incredible.  These  people  gave  a  great  deal  of 
information  about  settlements,  all  toward  the  east  from  where  we  were. 
Here  Don  Garcia  broke  his  arm  and  a  Spaniard  got  lost  who  went  off 
hunting  so  far  that  he  was  unable  to  return  to  the  camp,  because  the 
country  is  very  level.  The  Turk  said  it  was  one  or  two  days  to  Haya 
(Haxa).  The  general  sent  Captain  Diego  Lopez  with  ten  companions 
lightly  equipped  and  a  guide  to  go  at  full  speed  toward  the  sunrise  for 
two  days  and  discover  Haxa,  and  then  return  to  meet  the  army,  which 
set  out  in  the  same  direction  next  day.  They  came  across  so  many 
animals  that  those  who  were  on  the  advance  guard  killed  a  large  num- 
ber of  bulls.  As  these  fled  they  trampled  one  another  in  their  haste 
until  they  came  to  a  ravine.  So  many  of  the  animals  fell  into  this  that 
they  filled  it  up,  and  the  rest  went  across  on  top  of  them.  The  men 
who  were  chasing  them  on  horseback  fell  in  among  the  animals  with- 
out noticing  where  they  were  going.  Three  of  the  horses  that  fell  in 
among  the  cows,  all  saddled  and  bridled,  were  lost  sight  of  completely. 

As  it  seemed  to  the  general  that  Diego  Lopez  ought  to  be  on  his  way 
back,  he  sent  six  of  his  companions  to  follow  up  the  banks  of  the  little 
river,  and  as  many  more  down  the  banks,  to  look  for  traces  of  the 
horses  at  the  trails  to  and  from  the  river.  It  was  impossible  to  find 
tracks  in  this  country,  because  the  grass  straightened  up  again  as  soon 
as  it  was  trodden  down.  They  were  found  by  some  Indians  from  the 
army  who  had  gone  to  look  for  fruit.  These  got  track  of  them  a  good 
league  off,  and  soon  came  up  with  them.  They  followed  the  river  down 
to  the  camp,  and  told  the  general  that  in  the  20  leagues  they  had  been 
over  they  had  seen  nothing  but  cows  and  the  sky.  There  was  another 
native  of  Quivira  with  the  army,  a  painted  Indian  named  Ysopete.  This 
Indian  had  always  declared  that  the  Turk  was  lying,  and  on  account 
of  this  the  army  paid  no  attention  to  him,  and  even  now,  although  he 
said  that  the  Querechos  had  consulted  with  him,  Ysopete  was  not 
believed.' 

The  general  sent  Don  Rodrigo  Maldonado,  with  his  company,  for- 
ward from  here.  He  traveled  four  days  and  reached  a  large  ravine 
like  those  of  Colima,^  in  the  bottom  of  which  he  found  a  large  settle- 
ment of  people.  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  had  passed  through 
this  i)lace,  so  that  they  presented  Don  Ilodrigo  with  a  pile  of  tanned 
skins  and  other  things,  and  a  tent  as  big  as  a  house,  which  he  directed 
them  to  keep  until  the  army  came  up.  He  sent  some  of  his  compan- 
ions to  guide  the  array  to  that  place,  so  that  they  should  not  get  lost, 
although  he  had  been  making  piles  of  stones  and  cow  dung  for  the 
army  to  follow.  This  was  the  way  in  which  the  army  was  guided  by 
the  advance  guard. 

'Compare  the  Spanish.  Temaux:  "Maiacette  foia  on  n'avait  pas  voalu  le  croire;  les  Querechos 
ayantrapport6  la  meme  chose  que  le  Turc." 

-Ternaux  read  this  Colonia.  The  reference  is  clearly  to  the  district  of  Colinia  in  western  Mexico, 
where  one  of  the  earliest  Spanish  settleiuents  was  made. 


506  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ank.U 

When  the  general  came  up  with  the  army  and  saw  the  great  quantity 
of  skins,  he  thought  lie  would  divide  them  among  the  men,  and  placed 
guards  so  that  they  could  look  at  them.  But  when  the  men  arrived  and 
saw  that  the  general  was  sending  some  of  his  companions  with  orders 
for  the  guards  to  give  them  some  of  the  skins,  and  that  these  were 
going  to  select  the  best,  they  were  angry  because  they  were  not  going 
to  be  divided  evenly>  and  made  a  rush,  and  in  less  than  a  quarter  of 
an  hour  nothing  was  left  but  the  empty  ground. 

The  natives,  who  hajjpened  to  see  this  also  took  a  hand  in  it.  The 
women  and  some  others  were  left  crying,  because  they  thought  that 
the  strangers  were  not  going  to  take  anything,  but  would  bless  them 
as  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  had  done  when  they  passed  through 
here.  They  found  an  Indian  girl  here  who  was  as  white  as  a  Castiliau 
lady,  except  that  she  had  her  chin  painted  like  a  Moorish  woman.  lu 
general  they  all  paint  themselves  in  this  way  here,  and  they  decorate 
their  eyes. 

Chapter  20,  of  how  great  stones  fell  in  the  camp,  and  how  they  discov- 
ered another  ravine,  where  the  army  was  divided  into  two  parts. 

While  the  army  was  resting  in  this  ravine,  as  we  ha'^e  related,  a 
tempest  came  up  one  afternoon  with  a  very  high  wind  and  hail,  and  in 
a  very  short  space  of  time  a  great  quantity  of  hailstones,  as  big  as  bowls, 
or  bigger,  fell  as  thick  as  raindrops,  so  that  in  pLaces  they  covered 
the  ground  two  or  three  spans  or  more  deep.  And  one  hit  the  horse — 
or  I  should  say,  there  was  not  a  horse  that  did  not  break  away,  excej)t 
two  or  three  which  the  negroes  protected  by  holding  large  sea  nets 
over  them,  with  the  helmets  and  shields  which  all  the  rest  wore ; ' 
and  some  of  them  dashed  up  on  to  the  sides  of  the  ravine  so  that  they 
got  them  down  with  great  difficulty.  If  this  liad  struck  them  while 
they  were  upon  the  plain,  the  army  would  have  been  iu  great  dan- 
ger of  being  left  without  its  horses,  as  there  were  many  which  they 
were  not  able  to  cover.^  The  hail  broke  many  tents,  and  battered 
many  helmets,  and  wounded  many  of  the  horses,  and  broke  all  the 
crockery  of  the  army,  and  the  gourds,  which  was  no  small  loss,  because 
they  do  not  have  any  crockery  in  this  region.  They  do  not  make  gourds, 
nor  sow  corn,  nor  eat  bread,  but  instead  raw  meat — or  only  half  cooked — 
and  fruit. 

1  The  Spanish  text  is  Tery  confused.  Temaux  says :  "  Les  chevaux  rompirent  leure  liens  et  6*6chap- 
parent  tous  k  I'exception  de  deux  ou  trois  qui  furent  reteuns  par  des  n^gres  qui  avaient  pris  des  cas- 
ques et  des  boucliera  pour  se  mettre  k  I'ubri.  Le  vent  en  euleva  d'autres  et  les  colU  contre  les  parois 
du  ravin." 

»Mota  Padilla,  xxiiii,  3,  p.  165:  "A  la  primera  barranca.  .  .  .  it  las  tres  de  la  tarde  hicieron  alto, 
y  repentiuamente  un  recio  riento  les  llevu  una  uube  tan  cargada,  que  cause  horror  el  grauizo,  que  des- 
pedia  tan  gruesos  como  nueces,  hucvus  de  galiiua  y  de  ansares,  de  suerte  que  era  necesario  arrodelarse 
para  la  resistencia ;  los  caballos  dieron  estampida  y  se  pusieron  en  fuga.  y  no  se  pudieran  hallar  si  la 
barranca  no  los  detiene :  las  tieudas  que  se  babian  armado  que<laron  rotas,  y  qnebradas  todas  las  ollas, 
cazuelas,  coniales  y  denias  vasyas;  y  atligidos  con  tan  varios  suceaos,  determinaron  en  aquel  dia  que 
fn6  el  de  Ascension  del  Seuor  de  541,  que  el  ej^rcito  se  volviese  &  ligtiee  &  reparar,  como  iiue  era  tierra 
abastecida  de  todo." 


wmsHip]  TRANSLATION    OK    CASTANEDA  507 

From  here  the  general  sent  out  to  explore  the  country,'  and  they 
found  another  settlement  four  days  from  there^  .  .  .  The  country 
was  well  inhabited,  and  they  ha<l  ])lenty  of  kidney  beans  and  prunes 
like  those  of  Castile,  and  tall  vineyards.  These  village  settlements 
extended  for  three  days.  This  was  called  Cona.  Some  Teyas,^  as 
these  people  are  called,  went  with  the  army  from  here  and  traveled  as  far 
as  the  end  of  the  other  settlements  with  their  packs  of  dogs  and  women 
and  children,  and  then  they  gave  them  guides  to  proceed  to  a  large 
ravine  where  the  army  was.  They  did  not  let  these  guides  speak  with 
the  Turk,  and  did  not  receive  the  same  statements  from  these  as  they 
had  from  the  others.  These  said  that  Quivira  was  toward  the  north, 
and  that  we  would  not  find  any  good  road  thither.  After  this  they 
began  to  believe  Ysopete.  The  ravine  which  the  army  had  now  reached 
was  a  league  wide  from  one  side  to  the  other,  with  a  little  bit  of  a  river 
at  the  bottom,  and  there  were  many  groves  of  mulberry  trees  near  it, 
and  rosebushes  with  the  same  sort  of  fruit  that  they  have  in  France. 
They  made  verjuice  from  the  unripe  grapes  at  this  ravine,  although 
there  were  ripe  ones.*  There  wei  e  walnuts  and  the  same  kind  of  fowls 
as  in  New  Spain,  and  large  quantities  of  prunes  like  those  of  Castile, 
During  this  journey  arTeya  was  seen  to  shoot  a  bull  right  through  both 
shoulders  with  an  arrow,  which  would  be  a  good  shot  for  a  musket. 
These  iieople  are  very  intelligent ;  the  women  are  well  made  and  modest. 
They  cover  their  whole  body.  They  wear  shoes  and  buskins  made  of 
tanned  skin.  The  women  wear  cloaks  over  their  small  under  petticoats, 
with  sleeves  gathered  up  at  the  shoulders,  all  of  skin,  and  some  wore 
something  like  little  sanbenitos''  with  a  fringe,  which  reached  half-way 
down  the  thigh  over  the  petticoat. 

The  army  rested  several  days  in  this  ravine  and  explored  the  country. 
Up  to  this  point  they  had  made  thirty-seven  days'  marches,  traveling 


•Herrera,  Historia  General,  dec.  ri,  lib.  Ix,  cap.  xi,  xii,  vol.Iii,  p.  206,  ed.  1728:  "La  relacion  que  este 
Indio hacia,  de  la manera con  que  se  goTernaban  en  vna  Piovinciama!* adelant«,  Uamada  Harae,  i.juzgan- 
doae,  que  eraimpoaible  quo  alii  dexasede  haver algunoH  Cliriatianosperdidos  del  Armada  de  Pantilode 
Narvaez,  Francisco  Vazquez  acord6  de  escrivir  vna  Carta,  i  la  embi6  con  el  ludio  flel  de  a<iuello8  dos, 
porque  el  que  bavia  de  quedar,  siempre  le  llevaron  de  Ketaguarda,  porque  el  bueno  no  le  vieae.  .  ,  . 
Emblada  la  Carta,  dando  cuenta  do  la  Jornada  que  hacia  el  Exercito,  i  adondo  bavia  Uegado,  pidiendo 
aviso,  i  relacion  de  aquella  Tierra,  i  Uamando  aquelloa  Chriatianos,  ai  por  caao  loa  buvieae,  6  que  aviaasen 
de  lo  que  bavian  meneater  para  salir  de  cantiverio." 

'A  manera  de  alixarea.  The  margin  reads  Alexerea,  which  I  can  not  find  in  the  atlases.  The  word 
means  threshing  floor,  whence  Temaux:  "autres  cabanes  semblablea  k  dea  bruy^rea  (alixares)." 

^Bandelier  suggests  that  the  name  may  have  originated  in  the  Indian  exclamation,  Texia!  Texia!^ 
frienda!  friends! — with  which  they  first  greeted  the  Spaniarda. 

^Ternaux:  "il  y  avait  des  vigues,  dea  mdriera  et  dea  roaiera  (rosalet),  dont  le  fruit  que  I'on  trouve 
en  France,  aert  en  guise  de  verjus;  il  y  en  avait  de  mftr." 

^Captain  John  Stevens's  New*  Dictionary  aaysthe  aanbenito  was  "the  badge  put  upon  converted  Jews 
brought  out  by  tho  Inquisition,  being  In  the  nature  of  a  scai>ula  or  a  broad  piece  of  cloth  banging 
before  and  behind,  witli  a  large  Saint  Andrews  cross  on  it,  red  and  yellow.  The  name  corrupted  from 
Saco  Benito,  answerable  to  the  aackclotb  worn  by  penitenta  in  the  primitive  church."  Robert  Tomaon, 
in  his  Voyage  into  Nova  Hispania,  1555,  in  Hakluyt,  iii,  536,  deacribea  his  imprisonment  by  the  Holy 
Office  in  the  city  of  Mexico:  "  We  were  brought  into  the  Church,  euery  one  with  a  S.  Benito  vpon  his 
backe,  which  is  a  halfe  a  yard  of  yellow  cloth,  with  a  hole  to  put  in  a  mans  head  iu  the  middest,  and 
cast  ouer  a  niaus  head  :  both  flaps  hang  one  before,  and  another  behiude.  and  in  the  middest  of  euery 
flap,  a  S.  Andrewes  crosse,  made  of  red  cloth,  sowed  on  vpon  the  same,  and  that  ia  called  S.  Benito.'' 


\ 


508  THE    COEONAUO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  akn.  u 

6  or  7  leagues  a  day.  It  had  been  the  duty  of  one  man  to  measure  and 
count  his  steps.  They  found  that  it  was  250  leagues  to  the  settlements.' 
When  the  general  Francisco  Vazquez  realized  this,  and  saw  that  they 
had  been  deceived  by  the  Turk  heretofore,  and  as  the  provisions  were 
giving  out  and  there  was  no  country  around  here  where  they  could 
procure  more,  he  called  the  captains  and  ensigns  together  to  decide  on 
what  they  thought  ought  to  be  done.  They  all  agreed  that  the  general 
should  go  in  search  of  Quivira  with  thirty  horsemen  and  half  a  dozen 
foot-soldiers,  and  that  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  should  go  back  to  Tiguex 
with  all  the  army.  When  the  men  in  the  army  learned  of  this  decision, 
they  begged  their  general  not  to  leave  them  to  conduct  the  further 
search,  but  declared  that  they  all  wanted  to  die  with  him  and  did  not 
want  to  go  back.  This  did  not  do  any  good,  although  the  general 
agreed  to  send  messengers  to  them  within  eight  days  saying  whether 
it  was  best  for  them  to  follow  him  or  not,  and  with  this  he  set  off  with 
the  guides  he  had  and  with  Ysopete.  The  Turk  was  taken  along  in 
chains. 

Chapter  21,  of  how  the  army  returned  to  Tiguex  and  the  general  reached 
Quivira. 

The  general  started  from  the  ravine  with  the  guides  that  the  Teyas 
had  given  him.  He  appointed  the  alderman  Diego  Lopez  his  army- 
master,  and  took  with  him  the  men  who  seemed  to  him  to  be  most  effi- 
cient, and  the  best  horses.  The  army  still  had  some  hope  that  the 
general  would  send  for  them,  and  sent  two  horsemen,  lightly  equipped 
and  riding  post,  to  repeat  their  jjetition. 

The  general  arrived — I  mean,  the  guides  ran  away  during  the  first 
few  days  and  Diego  Lopez  had  to  return  to  the  army  for  guides,  bring- 
ing orders  for  tlie  army  to  return  to  Tiguex  to  find  food  and  wait  there 
for  the  general.  The  Teyas,  as  before,  willingly  furnished  him  with 
new  guides.  The  army  waited  for  its  messengers  and  spent  a  fortnight 
here,  preparing  jerked  beef  to  take  with  them.  It  was  estimated  that 
during  this  fortnight  they  killed  500  bulls.  The  number  of  these 
that  were  there  without  any  cows  was  something  incredible.  Many 
fellows  were  lost  at  this  time  who  went  out  hunting  and  did  not  get 
back  to  the  army  for  two  or  three  days,  wandering  about  the  country 
as  if  they  were  crazy,  in  one  direction  or  another,  not  knowing  how  to 
get  back  where  they  started  from,  although  this  ravine  extended  in 
either  direction  so  that  they  could  find  it.^  Every  night  they  took 
account  of  who  was  missing,  fired  guns  and  blew  trumpets  and  beat 
drums  and  built  great  fires,  but  yet  some  of  them  went  off  so  far  and 
wandered  about  so  much  that  all  tiiis  did  not  give  them  any  help, 
although  it  helped  others.  The  only  way  was  to  go  back  where  they  had 
killed  an  animal  and  start  from  there  in  one  direction  and  another  until 


'The  Tiguex  country  is  often  referred   to  as  the  region  where  the  settlements  were.    Ternaux 
says  "depuis  Tiguex  jusqn'aii  dernier  village." 
'Compare  the  Spanish  text. 


wiNSHir]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  509 

they  struck  the  ravine  or  fell  in  with  somebody  who  could  put  them  on 
the  right  road.  It  is  worth  noting  that  the  country  there  is  so  level  that 
at  midday,  after  one  has  wandered  about  in  one  direction  and  another 
in  pursuit  of  game,  the  only  thing  to  do  is  to  stay  near  the  game  quietly 
until  sunset,  so  as  to  see  where  it  goes  down,  and  even  then  they  have 
to  be  men  who  are  practiced  to  do  it.  Those  who  are  not,  had  to  trust 
themselves  to  others. 

The  general  followed  his  guides  until  he  reached  Quivira,  which  took 
forty-eight  days'  marching,  on  account  of  the  great  detour  they  had 
made  toward  Florida.'  He  was  received  peacefully  on  account  of  the 
guides  whom  he  had.  They  asked  the  Turk  why  he  had  lied  and  had 
guided  them  so  far  out  of  their  way.  He  said  that  his  country  was  in 
that  direction  and  that,  besides  this,  the  people  at  Oicuye  had  asked  him 
to  lead  them  off  on  to  the  plains  and  lose  them,  so  that  the  horses  would 
die  when  their  provisions  gave  out,  and  they  would  be  so  weak  if  they 
ever  returned  that  they  could  be  killed  without  any  trouble,  and  thus 
they  could  take  revenge  for  what  had  been  done  to  them.  This  was  the 
reason  why  he  had  led  them  astray,  supposing  that  they  did  not  know 
how  to  hunt  or  to  live  without  corn,  while  as  for  the  gold,  he  did  not 
know  where  there  was. any  of  it.  He  said  this  like  one  who  had  given 
up  hope  and  who  found  that  he  was  being  persecuted,  since  they  had 
begun  to  believe  Ysopete,  who  had  guided  them  better  than  he  had,  and 
fearing  lest  those  who  were  there  might  give  some  advice  by  which  some 
harm  would  come  to  him.  They  garroted  him,  which  pleased  Ysopete 
very  much,  because  he  had  always  said  that  Ysopete  was  a  rascal  and 
that  he  did  not  know  what  he  was  talking  about  and  had  always  hindered 
his  talking  with  anybody.  Neither  gold  nor  silver  nor  any  trace  of  either 
was  found  among  these  people.  Their  lord  wore  a  copper  plate  on  his 
neck  and  prized  it  highly. 

The  messengers  whom  the  army  had  sent  to  the  general  returned,  as 
I  said,  and  then,  as  they  brought  no  news  except  what  the  alderman 
had  delivered,  the  army  left  the  ravine  and  returned  to  the  Teyas, 
where  they  took  guides  who  led  them  back  by  a  more  direct  road. 
They  readily  furnished  these,  because  these  people  are  always  roaming 
over  this  country  in  pursuit  of  the  animals  and  so  know  it  thoroughly. 
They  keep  their  road  in  this  way:  In  the  morning  they  notice  where 
the  sun  rises  and  observe  the  direction  they  are  going  to  take,  and 
then  shoot  an  arrow  in  this  direction.  Before  reaching  this  they  shoot 
another  over  it,  and  in  this  way  they  go  all  day  toward  the  water 
where  they  are  to  end  the  day.     In  this  way  they  covered  in  '25  days 

'Herrera,  Historia  General,  dec.  vi,  lib.  ix,  cap.  xii,  vol.  iii,  p. 206  (ed.  1728):  " Los  treinta  CaballoB 
fueron  en  busca  tie  la  Tierra  poblada,  i  hallaron  btienos  Pueblos,  fundados  junto  ^  Buenos  Arroios,  que 
van  k  dkr  al  Rio  Grande,  que  pasaron.  Auduvieron  cinco,  6  sets  dias  por  estos  Pueblos,  Uegaron  k  lo 
Tltimo  de  Quivira,  quedecian  Ids  Indies  ser  mucho,  i  hallaron  vn  Kio  de  mas  Agua,  i  poblacion  quo  los 
otros ;  i  preguntando  que  si  adelante  havla  otra  co.sa,  dixeron,  quo  de  Quivira  no  bavia  sino  Harae,  i 
que  era  de  la  misnia  manera  en  Poblaoiones,  i  tamano.  .  .  .  Embi6se  k  Uamar  al  Senor,  el  qual  era 
vn  Hombre  grande,  y  de  grandes  miembros,  de  buena  proporciou,  Wevd  docientos  ^ .  jinbres  desuudos, 
imal  cubiertas  sue  carnes,  llevabau  Arcos,  i  Flecbas,  i  Plu.-  -.s  en  las  z^.i?  as."  Compare  Jaramillu'B 
statement  and  Coronado's  letter,  as  discussed  in  the  introduction. 

V 


510  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ann.U 

what  had  taken  thein  37  days  going,  besides  stopping  to  hunt  cows  on 
the  way.  They  found  many  salt  lakes  on  this  road,  and  there  was  a 
great  quantity  of  salt.  There  were  thick  pieces  of  it  on  top  of  the 
water  bigger  than  tables,  as  thick  as  four  or  five  fingers.  Two  or  three 
spans  down  under  water  there  was  salt  which  tasted  better  than  that 
in  the  floating  pieces,  because  this  was  rather  bitter.  It  was  crystal- 
line. All  over  these  plains  there  were  large  numbers  of  animals  like 
squirrels  and  a  great  number  of  their  holes.  On  its  return  the  army 
reached  the  Cicuye  river  more  than  30  leagues  below  there — I  mean 
below  the  bridge  they  had  made  when  they  crossed  it,  and  they  fol- 
lowed it  up  to  that  place.  In  general,  its  banks  are  covered  with  a  sort 
of  rose  bushes,  the  fruit  of  which  tastes  like  muscatel  grapes.'  They 
grow  on  little  twigs  about  as  high  up  as  a  man.  It  has  the  parsley  leaf. 
There  were  unripe  grapes  and  currants  (f)^  and  wild  marjoram.  The 
guides  said  this  river  joined  that  of  Tiguex  more  than  20  days  from  here, 
and  that  its  course  turned  toward  the  east.  It  is  believed  that  it  flows 
into  the  mighty  river  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Espiritu  Santo),  which  the 
men  with  Don  Hernando  de  Soto  discovered  in  Florida.  A  painted 
Indian  woman  ran  away  from  Juau  de  Saldibar  and  hid  in  the  ravines 
about  this  time,  because  she  recognized  the  country  of  Tiguex  where 
she  had  been  a  slave.  She  fell  into  the  hands  of  some  Spaniards 
who  had  entered  the  country  from  Florida  to  explore  it  in  this  direc- 
tion. After  I  got  back  to  New  Spain  I  heard  them  say  that  the  Indian 
told  them  that  she  had  run  away  from  other  men  like  them  nine  days, 
and  that  she  gave  the  names  of  some  captains ;  from  which  we  ought 
to  believe  that  we  were  not  far  from  the  region  they  discovered, 
although  they  said  they  were  more  than  200  leagues  inland.  I  believe 
the  land  at  that  point  is  more  than  COO  leagues  across  from  sea  to  sea. 
As  I  said,  the  army  followed  the  river  up  as  far  as  Cicuye,  which  it 
found  ready  for  war  and  unwilling  to  make  any  advances  toward  peace 
or  to  give  any  food  to  the  army.  From  there  they  went  on  to  Tiguex 
where  several  villages  had  been  reiuhabited,  but  the  people  were  afraid 
and  left  them  again. 

Chapter  22,  of  how  the  general  returned  from  Quivira  and  of  other 
expeditions  totoard  the  North. 

After  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  reached  Tiguex,  about  the  middle  of 
July,  in  the  year  '42,^  he  had  provisions  collected  for  the  coming  winter. 
Captain  Francisco  de  Barrionuevo  was  sent  up  the  river  toward  the 
north  with  several  men.  He  saw  two  provinces,  one  of  which  was 
called  Hemes  and  had  seven  villages,  and  the  other  Yuqueyunque.* 
The  inhabitants  of  Hemes  came  out  peaceably  and  furnished  provisions. 
At  Yuqueyunque  the  whole  nation  left  two  very  fine  villages  which 

>  Tftrnaux ;  "lea  rives,  qui  aont  couvertes  d'une  plante  dont  le  fruit  ressemble  au  raisin  mascat.  *' 
'Compare  the  Spanish  t«xt;  Tematix  omit8  this  sentence. 
'CastaBefia's  date  ia,  as  usual,  a  year  later  than  the  actual  one. 

*  Yuge-uing-ge,  as  Bandelicr  spells  it,  is  the  aboriginal  name  of  a  former  Tewa  village,  the  site  of 
wliich  is  occupied  by  the  hamlet  of  Chamita,  opposite  San  Juan.    The  others  are  near  by. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  611 

they  had  on  either  side  of  the  river  entirely  vacant,  and  went  into 
the  mountains,  where  they  had  four  very  strong  villages  in  a  rough 
country,  where  it  was  impossible  for  horses  to  go.  In  the  two  villages 
there  was  a  great  deal  of  food  and  some  very  beautiful  glazed  earthen- 
ware with  many  figures  and  different  shapes.  Here  they  also  found 
many  bowls  full  of  a  carefully  selected  shining  metal  with  which  they 
glazed  the  earthenware.  This  shows  that  mines  of  silver  would  be 
found  in  that  country  if  they  should  hunt  for  them. 

There  was  a  large  and  powerful  river,  I  mean  village,  which  was  called 
Braba,  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  which  our  men  called  Valladolid.' 
The  river  flowed  through  the  middle  of  it.  The  natives  crossed  it  by 
wooden  bridges,  made  of  very  long,  large,  squared  pines.  At  this  vil- 
lage they  saw  the  largest  and  finest  hot  rooms  or  estufas  that  there  were 
in  the  entire  country,  for  they  had  a  dozen  pillars,  each  one  of  which 
was  twice  as  large  around  as  one  could  reach  and  twice  as  tall  as  a 
man.  Hernando  de  Alvarado  visited  this  village  when  he  discovered 
Cicuye.  The  country  is  very  high  and  verj"^  cold.  The  river  is  deep 
and  very  swift,  without  any  ford.  Captain  Barrionuevo  returned  from 
here,  leaving  the  province  at  peace. 

Another  captain  went  down  the  river  in  search  of  the  settlements 
which  the  people  at  Tutahaco  had  said  were  several  days  distant  from 
there.  This  captain  went  down  80  leagues  and  found  four  largo  villages 
which  he  left  at  peace.  He  proceeded  until  he  found  that  the  river  sank 
into  the  earth,  like  the  Guadiana  in  Estremadura.''  He  did  not  go  on  to 
where  the  Indians  said  that  it  came  out  much  larger,  because  his  com- 
mission did  not  extend  for  more  than  80  leagues  march.  After  this  cap- 
tain got  back,  as  the  time  had  arrived  which  the  captain  had  set  for  his 
return  from  Quivira,  and  as  he  had  not  come  back,  Don  Tristan  selected 
40  companions  and,  leaving  the  army  to  Francisco  de  Barrionuevo,  he 
started  with  them  in  search  of  the  general.  When  he  reached  Cicuye 
the  people  came  out  of  the  village  to  fight,  which  detained  him  there 
four  days,  while  be  punished  them,  which  he  did  by  firing  some  volleys 
into  the  village.  These  killed  several  men,  so  that  they  did  not  come  out 
against  the  army,  since  two  of  their  principal  men  had  been  killed  on 
the  first  day.  Just  then  word  was  brought  that  the  general  was  com- 
ing, and  so  Don  Tristan  had  to  stay  there  on  this  account  also,  to  keep 
the  road  open.^  Everybody  welcomed  the  general  on  his  arrival,  with 
great  joy.  The  Indian  Xabe,  who  was  the  young  fellow  who  had  been 
given  to  the  general  at  Cicuye  when  he  started  off  in  search  of  Quivira, 
was  with  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  and  when  he  learned  that  the  gen- 

■Taos,  or  Te-uatha.  See  Bandelier's  Final  Report,  vol.  i,  p.  123,  for  the  identification  uf  these 
places. 

-This  rendering,  doubtless  correct,  is  duo  to  Temaux.  Tlie  Guadiana,  Iiowever,  reappears  above 
ground  some  time  before  it  begins  to  mark  the  boundary  of  the  Spanisli  province  of  Estremadura. 
The  Ca3tane<la  family  had  its  seat  in  quite  the  other  end  of  the  peninsula. 

'Mota  Padilla,  xxxiii,  4.,  p.  165:  "Al  cabode  dos  meses,  poco  mas  6  m^nos,  volvi6  consu  gente  el  gen- 
eral &  Tigiies,  y  dieron  razon  que  habiendo  caminado  mas  de  cien  leguas.  '  •  *  Quivira  se  hallo  ser 
nn  pueblo  de  hasta  cien  casas." 


512  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

eral  was  coming  be  acted  as  if  he  was  greatly  pleased,  and  said,  "Now 
when  the  general  comes,  you  will  see  that  there  is  gold  and  silver  in 
Quivira,  although  not  so  much  as  the  Turk  said."  When  the  general 
arrived,  and  Xabe  saw  that  they  had  not  found  anything,  he  was  sad  and 
silent,  and  kept  declaring  that  there  was  some.  He  made  many  believe 
that  it  was  so,  because  the  general  had  not  dared  to  enter  into  the 
country  on  account  of  its  being  thickly  settled  and  his  force  not  very 
strong,  and  that  he  had  returned  to  lead  his  army  there  after  the  rains, 
because  it  had  begun  to  rain  there  already,  as  it  was  early  in  August 
when  he  left.  It  took  him  forty  days  to  return,  traveling  lightly 
equipped.  The  Turk  had  said  when  they  left  Tiguex  that  they  ought 
not  to  load  the  horses  with  too  much  provisions,  which  would  tire  them 
so  that  they  could  not  afterward  carry  the  gold  and  silver,  from  which 
it  is  very  evident  that  he  was  deceiving  them. 

The  general  reached  Cicuye  with  his  force  and  at  once  set  off  for 
Tiguex,  leaving  the  village  more  quiet,  for  they  had  met  him  peaceably 
and  had  talked  with  him.  When  he  reached  Tiguex,  he  made  his 
plans  to  pass  the  winter  there,  so  as  to  return  with  the  whole  army, 
because  it  was  said  that  he  brought  information  regarding  large  settle- 
ments and  very  large  rivers,  and  that  the  country  was  very  much  like 
that  of  Spain  in  the  fruits  and  vegetation  and  seasons.  They  were  not 
ready  to  believe  that  there  was  no  gold  there,  but  instead  had  susx^icions 
that  there  was  some  farther  back  in  the  country,  because,  although  this 
was  denied,  they  knew  what  the  thing  was  and  had  a  name  for  it  among 
themselves — acochis.  With  this  we  end  this  first  part,  and  now  we 
will  give  an  account  of  the  provinces. 

Second    pakt,    which   treats    of    the    high    villages   and 

PROVINCES   and   of   THEIR   HABITS  AND   CUSTOMS,   AS   COLLECTED 

BY  Pedro  de  Castaneda,  native  op  the  city  of  najara. 

Lau8  Deo. 

It  does  not  seem  to  me  that  the  reader  will  be  satisfied  with  having 
seen  and  understood  what  I  have  already  related  about  the  expedition, 
although  that  has  made  it  easy  to  see  the  difference  between  the  report 
which  told  about  vast  treasures,  and  the  places  where  nothing  like  this 
was  either  found  or  known.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  place  of  settlements 
great  deserts  were  found,  and  instead  of  populous  cities  villages  of 
200  inhabitants  and  only  800  or  1,000  people  in  the  largest.  I  do  not 
know  whether  this  will  furnish  grounds  for  pondering  and  considering 
the  uncertainty  of  this  life.  To  please  these,  I  wish  to  give  a  detailed 
account  of  all  the  inhabited  region  seen  and  discovered  by  this  expe- 
dition, and  some  of  their  ceremonies  and  habits,  in  accordance  with 
what  we  came  to  know  about  them,  and  the  limits  within  which  each 
province  falls,  so  that  hereafter  it  may  be  possible  to  understand  in 
what  direction  Florida  lies  and  in  what  direction  Greater  India;  and 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPOftT      PL.    LV 


tim 


LA  HISTOI?:iA  GENERAt 


yct\ojan  tfinalmentces  animal  feo  yficrodero* 
■ftro,j>  cucrpo.HuyS  de  los  los  cauallos  porfii  ma-? 
4a  cataduia,o  por  nunca  los  aucr  vifto.  No  denen 
fiis  dueiios  otra  riqueza ,  ni  hazieiida,  dcllos  co- 
nien,beuen,viften,cal9an ,  y  hazen  iiiuchas  cofas 
de  loa  cueroSjCafaSjCalgadOjVeftido  j>  fogastdelog 
iiueflbs,puni5ones:dclos  neriiios,y  peloj,  hilotde 
ios  c«ernos,buchcs,y  bcxigas ,  vafosrdelas  boiir* 
^asilumbre:y  delas  terneras ,  odres ,  en  que  traen 
^  Cieueii  agua :  hazen  en  fin  tantas  cofas  delioa  . 
fluanws  ban  menpfter ,  o  quantas  las  baftan  p'am 
X\x  biuienda.Ay  tambicn  onos  animalcs,  tan  gran 
Jes  como  cauallos,que  por  tcncr  cuemos  ,  y  lafia 
jfiiis,Ios  Hainan  carneros,j>  dizen ,  que  cada  cuer- . 
no  pc&  dos  aiTOuas.Ay  tambicn  grandcs  pcrrosi 

que 


THE  BUFFALO  OF  GOMARA,   1554 


wiNSHH-l  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  513 

this  land  of  New  Spain  is  part  of  the  mainland  with  Peru,  and  with 
Greater  India  or  China  as  well,  there  not  being  any  strait  between  to 
separate  them.  On  the  other  hand,  the  country  is  so  wide  that  there 
is  room  for  these  vast  deserts  which  lie  between  the  two  seas,  for  the 
coast  of  the  North  sea  beyond  Florida  stretches  toward  the  Bacallaos' 
and  then  turns  toward  Norway,  while  that  of  the  South  sea  turns 
toward  the  west,  making  another  bend  down  toward  the  south  almost 
like  a  bow  and  stretches  away  toward  India,  leaving  room  for  the  lands 
that  border  on  the  mountains  on  both  sides  to  stretch  out  in  such  a 
way  as  to  have  between  them  these  great  plains  which  are  full  of  cattle 
and  many  other  animals  of  different  sorts,  since  they  are  not  inhabited, 
as  I  will  relate  farther  on.  There  is  every  sort  of  game  and  fowl  there, 
but  no  snakes,  for  they  are  free  ^  from  these.  I  will  leave  the  account 
of  the  return  of  the  army  to  New  Spain  until  I  have  shown  what  slight 
occasion  there  was  for  this.  We  will  begin  our  account  with  the  city 
of  Culiacan,  and  point  out  the  differences  between  the  one  country  and 
the  other,  on  account,  of  which  one  ought  to  be  settled  by  Spaniards 
and  the  other  not.  It  should  be  the  reverse,  however,  with  Christians, 
since  there  are  intelligent  men  in  one,  and  in  the  other  wild  animals 
and  worse  than  beasts. 

Chapter  1,  of  the  province  of  Culiacan  and  of  its  habits  and  customs, 

Culiacan  is  the  last  place  in  the  New  Kingdom  of  Galicia,  and  was 
the  first  settlement  made  by  Nuno  de  Guzman  when  he  conquered  this 
kingdom.  It  is  210  leagues  west  of  Mexico.  In  this  province  there  are 
three  chief  languages,  besides  other  related  dialects.  The  first  is  that 
of  the  Tahus,  who  are  the  best  and  most  intelligent  race.  They  are 
now  the  most  settled  and  have  received  the  most  light  from  the  faith. 
They  worship  idols  and  make  presents  to  the  devil  of  their  goods  and 
riches,  consisting  of  cloth  and  turquoises.  They  do  not  eat  human  flesh 
nor  sacrifice  it.  They  are  accustomed  to  keep  very  large  snakes,  which 
they  venerate.  Among  them  there  are  men  dressed  like  women  who 
marry  other  men  and  serve  as  their  wives.  At  a  great  festival  they 
consecrate  the  women  who  wish  to  live  unmarried,  with  much  singing 
and  dancing,'  at  which  all  the  chiefs  of  the  locality  gather  and  dance 
naked,  and  after  all  have  danced  with  her  they  put  her  in  a  hut  that 
has  been  decorated  for  this  event  and  the  chiefs  adorn  her  Avith  clothes 
and  bracelets  of  fine  turquoises,  and  then  the  chiefs  go  in  one  by  one  to 
lie  with  her,  and  all  the  others  who  wish,  follow  them.  From  this  time 
on  these  women  can  not  refuse  anyone  who  pays  them  a  certain  amount 
agreed  on  for  this.  Even  if  they  take  husbands,  this  does  not  exempt 
them  from  obliging  anyone  who  pays  them.  The  greatest  festivals  are 
on  market  days.    The  custom  is  for  the  husbands  to  buy  the  women 


*  The  Newfoundland  region . 

•Ternauxs  rendering.    Compare  the  Spanish  text. 

'Compare  the  Spanish.    Several  words  in  the  manuscript  are  not  very  clear.    Ternaux  omits  them, 
as  usual. 

14  ETH 33 


514  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ans.u 

whom  they  marry,  of  their  fathers  and  relatives  at  a  high  price,  aud 
then  to  take  them  to  a  chief,  who  is  considered  to  be  a  priest,  to  deflower 
them  aud  see  if  she  is  a  virgin;  and  if  she  is  not,  they  have  to  return 
the  whole  price,  and  he  can  keep  her  for  his  wife  or  not,  or  let  her  be 
consecrated,  as  he  chooses.     At  these  times  they  all  get  drunk. 

The  second  language  is  that  of  the  Pacaxes,  the  people  who  live  iu 
the  country  between  the  plains  and  the  mountains.  These  people  are 
more  barbarous.  Some  of  them  who  live  near  the  mountains  eat  human 
flesh.'  They  are  great  sodomites,  and  have  many  wives<,  even  when 
these  are  sisters.  They  worship  painted  and  sculptured  stones,  and  are 
much  given  to  witchcraft  and  sorcery. 

The  third  language  is  that  of  the  Acaxes,  who  are  in  possession  of  a 
large  part  of  the  hilly  country  aud  all  of  the  mountains  They  go  hunt- 
ing for  men  just  as  they  hunt  animals.  They  all  eat  human  iiesh,  aud 
he  who  has  the  most  human  bones  and  skulls  hung  up  around  his  house 
is  most  feared  and  respected.  They  live  in  settlements  and  iu  very 
rough  country,  avoiding  the  plains.  In  passing  from  one  settlement  to 
another,  there  is  always  a  ravine  in  the  way  which  they  can  not  cross, 
although  they  can  talk  together  across  it.'  At  the  slightest  call  500  men 
collect,  and  on  any  pretext  kill  and  eat  one  another.  Thus  it  has  been 
very  hard  to  subdue  these  people,  on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the 
country,  which  is  very  great. 

Many  rich  silver  mines  have  been  found  iu  this  country.    They  do 

not  run  deep,  but  soon  give  out.    The  gulf  of  the  sea  begins  on  the  coast 

of  this  province,  entering  the  land  250  leagues  toward  the  north  and 

ending  at  the  mouth  of  the  Firebrand  (Tizou)  river.    This  country 

forms  its  eastern  limit,  and  California  the  western.     From  what  I  have 

been  told  by  men  who  had  navigated  it,  it  is  30  leagues  across  from  point 

to  point,  because  they  lose  sight  of  this  country  when  they  see  the  other. 

They  say  the  gulf  is  over  150  leagues  broad  (or  deep),  from  shore  to 

shore.    The  coast  makes  a  turn  toward  the  south  at  the  Firebrand  river, 

bending  down  to  California,  which  turns  toward  the  west,  forming  that 

peninsula  which  was  formerly  held  to  be  an  island,  because  it  was  a  low 

sandy  country.    It  is  inhabited  by  brutish,  bestial,  naked  people  who 

eat  their  own  ofiFal.    The  men  and  women  couple  like  animals,  the  female 

openly  getting  down  on  all  fours. 

♦ 
Chapter  2,  of  the  province  of  Petlatlan  and  all  the  inhabited  country  as 

far  as  Chichilticalli. 

Petlatlan  is  a  settlement  of  houses  covered  with  a  sort  of  mats  made 
of  plants?  These  are  collected  into  villages,  extending  along  a  river 
from  the  mountains  to  the  sea.    The  people  are  of  the  same  race  and 

'Omitted  by  Temaux,  who  (p.  151)  calls  these  the  Pacasas. 

'  Compare  the  Spanish  text.  Ternaui  (p.  152)  renders :  ■  'fls  ont  soin  de  bfttir  lears  villages  de  maniere 
jh  ce  qu'ila  soient  s6par6s  les  nns  des  aiitres  par  des  ravins  impossibles  k  franchir,"  which  is  perhaps 
the  meaning  of  the  Spanish. 

*  Teruaux,  p.  156 :  ' '  couvert«s  en  luittes  de  glaieul.' '    The  Spanish  manuscript  is  very  obscure. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION    OP    CASTANEDA  515 

habits  as  the  Culua«anian  Tahues.  There  is  much  sodomy  among  them. 
In  the  mountain  district  there  is  a  large  population  and  more  settle- 
ments. These  people  have  a  somewhat  diflerent  language  from  the 
Tahues,  although  they  understand  each  other.  It  is  called  Petlatlan 
because  the  houses  are  made  of  petates  or  palm-leaf  mats.'  Houses  of 
this  sort  are  found  for  more  than  240  leagues  in  this  region,  to  the 
beginning  of  the  Cibola  wilderness.  The  nature  of  the  country  changes 
here  very  greatly,  because  from  this  point  on  there  are  no  trees  except 
the  pine,^  nor  are  there  any  fruits  except  a  few  tunas,^  mesquites,^  and 
pitahayas.^ 

Petlatlan  is  20  leagues  from  Culiacan,  and  it  is  130  leagues  fi'om  here 
to  the  valley  of  Seiiora.  There  are  many  rivers  between  the  two,  with 
settlements  of  the  same  sort  of  people — for  example,  Sinoloa,  Boyomo, 
Teocomo,  Yaquimi,  and  other  smaller  ones.  There  is  also  the  Corazones 
or  Hearts,  which  is  in  our  possession,  down  the  valley  of  Seiiora.^ 

Seuora  is  a  river  and  valley  thickly  settled  by  able-bodied  people. 
The  women  wear  petticoats  of  tanned  deerskin,  and  little  san  benitos 
reaching  halfway  down  the  body.'  The  chiefs  of  the  villages  go  upon 
some  little  heights  they  have  made  for  this  purpose,  like  public  criers, 
and  there  make  proclamations  for  the  space  of  an  hour,  regulating 
those  things  they  have  to  attend  to.  They  have  some  little  huts  for 
shrines,  all  over  the  outside  of  which  they  stick  many  arrows,  like  a 
hedgehog.  They  do  this  when  they  are  eager  for  war.  All  about  this 
province  toward  the  mountains  there  is  a  large  ijopulation  in  sepa- 
rate little  provinces  containing  ten  or  twelve  villages.  Seven  or  eight 
of  them,  of  which  I  know  the  names,  are  Oomupatrico,  Mochilagua, 
Arispa,  and  the  Little  Valley.*    There  are  others  which  we  did  not  see. 

It  is  40  leagues  from  Seiiora  to  the  valley  of  Suya.  The  town  of  Saint 
Jerome  (San  Hieronimo)  was  established  in  this  valley,  where  there  was 


'An  aocoont  of  these  people  is  given  in  the  Trivmphos,  lib.  1,  cap.  ii,  p.  6,  A.ndre8  Peiez  de 
Kibas,  S.  J.  "Estas  [casas]  bazian,  vuaa  de  varas  de  monte  hincadasen  tierra,  eutretexidas,  y  atadaa 
con  vejucOB,  que  son  vuas  ramas  conio  de  Qar^aparrilla,  muy  fuertes,  y  que  durau  muclio  tiepo.  Las  • 
paredes  que  bazia  con  essa  barazon  las  afortauan  con  vna  torta  de  barro,  para  que  no  las  penetrasse  el 
Sol.  ni  los  vientos,  cubriendo  la  casa  con  madera,  y  encinia  tierra,  6  barro,  con  que  bazian  a9otea,  y  con 
ease  se  contentauan.  Otros  bazian  sus  casas  de  petates  q  es  genero  de  esteraa  texidas  de  cana 
taxada."  Bandelier  found  the  Opata  Indians  living  in  hons»^s  made  with  "a slight  foundation  of  cob- 
blestones which  supported  a  frameworlc  of  posts  standing  in  a  thin  wall  of  rough  stones  and  nud, 
while  a  slanting  roof  of  yucca  or  palm  leaves  covered  the  whole." — Final  Report,  pt.  i,  p.  58. 

'  The  meaning  of  tills  sentence  in  the  Spanish  is  not  wholly  clear.  Temaux,  p.  156 :  "  Cette  mani^re 
de  b&tir    .    .    .    change  dans  cet  endroit  probablement,  parce  qu'il  n'y  a  plus  d'arbres  sans  6pines." 

•  The  Opuntia  tuna  or  prickly  pear. 

•  Prosopis  juiijtora. 
'•  Cereut  thurberii. 

•  Sonera. 

'Oviedo,  Historia,  vol.  iii,p.  610  {ed.l853) :  "Todaestagente,  dende las primeras casas  delmabiz,  andan 
los  hombres  muy  deshonestos,  sin  se  cobrir  cosa  alguna  de  sus  personas ;  C  las  mugeres  muy  bonestas, 
con  Unas  sayas  de  cueros  de  venados  basta  los  pi^s,  6  con  falda  que  detrds  les  arrastra  alguna  cosa,  6 
abiertas  por  delante  hasta  el  suelo  y  enla^adas  con  unas  coiTeas.  fi  traen  debaxo,  per  donde  estto 
abiertas,  una  mantilla  de  algo^lon  6  otra  en9ima,  6  unas  gorgueras  de  algodon,  que  les  cubren  todos  lo6 
pecbos.'* 

•Temaux,  pp.  157-158:  "  une  multitude  de  tribus  i  part,  r6unis  en  petites  nations  de  sept  on  huit, 
dix  on  douze  villages,  ce  sont :  TJpatrico,  Mocbila,  Guagarispa,  £1  Vallecillo,  et  d'antrea  qui  son  pr^ 
des  montagnes." 


516  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-  542  (eth.  ann.U 

a  rebelliou  later,  aud  part  of  the  people  who  had  settled  there  were  killed, 
as  will  be  seen  in  the  third  part.  There  are  many  villages  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  this  valley.  The  people  are  the  same  as  chose  in  Seiiora  and 
have  the  same  dress  and  language,  habits,  and  customs,  like  all  the  rest 
as  far  as  the  desert  of  Ohichilticalli.  The  women  paint  their  chins  and 
eyes  like  the  Moorish  women  of  Barbary.  They  are  great  sodomites. 
They  drink  wine  made  of  the  pitahaya,  which  is  the  fruit  of  a  great 
thistle  which  opens  like  the  pomegranate.  The  wine  makes  them 
stupid.  They  make  a  great  quantity  of  preserves  from  the  tuna ;  they 
preserve  it  in  a  large  amount  of  its  sap  without  other  honey.  They 
make  bread  of  the  mesquite,  like  cheese,  which  keeps  good  for  a  whole 
year.'  There  are  native  melons  in  this  country  so  large  that  a  person 
can  carry  only  one  of  them.  They  cut  these  into  slices  and  dry  them 
in  the  sun.  They  are  good  to  eat,  and  taste  like  flgs,  and  are  better 
than  dried  meat;  they  are  very  good  and  sweet,  keeping  for  a  whole 
year  when  prepared  in  this  way.^ 

In  this  country  there  were  also  tame  eagles,  which  the  chiefs  esteemed 
to  be  something  flne.^  No  fowls  of  any  sort  were  seen  in  any  of  these 
villages  except  in  this  valley  of  Suya,  where  fowls  like  those  of  Castile 
were  found.  Nobody  could  find  out  how  they  came  to  be  so  far  inland, 
the  people  being  all  at  war  with  one  another.  Between  Suya  and  Ohichil- 
ticalli there  are  many  sheep  aud  mountain  goats  with  very  large  bodies 
and  horns.  Some  Spaniards  declare  that  they  have  seen  flocks  of  more 
than  a  hundred  together,  which  ran  so  fast  that  they  disappeared  very 
quickly. 

At  Ohichilticalli  the  country  changes  its  character  again  and  the 
spiky  vegetation  ceases.  The  reason  is  that  the  gulf  reaches  as  far  up 
as  this  place,  and  the  mountain  chain  changes  its  direction  at  the  same 
time  that  the  coast  does.  Here  they  had  to  cross  and  pass  through  the 
mountains  In  order  to  get  into  the  level  country. 

Chapter  3,  of  ChichilticaUi  and  the  desert,  of  Cibola,  its  customs  and 
habits,  and  of  other  things. 

Ohichilticalli  is  so  called  because  the  friars  found  a  house  at  this  place 
which  was  formerly  inhabited  by  people  who  separated  from  Oibola.  It 
was  made  of  colored  or  reddish  earth.''  The  house  was  large  and  appeared 
to  have  been  a  fortress.  It  must  have  been  destroyed  by  the  people  of 
the  district,  who  are  the  most  barbarous  people  that  have  yet  been  seen. 
They  live  in  separate  cabins  and  not  in  settlements.    They  live  by  hunt- 


1  Baodelier,  Final  Report,  pt.  i,  p.  Ill,  quotes  from  the  Relaciones  of  Z^rate-Salmeron,  of  some  Arizona 
Indians:  "Tambien  tienen  para  sususteiituMescaliquees  conserva  de  raiz  dema^ey."  The  strong 
liqnor  is  made  from  the  root  of  the  Mexican  or  American  agave. 

^Theao  were  doubtless  cantaloupes.  The  southwestern  Indians  still  slice  and  dry  them  in  a  manner 
similar  to  that  hero  descnljed. 

'The  Pueblo  Indians,  particularly  the  Zufii  and  Hopi,  keep  eagles  for  their  feathers,  which  are 
higlily  prized  because  of  their  reputed  sacred  character, 

*Chichiltic-cani,arecl  objector  house,  according  to^tfolina's  Vocabulario  Mexicano,  1555.  Bandelier, 
Historical  Introduction,  p.  11,  gives  relerences  to  the  ancient  and  modern  descriptions.  The  location 
is  discussed  on  page  387  of  tlle  present  memoir. 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL.   LVI 


LBS  s  ING  vlaritet: 

tre  cefie  Floride  ty  U  riwerr  de  Palme fi  irouuenfl 

Torcau    diutrfes  e^eces  de  hcfies  monjirueufisuntre  lef^»el*\ 

»  '  lesion  feut')ioir^ne  ejfece  de  grands  Uwea,ux  ,^0 


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Cr  Hon  antre  chofi yC"  nj  peurent~\nire  long  temps. 
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cheualfC^ne  lepeut  endurer pres  de  luy.  De  la  Fltri-* 
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.        portent  perles. Or  depuis  que fimmeslienKi  Mpl^^e  l^l 
cortans   f**^  ^^  toucher  la  ctlteBion  des  huitres ,  ne  "Kux  oi 
pcrles.    Uerpar  quelmojen  Us  far  les  enjint  tirles,tant  auX 

indes 


I 


THE  BUFFALO  OF  THEVET,   1558 


V 


wrasHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  517 

ing.  The  rest  of  the  country  is  all  wilderness,  covered  with  pine  forests. 
There  are  great  quantities  of  the  pine  nuts.  The  pines  are  two  or  three 
times  as  high  as  a  man  before  they  send  out  branches.  There  is  a  sort  of 
oak  with  sweet  acorns,  of  which  they  make  cakes  like  sugar  plums  with 
dried  coriander  seeds.  It  is  very  sweet,  like  sugar.  Watercress  grows 
in  many  springs,  and  there  are  rosebushes,  and  pennyroyal,  and  wild 
marjoram. 

There  are  barbels  and  picones,'  like  those  of  Spain,  in  the  rivers  of 
this  wilderness.  Gray  lions  and  leopards  were  seen.^  The  country 
rises  continually  from  the  beginning  of  the  wilderness  until  Cibola  is 
reached,  which  is  8.5  leagues,  going  north.  From  Gviliacan  to  the  edge 
of  the  wilderness  the  route  had  kept  the  north  on  the  left  hand. 

Cibola'  is  seven  villages.  The  largest  is  called  Ma9aque.''  The 
houses  are  ordinarily  three  or  four  stories  high,  but  in  Magaque  there 
are  houses  with  four  and  seven  stories.  These  people  are  very  intelli- 
gent. They  cover  their  privy  parts  and  all  the  immodest  parts  with 
cloths  made  like  a  sort  of  table  napkin,  with  fringed  edges  and  a  tassel 
at  each  corner,  which  they  tie  over  the  hips.  They  wear  long  robes  of 
feathers  and  of  the  skins  of  hares,  and  cotton  blankets.^  The  women 
wear  blankets,  which  they  tie  or  knot  over  the  left  shoulder,  leaving  the 
right  arm  out.  These  serve  to  cover  the  body.  They  wear  a  neat 
well-shaped  outer  garment  of  skin.  They  gather  their  hair  over  the 
two  ears,  making  a  frame  which  looks  like  an  old-fashioned  headdress.* 

'  Temaux  (p.  162)  succeeded  no  better  than  I  have  in  the  attempt  to  identify  this  fish. 

'Temaux,  p.  162:  "A  l'entr6e  du  pays  inliabit6  on  rencontre  une  esp^ce  do  lion  de  couleur  fauve." 
Compare  the  Spanish  text.     These  were  evidently  the  mountain  lion  and  the  wild  cat. 

3  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  in  his  Zwolf  Sprachen,  p.  106,  says  that  this  word  is  now  to  be  found  only  in 
the  dialect  of  the  pueblo  of  Isleta,  under  the  form  sibiiloda,  butfalo. 

■*Matsaki,  the  ruins  of  which  are  at  the  northwestern  base  of  Thunder  mountain.  See  Bandelier's 
Final  Report,  pt.  i.  p.  133,  and  Hodge,  First  Discovered  City  of  Cibola. 

'The  mantles  of  rabbit  hair  are  still  worn  at  Moki,  but  those  of  turkey  plumes  are  out  of  use  alto- 
gether. See  Bandelier's  Final  Report,  pt.  i,  pp.  37  and  158.  They  used  also  the  fiber  of  the  yucca  and 
agave  for  making  clothes. 

*  J.  G.  Owens,  Hopi  Natal  Ceremonies,  in  Journal  of  American  Archseology  and  Ethnology,  vol.  ii,  p. 
165 n.,  says :  "The  dress  of  the  Hopi  [Moki,  or  Tusayan]  women  consists  of  a  black  blanket  about 
3}  feet  square,  folded  around  the  body  from  the  left  side.  It  passes  under  the  left  arm  and  over  the 
right  shoulder,  being  sewed  together  on  the  right  side,  except  a  hole  about  3  inches  long  near  the  upper 
end  through  which  the  arm  is  thrust.  This  is  belted  in  at  the  waist  by  a  sash  about  3  inches  wide. 
Sometimes,  though  not  frequently,  a  shirt  is  worn  under  this  garment,  and  a  piece  of  muslin,  tied 
together  by  two  adjacent  corners,  is  usually  near  by,  to  be  thrown  over  the  shoulders.  Most  of  the 
women  have  moccasins,  which  they  put  on  at  certain  times." 

Gomara,  ccxiii,  describes  the  natives  of  Sibola:  "Hazen  con  todo  esso  maa  mantillas  de  pieles  de 
Conejos,  y  liebres,  y  de  venados,  qnealgodon  muypoco  alcan^an  :  cal9an  9apatos  de  cuero,  y  de  iuuierno 
Tnas  como  betas  hasta  las  rodillas.  Las  mugeres  van  vestidas  de  Metl  hasta  en  pies,  andau  ceuidas, 
tren9an  loa  cabellos,  y  rodeanselos  ala  cabe^a  por  sobre  las  orejas.  La.tierraes  arenosa,  y  de  poco 
fruto,  creo  q  por  pereza  dellos,  pues  donde  siembran,  lleua  maj'z,  frisoles,  calaba^as,  y  frutas,  y  aun  se 
crian  en  ella  gallipauoB,  que  no  se  hazen  en  todos  cabos." 

In  his  Kelacion  de  Vi%je,  p.  173,  Espejo  says  of  Zuni:  "en  esta  provincia  se  visten  algunos  de  log 
uaturales,  de  mantas  de  algodon  y  cueros  de  las  vacas,  y  de  gamuzas  aderezadas;  y  las  mantas  de  algo. 
don  las  traen  pnestas  al  uso  mexicano,  eceto  que  deba.io  de  partes  vergonzosas  traen  unos  panes  do 
algodon  pintados,  y  algunos  dellos  traen  camisas,  y  la.H  mugeres  traen  naguas  de  algodon  y  muchaa 
dellas  bordadas  con  hilo  de  colores,  y  encinia  una  manta  como  la  traen  los  indios  mexicanos,  y  atada 
con  un  i)aiio  de  manos  como  toballa  labrada,  y  se  lo  atan  por  la  cintura  con  bus  borlas,  y  las  naguas 
son  que  sirven  de  faldas  de  camisa  il  raiz  de  las  carnes,  y  esto  cada  una  lo  trae  con  la  mas  ventaja  que 
pnede ;  y  todos,  asi  hombres  como  mujeres.  andan  calzados  con  zapatos  y  betas,  las  suelas  de  cuero 


K 


518  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

This  country  is  a  valley  between  rocky  mountains.  They  cultivate 
corn,  which  does  not  grow  very  high.  The  ears  start  at  the  very  foot, 
and  each  large  fat  stalk  bears  about  800  grains,  something  not  seen 
before  in  these  parts. ^  There  are  large  numbers  of  bears  in  this  prov- 
ince, and  lions,  wild-cats,  deer,  and  otter.  There  are  very  fine  turquoises, 
although  not  so  many  as  was  reported.  They  collect  the  pine  nuts  each 
year,  and  store  them  up  in  advance.  A  man  does  not  have  more  than 
one  wife.  There  are  estufas  or  hot  rooms  in  the  villages,  which  are  the 
courtyards  or  places  where  they  gather  for  consultation.  They  do  not 
have  chiefs  as  in  Naw  Spain,  but  are  ruled  by  a  council  of  the  oldest  men.^ 
They  have  priests  who  preach  to  them,  whom  they  call  x>apas,^  These 
are  the  elders.  They  go  up  on  the  highest  roof  of  the  village  and  i>reach 
to  the  village  from  there,  like  public  criers,  in  the  morning  while  the  sun 
is  rising,  the  whole  village  being  silent  and  sitting  in  the  galleries  to 
listen.^  They  tell  them  how  they  are  to  live,  and  I  believe  that  they 
give  certain  commandments  for  them  to  keep,  for  there  is  no  drunken- 
ness among  them  nor  sodomy  nor  sacrifices,  neither  do  they  eat  human 
flesh  nor  steal,  but  they  are  usually  at  work.  The  estufas  belong  to 
the  whole  village.  It  is  a  sacrilege  for  the  women  to  go  into  the  estufas 
to  sleep. ^  They  make  the  cross  as  a  sign  of  peace.  They  burn  their 
dead,  and  throw  the  implements  used  in  their  work  into  the  fire  with 
the  bodies.^ 

deTacaa,  y  lo  de  encima  de  cuero  de  venado  aderezado;  las  mugores  traen  el  cabello  mny  peinado  y 
bien  puesto  y  con  sas  moldes  que  tracn  en  la  cabeza  uno  de  una.  parte  y  otro  de  otrs,  &  donde  ponen 
el  cabello  con  curiosidad  win  traer  nengun  tocado  en  la  cabeza." 

Mota  Padilla,  xxzii,  4,  p.  160:  *'Lo8  indios  son  de  biienas  estaturas,  laa  indias  bien  dispnestas:  traen 
nnafl  manias  blancas,  que  las  cubren  desde  loa  liombros  hasta  los  ]n(:s  y  por  estar  cerradas,  tieneu  por 
donde  sacar  los  brazos;  asimismo,  nsan  traer  sobre  las  dicbas  otras  ni.intas  que  se  ponen  aobre  el 
hombro  izquierdo,  y  el  nn  cabo  tercian  por  debajo  del  brazo  derecho  conio  capa :  estinian  en  mncbo  loa 
cabellos;  y  asi,  los  traen  muy  peinadoa,  y  en  una  jicara  de  agua,  se  miran  como  en  un  espejo;  p4r- 
tense  el  cabello  en  dos  trenzas,  liadas  con  cintas  de  algodon  de  colores,  y  en  cada  lado  do  la  cabeza  forman 
dosrnedasd  circulos,  que  dentrodeellosrematan.ydejan  la  punta  del  cabello  levantado  como  plumfyes 
y  en  nnas  tablitas  de  hasta  tres  dedos,  fijan  con  pegamentos  unas  pledras  verdes  que  Uaman  chalcbi- 
huites,  de  que  se  dice  hay  minas,  como  tambien  se  dice  las  hubo  cerca  de  Sombrerete,  en  un  real 
de  minas  que  se  nombra  Cbalcblbuites,  por  esta  razon;  .  .  .  con  dicbas  piedras  forman  sorti^jas 
qne  con  unos  palillos  fijan  sobre  el  cabello  como  ramillete:  son  las  indias  limpias,  y  se  precian  de  no 
parecermal." 

>  Ternaux,  p.  164 :  "  les  6pis  portent  presque  tous  du  pied,  et  chaqae  6pi  a  sept  on  buit  cents  grains, 
ce  que  I'on  n'avait  pas  encore  vu  aux  Indes."  The  meaning  of  the  Spanish  is  by  no  means  clear,  and 
there  are  several  words  in  the  manuscript  which  have  been  omitted  in  the  translation. 

*Ternaux,  p. 164:  "ni  de  conseils  devieillarda." 

*Papa  in  the  Zufii  language  signifies  "elder  brother,'"  and  may  allude  either  to  ageor  to  rank, 

*Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  in  his  Few  Summer  Ceremonials  at  the  Tusayan  Pueblos,  p.  7,  describes  the 
n&'wa-wymp-ki-yas,  a  small  number  of  priests  of  the  sun.  Among  other  duties,  they  pray  to  the  riainit 
sun,  whose  course  they  are  said  to  watch,  and  they  prepare  offerings  to  it. 

Hota  Padilla,  cap.  xxxii,  5,  p.  160,  says  that  at  Cibola,  "  no  se  vi6  t«mplo  alguno,  ni  se  lea  conoci^  Idolo, 
por  lo  que  se  tuvo  eutendido  adoraban  al  sol  y  &  la  luna,  lo  que  se  cottfirm6,  porque  una  noche  que 
hubo  un  eclipse,  alzaron  todos  mucha  gritoria.  " 

*Ternaux,  p.  165 :  "Lea  6tuves  sont  rares  dans  ce  pays.  lis  regardent  comme  un  6acriU>ge  que  les 
femmes  entrant  deux  h  la  fois  dans  un  endroit." 

In  his  Few  Summer  Ceremonials  at  Tusayan,  p.  6,  Dr  Fewkes  says  that  "with  the  exception  of 
their  own  dances,  women  do  not  take  part  in  the  secret  kibva  [estufa]  ceremonials;  but  it  can  not  be 
said  that  they  are  debarred  entrance  as  assistants  in  making  the  paraphernalia  of  the  dances,  or  when 
they  are  called  upon  to  represent  dramatizations  of  traditions  in  which  women  figure.'' 

•Mr  Frank  Hamilton  Gushing,  in  the  Corapte-rendu  of  the  Congr^-s  International  dea  American- 
istes,  Berlin,  1888,  pp.  171-172,  speaking  of  the  excavations  of  "Los  Muertus"  in  southern  Arizona, 


WIN8HIP]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  519 

It  is  20  leagues  to  Tusayaii,  going  northwest.  This  is  a  province 
with  seven  villages,  of  the  same  sort,  dress,  habits,  and  ceremonies  as 
at  Cibola.  There  may  be  as  many  as  3,000  or  4,000  men  in  the  fourteen 
villages  of  these  two  i>rovinces.  It  is  40  leagues  or  more  to  Tiguex, 
the  road  trending  toward  the  north.  The  rock  of  Acuco,  which  we 
described  in  the  first  i)art,  is  between  these. 

Chapter  4,  of  how  they  live  at  Tiguex^  and  of  the  province  of  Tiguex  and 
its  neighborhood. 

Tiguex  is  a  province  with  twelve  villages  on  the  banks  of  a  large, 
mighty  riA^er;  some  villages  on  one  side  and  some  oh  the  other.  It  is  a 
spacious  valley  two  leagues  wide,  and  a  very  high,  rough,  snow-covered 
mountain  chain  lies  east  of  it.  There  are  seven  villages  in  the  ridges 
at  the  foot  of  this — four  on  the  plain  and  three  situated  on  the  skirts 
of  the  mountain. 

There  are  seven  villages  7  leagues  to  the  north,  at  Quirix,  and  the 
seven  villages  of  the' province  of  Hemes  are  40  leagues  northwest.  It 
is  40  leagues  north  or  east  to  Acha,^  and.  4  leagues  southeast  to  Tuta- 


saya:  "All  the  skeletons,  especially  of  adults  [in  the  intramural  burials],  were,  with  but  few  except  ions, 
disposed  with  the  heads  to  the  east  and  slightly  elevated  as  though  resting  on  pillows,  so  as  to  face  the 
west;  and  the  hands  were  usually  placed  at  the  sides  or  crossed  over  the  breast.  With  nearly  all  were 
paraphernalia,  household  utensils,  articles  of  adornment,  etc.  This  ])araphernalia  quite  invariably 
partook  of  a  sacerdotal  character."  In  the  pyral  mounds  outside  the  communal  dwellings,  "each  burial 
consisted  of  a  vessel,  large  or  small,  according  to  the  age  of  the  person  whose  thoroughly  cremated 
remains  it  was  designed  to  receive,  together,  ordinarily,  with  traces  of  the  more  valued  and  smaller 
articles  of  personal  property  sacrificed  at  the  time  of  cremation.  Over  each  such  vessel  was  placed 
either  an  inverted  bowl  or  a  cover  {roughly  rounded  by  chipping)  of  potsherds,  which  latter,  in  most 
cases,  showed  traces  of  having  been  firmly  cemented,  by  means  of  mud  plaster,  to  the  vessels  they 
covered.  Again,  around  each  such  burial  were  found  always  from  two  or  three  to  ten  or  a  dozen 
broken  vessels,  often,  indeed,  a  complete  set;  namely,  eating  and  drinking  bowls,  water  Jar  and  bottle, 
pitcher,  spheroidal  food  receptacle,  ladles  large  and  small,  and  cooking-pot.  Sometimes,  however, 
one  or  another  of  these  vessels  actually  designed  for  sacritice  with  the  dead,  was  itself  used  as  the 
receptacle  of  his  or  her  remains,  in  every  such  case  the  vessel  had  been  either  punctured  at  the 
bottom  or  on  one  side,  or  else  violently  cracked — from  Zuhi  customs,  in  the  process  of  'killing '  it." 
The  remains  of  other  articles  were  around,  burned  in  the  same  fire. 

Since  the  above  note  was  extracted,  excavations  have  been  conducted  by  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes  at  the 
prehistoric  Hopi  pueblo  of  Sikyatki,  an  exhaustive  account  of  which  will  be  published  in  a  forth- 
coming report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Sikyatki  is  located  at  the  base  of  the  First  Mesa  of 
Tusayan,  about  3  miles  from  Uano.  The  house  structures  were  situated  on  an  elongated  elevation, 
the  western  extremity  of  the  village  forming  a  sort  of  acropolis.  On  the  northern,  western,  and 
southern  slopes  of  the  height,  outside  the  \nllage  proper,  cemeteries  were  found,  and  in  these  most  of 
the  excavations  were  conducted.  Many  graves  were  uncovered  at  a  depth  varying  from  1  foot  to 
10  feet,  but  the  skeletons  were  in  such  <'ondition  as  to  be  practically  beyond  recovery.  Accompany- 
ing these  remains  were  hundreds  of  food  and  water  vessels  in  great  variety  of  form  and  decoration, 
and  in  quality  of  texture  far  better  than  any  earthenware  previously  recovered  from  a  pueblo  people. 
With  the  remains  of  the  priests  there  were  found  in  addition  to  the  usual  utensils,  terra  cotta  and 
stone  iiipes.  beads,  prayer-sticks,  quartz  crystals,  arrowjioints,  stone  and  shell  fetiches,  sacred  paint, 
and  other  paraphernalia  similar  to  that  used  by  the  Ilopi  of  today.  The  house  walls  were  con- 
structetl  of  small.  Mat  stones  brought  from  the  neighboring  mesa,  laid  in  adobe  mortar  and  jilastered 
with  the  same  material.  The  rooms  were  invariably  small,  averaging  perhaps  8  feet  square,  and 
the  walls  were  quite  thin.  No  human  remains  were  found  in  the  houses  nor  were  any  evidences  of 
cremation  observed. 

Mota  PadiUa,  cap.  xxxi),5,  p  160,  describes  a  funeral  which  wa«  witnessed  by  the  soldiers  of  Coro- 
nado's  army :  *'  en  una  ocasion  vieron  los  espaholes.  ({ue  habiendo  muerto  uu  itidio.  armaron  una  grande 
balsa  6  luminaria  de  leiia,  sobre  que  pusieron  el  cuerpo  cubierto  con  una  mantn,  y  hiego  tod<)s  los  del 
pueblo,  hombres  y  mujeres,  fuerou  poniendo  sobre  la  cauia  de  leua,  pinole,  calabazas,  frijoles,  atole, 
maia  tostado,  y  do  lo  demasque  nsaban  comer,  y  dieron  fuego  por  todas  partes,  de  euerte  que  en  breve 
todo  80  convirtio  en  cenizas  con  el  cuerpo.  " 

'The  pueblo  of  Picuris. 


520  •     THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.U 

haco,  a  province  with  eight  villages.  lu  general,  these  villages  all  have 
the  same  habits  and  customs,  although  some  have  some  thiugs  in  par- 
ticular which  the  others  have  not.'  They  are  governed  by  the  opinions 
of  the  elders.  They  all  work  together  to  build  the  villages,  the  women 
being  engaged  in  making  the  mixture  and  the  walls,  while  the  men 
bring  the  wood  and  put  it  in  place.^  They  have  no  lime,  but  they  make 
a  mixture  of  ashes,  coals,  and  dirt  which  is  almost  as  good  as  mortar, 
for  when  the  house  is  to  have  four  stories,  they  do  not  make  the  walls 
more  than  half  a  yard  thick.  They  gather  a  great  pile  of  twigs  of 
thyme  and  sedge  grass  and  set  it  afire,  and  when  it  is  half  coals  and 
ashes  they  throw  a  quantity  of  dirt  and  water  on  it  and  mix  it  all 
together.  They  make  round  balls  of  this,  which  they  use  instead  of 
stones  after  they  are  dry,  fixing  them  with  the  same  mixture,  which 
comes  to  be  like  a  stiff  clay.  Before  they  are  married  the  young  men 
serve  the  whole  village  in  general,  and  fetch  the  wood  that  is  needed 
for  use,  putting  it  in  a  pile  in  the  courtyard  of  the  villages,  from  which 
the  women  take  it  to  carry  to  their  houses. 

The  young  men  live  in  the  estufas,  which  are  in  the  yards  of  the 
village.^    They  are  underground,  square  or  round,  with  pine  pillars. 


)  liandelier  gives  a  general  account  of  the  interualconditionof  the  Pueblo  Indians,  with  referencee  to 
the  ohler  Spanish  writers,  in  his  t'inal  Report,  pt.  i,  p.  135. 

*Bandeher,  Final  Report,  pt.  i,  p.  141,  quotes  from  Benavides,  Memorial,  p.  43,  the  following  account 
of  how  the  churches  and  convents  in  the  pueblo  region  were  built:  "los  ha  hecho  tan  eolamete  las. 
mugeres,  y  loa  niuchachos,  y  muchachas  de  la  dotriua;  porqae  entre  estos  naciones  se  vsa  hazer  laa 
mugeres  las  paredea,  y  los  hombres  hilan  y  tcxen  sus  niantas,  y  A-an  &  la  guerra,  y  a  la  caza,  y  si  obli- 
gamoa  a  alga  horabre  A  hazer  pared,  ae  corre  dello.  y  las  mugeres  se  rien." 

MotaPadllla,  cap.xxxii,  p. 159:  "estos  pueblos  [de  Tigiies  y  TzibolaJ  estaban  murados  ...  si 
bien  aediferenciaban  en  que  los  pueblos  de  Tzibola  sou  fabricadoa  do  pizarras  unidaa  con  argamasade 
tierra ;  y  los  de  Tigiies  son  de  una  tierra  giiijosa,  aunque  muy  fnerte ;  aus  fdbricas  tienen  las  puertas  para 
adentro  del  pueblo,  y  la  entrada  de  eatoa  niuros  aon  puertaa  pequenas  y  se  sube  por  nnas  eaoalerillas 
angostas,  y  se  entra  de  ellas  &  una  sala  do  terraplen,  y  por  otra  escalera  se  baja  al  plan  de  la  iwblacion.'- 

Several  days  before  Friar  Marcos  reached  Chichilticalli,  the  natives,  who  were  telling  him  about 
Cibola,  described  the  way  in  which  these  lofty  houses  were  built :  ' '  para  dilrmelo  &  entender,  tomaban 
tierra  y  ceuiza,  y  ech^baule  agua,  y  senaMbanme  como  ponian  la  piedra  y  como  subian  el  edlficio 
arriba,  poniendo  aquello  y  piedra  hasta  ponello  en  lo  alto;  pregunt^balea  tl  los  bouibres  de  aqnella 
tierra  si  tenian  alas  para  subir  aquellos  sobrados ;  reianse  y  seiiaUbanme  el  escalera.  tambien  como  la 
potlria  yo  seiiaiar,  y  tomaban  iin  pa  lo  y  ponianlo  sobre  la  cabeza  y  decian  que  aquel  altura  hay  de 
Bobrado  A  sobrado."     Relaciou  de  Fray  Marcos  m  Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Doc.  de  Indias,  vol.  iii,  p.  339. 

Lewis  H.  Morgan,  lu  his  Riiius  of  a  Stone  Pueblo,  Peabody  Museum  Reports,  vol.  xii,  p.  541. says: 
"Adobe  is  a  kind  of  pulverized  day  with  a  bond  of  cooslderable  strength  by  mechanical  cohesion.  In 
southern  Colorado,  in  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico  there  are  immense  tracts  covered  with  what  is  called 
adobe  soil.  It  varies  somewhat  in  the  degree  of  its  excellence.  The  kind  of  which  they  make  their 
pottery  lias  the  largest  per  cent  of  alumina  and  its  presence  is  lndicate<i  by  the  salt  weed  which  grows 
in  this  particular  soil.  This  kind  also  makea  the  best  atlobe  mortar  The  Indians  use  it  freely  in  laying 
their  walls,  as  freely  as  our  masons  use  lime  mortar;  and  although  it  never  acquires  the  hardness  of 
cement,  it  disintegrates  slowly  .  .  .  Thisadobe  mortar  is  adapted  only  to  the  dry  climate  of  southern 
Colorado,  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico,  where  the  precipitation  is  less  than  5  inches  per  annum  ...  To 
the  presence  of  this  adobe  soil,  found  in  such  abundance  in  the  regions  named,  and  to  the  sandstone 
of  the  bluffs,  where  masses  are  often  found  in  fragments,  we  must  attribute  the  great  progress  made 
by  these  Indians  in  house  building." 

^Bandelierdiscusses  the  estufas  in  his  Final  Report, pt.  i,  p.  144  ff.,  givingquotationa  from  the  Spanish 
writers,  with  his  usual  wealth  of  footnotes.  Dr  Fewkes,  in  his  Zufii  Summer  Ceremoniala,  aays: 
"The.se  rooms  are  seraiaubterranean  (in  Zuiu),  situated  on  the  first  or  ground  lioor.  never,  ao  far  as 
Ihave  seen,  on  the  second  or  higher  stories.  They  are  rectangular  or  s<iuare  rooms,  built  of  stone, 
with  openings  just  large  enough  to  admit  the  head  serving  as  windows,  and  still  preserve  the  old 
form  of  entrance  by  ladders  through  a  sky  hole  in  the  roof.  Within,  the  estufas  have  bare  walla  and 
are  unfurnished,  but  have  a  raised  ledge  about  the  walls,  serving  aa  seats." 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL    LVM 


THE  BUFFALO  OF  DE  BRY,  1595 


W1K8HIP]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTAXEDA  521 

Some  were  seen  witli  twelve  pillars  and  with  four  in  tbe  center  as  large 
as  two  men  could  stretcb  around.  Tbey  usually  had  three  or  four  pil- 
lars. The  floor  was  made  of  large,  smooth  stones,  like  the  baths  which 
they  have  in  Europe.  They  have  a  hearth  made  like  the  binnacle  or 
compass  box  of  a  shi]),'  in  which  they  burn  a  handful  of  thyme  at  a  time 
to  keep  up  the  heat,  and  they  can  stay  in  there  just  as  in  a  bath.  The 
top  was  on  a  level  with  the  ground.  Some  that  were  seen  were  large 
enough  for  a  game  of  ball.  When  any  man  wishes  to  marry,  it  has  to  be 
arranged  by  those  who  govern.  The  man  has  to  spin  and  weave  a  blanket 
and  place  it  before  the  woman,  who  covers  herself  with  it  and  becomes 
his  wife.^  Tbe  houses  belong  to  the  women,  the  estufasto  the  men.  If 
a  man  repudiates  his  woman,  he  has  to  go  to  the  estufa.^  It  is  forbidden 
for  women  to  sleep  in  the  estufas,  or  to  enter  these  for  any  purpose 
except  to  give  their  husbands  or  sons  something  to  eat.  The  men  spin 
and  weave.  The  women  bring  up  the  children  and  prepare  the  food. 
The  country  is  so  fertile  that  they  do  not  have  to  break  up  the  ground 
the  year  round,  but  oiily  have  to  sow  the  seed,  which  is  presently 
covered  by  the  fall  of  snow,  and  the  ears  come  up  under  the  snow. 
In  one  year  they  gather  enough  for  seven.  A  very  large  number  of 
cranes  and  wild  geese  and  crows  and  starlings  live  on  what  is  sown, 
and  for  all  this,  when  they  come  to  sow  for  another  year,  the  fields  are 
covered  with  corn  which  they  have  not  been  able  to  finish  gathering. 

There  are  a  great  many  native  fowl  in  these  provinces,  and  cocks 
with  great  hanging  chins.*  When  dead,  these  keep  for  sixty  days,  and 
longer  in  winter,  without  losing  their  feathers  or  opening,  and  without 
any  bad  smell,  and  the  same  is  true  of  dead  men. 

The  villages  are  free  from  nuisances,  because  they  go  outside  to 
excrete,  and  they  pass  their  water  into  clay  vessels,  which  they  empty 


'The  Spanish  is  almost  illegible.    Ternaux  (pp.  169-170)  merely  say  8;  "Au  milieu  est  uu  foyer  allum6." 

'Mota  Padilla,  cap.  xxxii,  p.  160:  "En  log  casamientos  [A  Tii;ues]  bay  costumbre,  que  cuando  un 

mozo  tia  en  servir  A  una  doncolla.  la  espera  en  la  parte  donde  va  A  acarrear  agiia,  y  coge  el  cAntaro, 

coQ  cuya  demostracion  maniiiesta  A  los  deudos  de  ella,  la  voluutad  do  casarse :  no  tienen  estos  indios 

mas  que  una  mager." 

Villagra,  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  canto  xv,  fol.  135: 

Y  tienen  vna  cosa  aqaestas  gentes. 
Que  en  saliendo  las  niozas  de  donzellas, 
Son  A  todos  comunes,  sin  escusa, 
Con  tal  que  se  lo  paguen,  y  sin  paga, 
Es  vna  vil  bageza,  tal  delito, 
Mas  liiego  que  se  casan  viuen  castas, 
Contenta  cada  qual  con  su  niarido, 
Cuia  costumbre,  con  la  grande  fu6r9a. 
Que  por  naturaleza  ya  tcnian. 
Teniendo  per  certissiino  nosotros, 
Seguiamos  tanibicn  atiucl  camino, 
luntaron  mucbas  mantasbien  pintadas, 
Para  alcangar  las  damas  Castellanas, 
Que  mucho  apetecierou  y  quisieron. 

It  is  hoped  that  a  translation  of  this  poem,  valuable  to  the  historian  and  to  the  ethnologist,  if  not 
to  the  student  of  literature,  may  be  published  in  tlie  not  distant  future. 
*Thi8  appears  to  be  the  sense  of  a  sentence  which  Temaux  omits. 
^The  American  turkey  cocks. 


522  THE    COKONAUO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.axn.u 

at  a  distance  from  the  village.'  They  keep  the  separate  houses  where 
they  prepare  the  food  for  eating  and  where  they  grind  the  meal,  very 
clean.  This  is  a  separate  room  or  closet,  where  they  have  a  trough  with 
three  stones  fixed  in  stiff  clay.  Three  women  go  in  here,  each  one  hav- 
ing a  stone,  with  which  one  of  them  breaks  the  corn,  the  next  grinds 
it,  and  the  third  grinds  it  again. ^  They  take  oil  their  shoes,  do  up 
their  hair,  shake  their  clothes,  and  cover  their  heads  before  they  enter 
the  door.  A  man  sits  at  the  door  i)]aying  on  a  fife  while  they  grind,  mov- 
ing the  stones  to  the  music  and  singing  together.  They  grind  a  large 
^  quantity  at  one  time,  because  they  make  all  their  bread  of  meal  soaked 
in  warm  water,  like  wafers.  Thej'  gather  a  great  quantity  of  brushwood 
and  dry  it  to  use  for  cooking  all  through  the  year.  There  are  no  fruits 
good  to  eat  in  the  country,  except  the  pine  nuts.  They  have  their 
preachers.  Sodomy  is  not  found  among  them.  They  do  not  eat  human 
flesh  nor  make  sacrifices  of  it.  The  people  are  not  cruel,  for  they  had 
Francisco  de  Ovando  in  Tiguex  about  forty  days,  after  he  was  dead, 
and  when  the  village  was  captured,  he  was  found  among  their  dead,  whole 
and  without  any  other  wound  except  the  one  which  killed  him,  white  as 
snow,  without  any  bad  smell.  I  found  out  several  things  about  them 
from  one  of  our  Indians,  who  had  been  a  captive  among  them  for  a 
whole  year.  I  asked  him  especially  for  the  reason  why  the  young 
women  in  that  province  went  entirely  naked,  however  cold  it  might  be, 
and  he  told  me  that  the  virgins  had  to  go  around  this  way  until  they 
took  a  husband,  and  that  they  covered  themselves  after  they  had  known 
man.  The  men  here  wear  little  shirts  of  tanned  deerskin  and  their  long 
robes  over  this.  In  all  these  provinces  they  have  earthenware  glazed 
with  antimony  and  jars  of  extraordinary  labor  and  workmanship,  which 
were  worth  seeing.^ 

'  A  custom  still  common  at  Zuiii  and  other  pueblos.  Before  the  introdnction  of  manufactured  dyes 
the  Hopi  used  urine  as  a  mordant. 

*  Mr  Owens,  in  the  Journal  of  American  Ethnology  and  Archeeology.  vol.  ii,  p.  1C3  n.,  describes  these 
mealing  troughs :  "  In  every  house  "will  be  found  a  trough  about  6  feet  long,  2  feet  wide,  and  8  inches 
deep,  divided  into  three  or  more  compartments.  In  the  older  houses  the  sides  and  partitions  are  made 
of  stone  slabs,  but  in  some  of  the  newer  ones  they  are  made  of  boards.  Within  each  compartment  is 
a  stone  {trap  rock  preferred)  about  18  inches  long  and  a  foot  wide,  set  in  a  bed  of  adobe  and  inclined 
at  an  angle  of  about  35°.  This  is  not  quite  in  the  center  of  the  compartment,  but  is  set  about  3  inches 
nearer  the  right  side  than  tlie  left,  and  its  higher  edge  is  against  the  edge  of  the  trough.  This  con- 
stitutes the  nether  stone  of  the  mill.  The  upper  stone  is  abont  14  inches  long,  3  inches  wide,  and 
varies  in  thickness  according  to  the  fineness  of  the  meal  desired.  The  larger  stone  is  called  a  m^ta 
and  the  smaller  one  a  mat^ki.  The  woman  places  the  corn  in  the  trough,  then  kneels  behind  it  and 
grasps  the  mat^ki  in  both  hands.  Tliis  she  slides,  by  a  motion  from  the  back,  back  and  forth  over 
the  mUta.  At  intervals  she  releases  her  hold  with  her  left  hand  and  with  it  places  ihc  material  to  be 
ground  upon  the  iipjier  end  of  the  mdta.    She  usually  sings  in  time  to  her  grinding  motion." 

There  is  a  more  extended  account  of  these  troughs  in  Mindeletf's  Pueblo  Architecture,  in  the 
Eighth  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnologj-,  p.  208.  This  excellent  monograph,  with  its  wealth  of  illus- 
trations, is  an  invaluable  introduction  to  any  study  of  the  southwestern  village  Indians. 

Mota  Padilla,  cap.  xxxii,3,  p.  159:  "tienen  las  indias  sus  cocinas  con  mucho  aseo,  y  en  el  molerei 
maiz  se  diferencian  de  las  demas  poblaciones  [fl  Tigiies],  porque  en  una  piedra  mas  ilspera  martajan  el 
maiz,  y  pasa  &  la  segunda  y  tercera,  de  donde  le  sacan  en  ])olvo  como  harina;  no  nsan  tortillas  que  son 
el  pan  de  las  indias  y  to  fabrican  con  primor,  porque  en  unas  ollas  ponen  &  darle  al  maiz  un  cocimi- 
ento  con  una  poca  de  cal,  de  donde  lo  sacan  ya  con  el  nombre  de  mixtamal." 

*See  W.  H.  Holmes,  I*ottery  of  the  Ancient  Pueblos.  Fourth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Eth. 
nology ;  also  his  Illustrated  Catalogue  of  a  portion  of  the  collections  made  during  the  tield  season  of 
1881,  in  the  Third  Annual  Report.    See  p.  519  n.,  regarding  pottery  found  at  Sikyatki. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  523 

Chapter  5,  of  Gicuye  and  the  villages  in  its  neighborhood,  and  of  how 
some  people  came  to  conquer  this  country. 

We  have  already  said  that  the  people  of  Tiguex  and  of  all  the  prov- 
inces on  the  banks  of  that  river  were  all  alike,  having  the  same  ways 
of  living  and  the  same  customs.  It  will  not  be  necessary  to  say  any- 
thing particular  about  them.  I  wish  merely  to  give  an  account  of  Cicuye 
and  some  depopulated  villages  which  the  army  saw  on  the  direct  road 
which  it  followed  thither,  and  of  others  that  were  across  the  snowy 
mountains  near  Tiguex,  which  also  lay  in  that  region  above  the  river. 

Cicuye '  is  a  village  of  nearly  live  hundred  warriors,  who  are  feared 
throughout  that  country.  It  is  square,  situated  on  a  rock,  with  a  large 
court  or  yard  in  the  middle,  containing  the  estufas.  The  houses  are  all 
alike,  four  stories  high.  One  can  go  over  the  top  of  the  whole  village 
without  there  being  a  street  to  hinder.  There  are  corridors  going  all 
around  it  at  the  flrst  two  stories,  by  which  one  can  go  around  the  whole 
village.  These  are  like  outside  balconies,  and  they  are  able  to  protect 
themselves  under  these.^  The  houses  do  not  have  doors  below,  but  they 
use  ladders,  which  can  be  lifted  up  like  a  drawbridge,  and  so  go  up  to 
the  corridors  which  are  on  the  inside  of  the  village.  As  the  doors  of  the 
houses  open  on  the  corridor  of  that  story,  the  corridor  serves  as  a  street. 
The  houses  that  open  on  the  plain  are  right  back  of  those  that  open 
on  the  court,  and  in  time  of  war  they  go  through  those  behind  them. 
The  village  is  inclosed  by  a  low  wall  of  stone.  There  is  a  spring  of 
water  inside,  which  they  are  able  to  divert.'  The  people  of  this  village 
boast  that  no  one  has  been  able  to  conquer  them  and  that  they  conquer 
whatever  villages  they  wish.  The  people  and  their  customs  are  like 
those  of  the  other  villages.  Their  virgins  also  go  nude  until  they  take 
husbands,  because  they  say  that  if  they  do  anything  wrong  then  it  will 
be  seen,  and  so  they  do  not  do  it.  They  do  not  need  to  be  ashamed 
because  they  go  around  as  they  were  born. 

There  is  a  village,  small  and  strong,  between  Cicuye  and  the  province 
of  Quirix,  which  the  Spaniards  named  Ximena,*  and  another  village 
almost  deserted,  only  one  part  of  which  is  inhabited.'  This  was  a  large 
village,  and  judging  from  its  condition  and  newness  it  appeared  to  have 
been  destroyed.  They  called  this  the  village  of  the  granaries  or  silos, 
because  large  underground  cellars  were  found  here  stored  with  corn. 
There  was  another  large  village  farther  on,  entirely  destroyed  and 

I  Bandelier,  in  his  Visit  to  Pecos,  p.  114,  n.,  states  that  the  former  name  of  the  pueblo  was  Aquin,  and 
suggests  the  possibility  ot  Castaneda  having  originally  written  Acuy6.  The  Relacion  del  Suceso, 
translated  herein,  has  Acuique.  As  may  be  seen  by  examining  the  Spanish  Lest,  the  Lenox  mana- 
script  copy  of  Castaneda  spells  tlie  name  of  this  village  sometimes  Cicuye  and  sometimes  Cicuye. 

■Compare  Bandolier's  translation  of  this  description,  from  Teruaux's  text  m  liis  Gilded  Man,  p.  206. 
See  the  accompanying  illustrations,  especially  of  Zuiii,  which  give  an  excellent  idea  of  these  terraces 
or  "corridors"  with  their  attached  balconies. 

'The  spring  was  "still  trickling  out  beneath  a  massive  ledge  of  rocks  on  the  west  sill '  when  Ban- 
delier sketched  it  in  1880. 

<The  fonner  Tano  pueblo  of  Galisteo,  a  mile  and  a  half  northeast  of  the  jircsent  town  of  the  same 
name,  in  Santa  Fe  county. 

^According  to  Mota  Padilla,  this  was  called  Coquite. 


V 


624  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.axs.U 

pulled  down,  in  the  yards  of  wbicb  there  were  many  stone  balls,  as 
big  as  12-quart  bowls,  which  seemed  to  have  been  thrown  by  engines 
or  catapults,  which  had  destroyed  the  village.  AH  that  I  was  able  to 
find  out  about  them  was  that,  sixteen  years  before,  some  people  called 
Teyas,'  had  come  to  this  country  in  great  numbers  and  had  destroyed 
these  villages.  They  had  besieged  Cicuye  but  had  not  been  able  to  cap- 
ture it,  because  it  was  strong,  and  when  they  left  the  region,  they  had 
made  jieace  with  the  whole  country.  It  seems  as  if  they  must  have 
been  a  powerful  people,  and  that  they  must  have  had  engines  to  knock 
down  the  villages.  The  only  thing  they  could  tell  about  the  direction 
these  people  came  from  was  by  pointing  toward  the  north.  They 
usually  call  these  people  Teyas  or  brave  men,  just  as  the  Mexicans  say 
chichimecas  or  braves,^  for  the  Teyas  whom  the  army  saw  were  brave. 
These  knew  the  people  in  the  settlements,  and  were  friendly  with  them, 
and  they  (the  Teyas  of  the  plains)  went  there  to  spend  the  winter 
under  the  wings  of  the  settlements.  The  inhabitants  do  not  dare  to 
let  them  come  inside,  because  they  can  not  trust  them.  Although  they 
are  received  as  friends,  and  trade  with  them,  they  do  not  stay  in  the  vil- 
lages over  night,  but  outside  under  the  wings.  The  villages  are  guarded 
by  sentinels  with  trumpets,  who  call  to  one  another  just  as  in  the  for- 
tresses of  Spain. 

There  are  seven  other  villages  along  this  route,  toward  the  snowy 
mountains,  one  of  which  has  been  half  destroyed  by  the  people  already 
referred  to.  These  were  under  the  rule  of  Cicuye.  Cicuye  is  in  a  little 
valley  between  mountain  chains  and  mountains  covered  with  large  pine 
forests.  There  is  a  little  stream  which  contains  very  good  trout  and 
otters,  and  there  are  very  large  bears  and  good  falcons  hereabouts. 

Chapter  6,  which  gives  the  number  of  villages  which  were  seen  in  the 
country  of  the  terraced  houses,  and  their  population. 

Before  I  proceed  to  speak  of  the  plains,  with  the  cows  and  settlements 
and  tribes  there,  it  seems  to  me  that  it  will  be  well  for  the  reader  to 
know  how  large  the  settlements  were,  where  the  houses  with  stories, 
gathered  into  villages,  were  seen,  and  how  great  an  extent  of  country 
they  occupied.'    As  I  say,  Cibola  is  the  first: 

Cibola,  seven  villages. 

Tusayan,  seven  villages.  , 

The  rock  of  Acuco,  one. 


'These  IndiaDB  were  seen  by  Coronado  during  his  Journey  across  the  plains.  As  Mr  Hodge  has  sug- 
gested, tliey  may  liave  been  the  Comanches,  who  on  many  occasions  are  known  to  have  made  inmads 
on  the  pueblo  of  Pecos. 

'Ternaux"s  rendering  of  the  uncertain  word  teules  in  the  Spanish  text.  Molina,  in  the  Vocabulario 
Mexicano  (1555),  fol.  36,  has  "brauo  honibre  .  .  .  tlauele."  Gomara  speaks  uf  the  chichimecas  ID 
the  quotation  in  the  footnote  on  page  529,     The  term  was  applied  to  all  wild  tribes. 

*Bandelier.  Final  Report,  pt.  i,  p.  :14;  "With  the  exception  of  Acoma,  there  is  not  a  single  pueblo  stand- 
ing where  it  was  at  the  time  of  Coronado,  or  even  sixty  years  later,  when  Juan  de  Ofiate  accomplished 
the  peaceable  reduction  of  the  Xew  Mexican  village  Indians."  Compare  with  the  discussion  in  this 
part  of  his  Final  Report,  Mr  Baudelier's  attempt  to  identify  the  various  clusters  of  villages,  in  Ma 
Historical  lutroduction,  i>p.  22-24. 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEUA  525 

Tiguex,  twelve  villages. 

Tutahaco,"  eight  villages. 

These  villages  were  below  the  river. 

Quirix,^  seven  villages. 

In  the  snowy  mountains,  seven  villages. 

Ximena/  three  villages. 

Cicuye,  one  village. 

Hemes/  seven  villages. 

Aguas  Calientes,''  or  Boiling  Springs,  three  villages. 

Yuqueyunque,^  in  the  mountains,  six  villages. 

Valladolid,  called  Braba,"^  one  village. 

Chia,'  one  village. 

In  all,  there  are  sixty-six  villages.'  Tiguex  appears  to  be  in  the 
center  of  the  villages.  Valladolid  is  the  farthest  up  the  river  toward 
the  northeast.  The  four  villages  down  the  river  are  toward  the  south- 
east, because  the  river  turns  toward  the  east.'  It  is  130  leagues — 10 
more  or  less — from  the  farthest  point  that  was  seen  down  the  river  to 
the  farthest  point  up  the  river,  and  all  the  settlements  are  within  this 
region.  Including  those  at  a  distance,  there  are  sixty-six  villages  in  all, 
as  I  have  said,  and  in  all  of  them  there  may  be  some  20,000  men,  which 
may  be  taken  to  be  a  fair  estimate  of  the  population  of  the  villages. 
There  are  no  houses  or  other  buildings  between  one  village  and  another, 
but  where  we  went  it  is  entirely  uninhabited.'"  These  people,  since  they 
are  few,  and  their  manners,  government,  and  habits  are  so  different  from 
all  the  nations  that  have  been  seen  and  discovered  in  these  western 
regions,  must  come  from  that  part  of  Greater  India,  the  coast  of  which 
lies  to  the  west  of  this  country,  for  they  could  have  come  down  from  that 
country,  crossing  the  mountain  chains  and  following  down  the  river, 
settling  in  what  seemed  to  them  the  best  place."  As  they  multiplied, 
they  have  kept  on  making  settlements  until  they  lost  the  river  when  it 
buried  itself  underground,  its  course  being  in  the  direction  of  Florida. 
It  comes  down  from  the  northeast,  where  they '^  could  certainly  have 
found  signs  of  villages.     He  preferred,  however,  to  follow  the  reports  of 

'For  the  location  of  this  gronp  of  pueblos  flee  page  492,  note. 

'Tbe  Querea  district,  now  represented  by  Santo  Bomingo,  San  Felipe,  Santa  Ana,  Sia  (Castaiieda's 
Chia),audCochiti.  Acoma  and  Laguna,  to  the  wei*tward  belong  to  the  same  linguistic  gronp.  Laguna, 
however,  is  a  modem  jmeblo. 

*One  of  these  was  the  Tano  pueblo  of  G-alisteo,  as  noted  on  page  523. 

•The  Jemea  pueblo  clusters  in  San  Diego  and  Guadalupe  canyons.     See  pi.  Lxx. 

*The  Tewa  pueblo  of  Yugeuingge,  where  the  village  of  Cbamita,  above  Santa  F6,  now  stands. 

'Taos. 

'The  Keres  or  Querea  pueblo  of  Sia. 

*As  Temaux  observes,  Castafieda  mentions  seventy-one,  Sia  may  not  have  been  the  onl.v  village 
which  he  counted  twice. 

•The  trend  of  the  river  in  the  section  of  the  old  pueblo  settlementa  is  really  westward. 

'"  Compare  the  Spanish  text. 

"The  Tusayan  Indiana  belong  to  the  same  linguistic  stock  as  the  Ute,  Comanche,  Shoshoni,  Ban- 
nock, and  othera.  The  original  habitat  of  the  main  body  of  these  tribes  waa  in  the  far  north,  although 
certain  clans  of  the  Tusayan  people  are  of  southern  origin.  See  Powell,  Indian  Linguistic  Families, 
7th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnohjgy,  p.  108. 

"  The  Spaniards  under  Coronado.  The  translation  does  not  pretend  to  correct  the  rhetoric  or  the 
grammar  of  the  text. 


526  THE   COROXADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (ethannu 

the  Turk,  but  it  would  have  been  better  to  cross  the  mountains  where 
this  river  rises.  I  believe  they  would  have  found  traces  of  riches  and 
would  have  reached  the  lands  from  whicli  these  people  started,  which 
from  its  location  is  on  the  edge  of  Greater  India,  although  the  region  is 
neither  known  nor  understood,  because  from  the  trend  of  the  coast  it 
appears  that  the  land  between  I^orway  and  China  is  very  far  up.'  The 
country  from  sea  to  sea  is  very  wide,  judging  from  the  location  of  both 
coasts,  as  well  as  from  what  Captain  Y illalobos  discovered  when  he  went 
in  search  of  China  by  the  sea  to  the  west,'^  and  from  what  has  been  dis- 
covered on  the  North  sea  concerning  the  trend  of  the  coast  of  Florida 
toward  the  Bacallaos,  up  toward  Norway.^ 

To  return  then  to  the  proposition  with  which  I  began,  I  say  that  the 
settlements  and  people  already  named  were  all  that  were  seen  in  a 
region  70  leagues  wide  and  130  long,  in  the  settled  country  along  the 
river  Tiguex.*  In  New  Spain  there  are  not  one  but  many  establish- 
ments, containing  a  larger  number  of  people.  Silver  metals  were  found 
in  many  of  their  villages,  which  they  use  for  glazing  and  painting  their 
earthenware.^ 

Chapter  7,  which  treats  of  the  plains  that  were  crossed,  of  the  cows, 
and  of  the  people  who  inhabit  them. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  settlements  of  high  houses  which  are  situated 
in  what  seems  to  be  the  most  level  and  open  part  of  the  mountains, 
since  it  is  150  leagues  across  before  entering  the  level  country  between 
the  two  mountain  chains  which  I  said  were  near  the  North  sea  and  the 
South  sea,  whicli  might  better  be  called  the  Western  sea  along  this  coast. 
This  mountain  series  is  the  one  which  is  near  the  South  sea.''  In  order 
to  show  that  the  settlements  are  in  the  middle  of  the  mountains,  I  will 
state  that  it  is  80  leagues  from  Chichilticalli,  where  we  began  to  cross 
this  country,  to  Cibola;  from  Cibola,  which  is  the  first  village,  to 
Cicuye,  which  is  the  last  on  the  way  across,  is  70  leagues;  it  is  30 
leagues  from  Cicuye  to  where  the  plains  begin,  It  may  be  we  went 
across  in  an  indirect  or  roundabout  way,  which  would  make  it  seem  as 
if  there  was  more  country  than  if  it  had  been  crossed  in  a  direct  line, 
and  it  may  be  more  difiBcult  and  rougher.  This  can  not  be  known  cer- 
tainly, because  the  mountains  change  their  direction  above  the  bay  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Firebrand  (Tizon)  river. 


■Temanx,  p.  184 :  "  D'apris  la  route  qn'ila  ont  aaivie,  ils  ont  dft  venir  de  I'extr6mit£  de  I'Inde  orien- 
tale,  et  d'une  partie  tr^s-inconnae  qui,  d'apr^s  la  configuration  dea  cdtes,  aerait  Bitu6e  tr^-avant  dans 
I'int^rieur  dea  terres,  entre  la  Chine  et  la  Korw^ge."' 

*See  the  Carta  escrita  por  Santisteban  A  Mendoza,  which  tells  nearly  everythino;  that  la  known  of  the 
voyage  of  Villalobos.    We  can  only  surmise  what  Castaiieda  may  have  known  about  it. 

'The  Spanish  text  fully  justifies  Castaueda's  statement  that  he  was  not  skilled  in  the  arts  of  rhet- 
oric and  geography. 

•Compare  the  Spanish  text.    I  here  follow  Ternaux's  rendering. 

'In  a  note  Temaux,  p.  185,  says :  "  Le  [dernier]  mot  est  illisible,  raais  comme  I'auteur  parle  de  certain 
6mail  que  lea  Espagnols  trouvfrent,  .  .  .  j'ai  cru  pouvoir  hasarder  cette  interpretation."  The 
word  is  legible  enough,  but  the  letters  do  not  make  any  word  for  which  I  can  find  a  meaning. 

'More  than  once  Castaiieda  seems  Xo  be  addressingthoae  about  him  where  he  is  writing  in  Culiacan. 


wjNSHiF]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  527 

Now  we  will  speak  of  the  plains.  The  country  is  spacious  and  level, 
and  is  more  than  400  leagues  wide  in  the  part  between  the  two  moun- 
tain ranges — one,  that  which  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  crossed,  and 
the  other  that  which  the  force  under  Don  ii'ernando  de  Soto  crossed, 
near  the  North  sea,  entering  the  country  from  Florida.  No  settlements 
were  seen  anywhere  on  these  i>]ains. 

lu  traversing  250  leagues,  the  other  mountain  range  was  not  seen, 
nor  a  hill  nor  a  hillock  which  was  three  times  as  high  as  a  man.  Sev- 
eral lakes  were  found  at  intervals;  they  were  round  as  plates,  a  stone's 
throw  or  more  across,  some  fresh  and  some  salt.  The  grass  grows  tall 
near  these  lakes ;  away  from  them  it  is  very  short,  a  span  or  less.  The 
country  is  like  a  bowl,  so  that  when  a  man  sits  down,  the  horizon  sur- 
rounds him  all  around  at  the  distance  of  a  musket  shot.'  There  are  no 
groves  of  trees  except  at  the  rivers,  which  flow  at  the  bottom  of  some 
ravines  where  the  trees  grow  so  thick  that  they  were  not  noticed  until 
one  was  right  on  the  edge  of  them.  They  are  of  dead  earth.^  There 
are  paths  down  into  these,  made  by  the  cows  when  they  go  to  the  water, 
which  is  essential  throughout  these  i)lains.  As  I  have  related  in  the 
first  part,  people  follow  the  cows,  hunting  them  and  tanning  the  skins 
to  take  to  the  settlements  in  the  winter  to  sell,  smce  they  go  there  to 
pass  the  winter,  each  company  going  to  those  which  are  nearest,  some 
to  the  settlements  at  Cicuye,^  others  toward  Quivira,  and  others  to  the 
settlements  which  are  situated  iu  the  direction  of  Florida.  These  people 
are  called  Querechos  and  Teyas.  They  described  some  large  settle- 
ments, and  judging  from  what  was  seen  of  these  people  and  from  the 
accounts  they  gave  of  other  places,  there  are  a  good  many  more  of 
these  people  than  there  are  of  those  at  the  settlements.^  They  have 
better  figures,  are  better  warriors,  and  are  more  feared.  They  travel 
like  the  Arabs,  with  their  tents  and  troops  of  dogs  loaded  with  poles' 
and  having  Moorish  pack  saddles  with  girths."  When  the  load  gets 
disarranged,  the  do'gs  howl,  calling  some  one  to  fix  them  right.  These 
])eople  eat  raw  flesh  and  drink  blood.  They  do  not  eat  human  flesh. 
They  are  a  kind  peoj^le  and  not  cruel.  They  are  faithful  friends.  They 
are  able  to  make  themselves  very  well  understood  by  means  of  signs. 
They  dry  the  flesh  in  the  sun,  cutting  it  thin  like  a  leaf,  and  when  dry 
they  grind  it  like  meal  to  keep  it  and  make  a  sort  of  sea  soup  of  it  to 
eat.    A  handful  thrown  into  a  pot  swells  up  so  as  to  increase  very 

1  Ternaux  omita  all  this,  evidently  failing  completely  in  the  attempt  to  understand  this  description 
'  of  the  rolling  western  prairies. 

^Compare  the  Spanish.    This  also  is  omitted  by  Ternaux. 

^Espejo,  Relacion,  p.  180;  "los  scrranos  acuden  &  servir  ji  los  de  las  poblacioues,  y  los  de  las  pobla- 
cioues  les  llaman  A  estos,  querechos ;  tratan  y  eontratan  con  los  de  las  poblacioues.  llevandoles  sal  y 
caza,  venados,  conejos  y  liebres  y  gamuzas  aderezadas  y  otros  generos  de  cosas,  A  trueque  de  mautas 
de  algodon  y  otras  cosas  con  que  les  satisfacen  la  paga  elgobiemo." 

*  Compare  the  Spanish. 

5  The  well  known  travois  of  the  plains  tribes. 

"  Benavldes :  Memorial  (1630),  p.  74 :  '■  T  la.s  tienda«  las  lleuan  cargadas  en  requas  deiperros  apar^ados 
CO  sus  en  salinillas,  y  son  los  perros  medianos,  y  suele  lleuar  quinietos  perros  en  vna  requa  vuo  delante 
de  otro,  y  la  gente  Ueua  cargada  su  mercadiiria,  que  tnieca  por  ropa  de  algodon,  y  por  otras  cosas  de 
q  careceu." 


528  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (eth.amn.I* 

mucb.  They  season  it  with  fat,  which  they  always  try  to  secure  when 
they  kill  a  cow.'  They  empty  a  large  gut  and  fill  it  with  blood,  and 
carry  this  around  the  neck  to  drink  when  they  are  thirsty.  When 
they  open  the  belly  of  a  cow,  they  squeeze  out  the  chewed  grass  and 
drink  the  juice  that  remains  behind,  because  they  say  that  this  contains 
the  essence  of  the  stomach.  They  cut  the  hide  open  at  the  back  and 
pull  it  off  at  the  joints,  using  a  flmt  as  large  as  a  finger,  tied  in  a  little 
stick,  with  as  much  ease  as  if  working  with  a  good  iron  tool.  They 
give  it  an  edge  with  their  own  teeth.  The  quickness  with  which  they 
do  this  is  something  worth  seeing  and  noting.' 

There  are  very  great  numbers  of  wolves  on  these  plains,  which  go 
around  with  the  cows.  They  have  white  skins.  The  deer  are  pied  with 
white.  Their  skin  is  loose,  so  that  when  they  are  killed  it  can  be  pulled 
oft'  with  the  hand  while  warm,  coming  off  like  pigskin.^  The  rabbits, 
which  are  very  numerous,  are  so  foolish  that  those  on  horseback  killed 
them  with  their  lances.  This  is  when  they  are  mounted  among  the 
cows.    They  fly  from  a  person  on  foot. 

Chapter  S,  of  Quivira,  of  where  it  is  mid  some  information  about  it. 

Quivira  is  to  the  west  of  those  ravines,  in  the  midst  of  the  country, 
somewhat  nearer  the  mountains  toward  the  sea,  for  the  country  is  level 
as  far  as  Quivira,  and  there  they  began  to  see  some  mountain  chains. 
The  country  is  well  settled.  Judging  from  what  was  seen  on  the  bor- 
ders of  it,  this  country  is  very  similar  to  that  of  Spain  in  the  varieties 
of  vegetation  and  fruits.  There  are  plums  like  those  of  Castile,  grapes, 
nuts,  mulberries,  oats,  pennyroyal,  wild  marjoram,  and  large  quantities 
of  flkx,  but  this  does  not  do  them  any  good,  because  they  do  not  know 
how  to  use  it."  The  people  are  of  almost  the  same  sort  and  appear- 
ance as  the  Teyas.  They  have  villages  like  those  in  New  Spain.  The 
houses  are  round,  without  a  wall,  and  they  have  one  story  like  a  loft, 
under  the  roof,  where  they  sleep  and  keep  their  belongings.    The  roofa 

*  Pemmican 

2  Mora  Padilla,  cap.  xsxii.  2,  p.  165 ;  "  Habiendo  andado  cuatro  jornadaa  por  estos  llanos,  con  granden 
nebliuas,  advirtierou  lo8  soldados  ra.stro  conio  de  picas  de  lauzas  arrastradas  por  el  sueio.  y  Uevadoa  per 
la  ciiriosidad,  le  ftigiiieron  hasta  dar  ecu  cincuentn  gandiilcs,  que  con  bus  familia.s.  seguian  iiiias  manadaa 
de  dichas  vacan,  y  en  unos  perrillos  no  corpuleutos,  cargaban  unas  varas  y  pieles,  con  la.s  que  forma- 
ban  BUS  tiendas  6  toritoa,  en  donde  se  entraban  para  resistir  el  sol  6  el  agua.  Loa  indloa  son  de  bnena 
estatura,  y  no  se  supo  si  erau  baraganes  6  t«nian  pueblos :  presumiose  los  tendrian.  porqr.e  ningnna  de 
las  indiasllevaba  uino  pequeno;  andaban  restidaacon  unos  faldellines  de  cuerode  venadode  lacintura 
paraabajo,  y  del  mismo  cuero  unos  capisayos  6  vizcainas,  con  que  ae  cubren:  traen  unas  niedias  calzas 
de  cuero  adobado  y  sandalias  de  cuero  crudo;  ellos  andan  desnudos,  y  cuando  mas  le^*  aflige  el  frio,  se 
cubren  eon  cueros  adobados;  no  usan,  ni  los  honibres  iii  las  mujerea,  cabello  largo,  sino  trasquilados, 
y  de  metlia  cabeza  para  la  frente  rapados  &  uavaja;  uaau  i>or  armaa  las  flecba-s,  y  con  los  sesos  de  las 
mismas  racas  benefician  y  adoban  los  cueros :  ll&manse  cibolos.  y  tienen  mas  Inipetu  para  embestir  que 
los  toroa,  aunquenotanta  fortaleza;  y  en  las  fiestas  reales  que  aecelebraron  en  laciudadde  Mexico  por 
la  juradenuestrorey  B.  Luis  I,  hizoel  condede  San  Mateo  de  Valparaiso  se  llevase  una  cibola  para  que 
se  torease,  y  por  solo  verla  se  despoblo  Mexico,  por  ballar  lugar  en  la  plaza,  que  le  fa6  muy  i^til  al  tabla 
jero  aquel  dia." 

"  Compare  the  Spanish.    Omitted  by  Temaux. 

*  Mr  Savage,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Nebraska  Historical  Society,  vol.  i,  p.  198,  sliows  how  closely 
the  descriptions  of  Castaueda,  Jaramillo,  and  the  others  on  the  expedition,  harmonize  with  the  tlora 
and  fauna  of  his  State. 


wiKSHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  529 

are  of  straw.  There  are  other  thickly  settled  provinces  around  it  con- 
taining large  numbers  of  men.  A  friar  named  Juan  de  Padilla  remained 
in  this  province,  together  with  a  Spanish-Portuguese  and  a  negro  and 
a  half-blood  and  some  Indians  from  the  province  of  Capothan,'  in  New 
Spain.  They  killed  the  friar  because  he  wanted  to  go  to  the  province 
of  the  Guas,^  who  were  their  enemies.  The  Siianiard  escaped  by  taking 
flight  on  a  mare,  and  afterward  reached  New  Spain,  coming  out  by  way 
of  Panuco.  The  Indians  from  New  Spain  who  accompanied  the  friar 
were  allowed  by  the  murderers  to  bury  him,  and  then  they  followed 
the  Spaniard  and  overtook  him.  This  Spaniard  was  a  Portuguese, 
named  Campo.^ 

The  great  river  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Espiritu  Santo),*  which  Don  Fer- 
nando de  Soto  discovered  in  the  country  of  Florida,  flows  through  this 
country.  It  passes  through  a  province  called  Araehe,  according  to  the 
reliable  accounts  which  were  obtained  here.  The  sources  were  not 
visited,  because,  according  to  what  they  said,  it  comes  from  a  very 
distant  country  in  the  mountains  of  the  South  sea,  from  the  part  that 
sheds  its  waters  onto  the  plains.  It  flows  across  all  the  level  country 
and  breaks  through  the  mountains  of  the  North  sea,  and  comes  out 
where  the  people  with  Don  Fernando  de  Soto  navigated  it.  This  is 
more  than  300  leagues  from  where  it  enters  the  sea.  On  account  of 
this,  and  also  because  it  has  large  tributaries,  it  is  so  mighty  when  it 
enters  the  sea  that  they  lost  sight  of  the  laud  before  the  water  ceased 
to  be  fresh.' 

This  country  of  Quivira  was  the  last  that  was  seen,  of  which  I  am  able 
to  give  any  description  or  information.  Now  it  is  proper  for  me  to  return 
and  speak  of  the  army,  which  I  left  in  Tiguex,  resting  for  the  winter,  so 
that  it  Avould  be  able  to  proceed  or  return  m  search  of  these  settle- 
ments of  Quivira,  which  was  not  accomplished  after  all,  because  it  was 

>  Ternaux,  p.  194,  read  this  Capetlan. 

'Temaux,  ibid.,  miscopicd  it  Guyas. 

■  Herrera,  Hiatoria  General,  dec.  vi,  lib.  ix,  cap.  xii,  vol.  iii,  p.  207  (ed.  1730) :  "  Toda  eata  Tierra  [Qui- 
vira] tiene  mejor  aparencia,  que  ninguna  de  las  mejorea  de  Europa,  porque  no  es  mni  doblaua,  eino 
de  Lomas,  Llanos,  i  Rios  de  hermosa  viata,  i  buena  para  Ganados,  pues  la  experiencia  lo  moatraba. 
Hallaronse  Ciruelas  de  Castilla,  entro  coloradas,  i  verdea,  de  mwi  gentil  sabor;  entre  las  Vacas  se  hall6 
Lino,  que  produce  la  Tierra,  mui  perfecto,  que  como  el  Ganado  no  lo  come,  se  queda  por  alli  con  sua 
cabe^'uelas,  i  ilor  azul;  i  en  algunos  Arroioa,  ao  ballarou  Vbaa  de  buen  gusto.  Moras,  Nueces,  i  otras 
Frutas ;  las  Casas,  que  eatos  Indioa  tcnian  eran  de  Paja,  muctias  de  ellas  redoudas,  que  la  Paja  llegaba 
basta  el  auelo,  i  encima  vna  como  Capilla,  6  Garita,  de  donde  ae  asomaban." 

Gomara,  cap.  ccxiiii:  "Eata  Quiuira  en  quarenta  grades,  es  tierra  templada,  de  buenaa  aguas,  de 
mucfaas  yeruas,  ciruelas,  moras,  nuezea,  melonea,  y  vuaa,  que  maduran  bien:  no  ay  algodon,  y  viaten 
cueroa  de  vacaa,  y  veuados.  Vieron  por  la  costa  naos,  que  trayan  arcatrazea  de  oro,  y  de  plata  en  laa 
proaa,  c6  niercaderias,  y  pensaron  ser  del  Catayo,  y  China,  porq  sefialauan  aner  navegado  treynta  dias. 
Fray  luan  de  Padilla  se  quedo  en  Tiguex,  con  otro  frayle  Francisco,  y  torno  a  Quiuira,  con  haata  doze 
Indies  de  Mechuacan,  y  con  Andres  do  Campo  Portugues,  bortelano  de  Francisco  de  Solis.  Lleuo 
caualgaduras.  y  azemilas  con  prouision.  Leuo  ouejas,  y  gallinas  de  Caatilla,  y  omamentoa  para  dezir 
missa.  Los  de  Quiuira  maturon  a  loa  frayles,  y  eacapose  el  Portugues,  con  algunos  Mecbuacanea.  El 
qual,  aun  que  ae  libro  entonces  de  la  muerte,  no  ae  libro  de  catiuerio.  porque  luego  le  prendieron :  mas 
de  alli  a  diez  meaes,  que  fue  esclauo,  buyo  con  dos  perroa.  Santiguaua  por  el  camino  con  vna  cruz, 
aque  le  ofrecian  mucbo,  y  do  quiera  que  llegaua,  le  dauan  limosna,  aluorgue,  y  de  comer.  Vino  a  tierra 
de  Cbicbimecas,  y  aporto  a  Panuco." 

*Tbe  Mississippi  and  Missouri  rivers. 

>Tbia  is  probably  a  reminiscence  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  narrative. 
14  ETH 34 


530  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1642  [kth.  ans.14 

God's  pleasure  that  these  discoveries  should  remain  for  other  peoples 
and  that  we  who  had  been  there  should  content  ourselves  ^\ath  saying 
that  we  were  the  first  who  discovered  it  and  obtained  any  information 
concerning  it,  just  as  Hercules  knew  the  site  where  Julius  Caesar  was 
to  found  Seville  or  Hispales.  May  the  all-powerful  Lord  grant  that 
His  will  be  done  in  everything.  It  is  certain  that  if  this  had  not  been 
His  will  Francisco  Vazquez  would  not  have  returned  to  New  Spain  with- 
out cause  or  reason,  as  he  did,  and  that  it  would  not  have  been  left  for 
those  with  Bon  Fernando  de  Soto  to  settle  such  a  good  country,  as  they 
have  done,  and  besides  settling  it  to  increase  its  extent,  after  obtaining, 
as  they  did,  information  from  our  army.' 

Third  Part,  which  describes  what  happened  to  Francisco 
Vazquez  Coronado  during  the  winter,  and  how  he  gave 

UP  THE   expedition   AND   RETURNED   TO   NEW   SPAIN. 

Laus  Deo. 

Chapter  1,  of  hoic  Bon  Pedro  de  Tovar  came  from  Senora  with  some 
men,  and  Don  Garcia.  Lopez  de  Cardenas  started  bach  to  Xew  Spain. 

At  the  end  of  the  first  part  of  this  book,  we  told  how  Francisco 
Vazquez  Coronado,  when  he  got  back  from  Qviivira,  gave  orders  to 
winter  at  Tiguex,  in  order  to  return,  when  the  winter  was  over,  with  his 
whole  army  to  discover  all  the  settlements  in  those  regions.  Don  Pedro 
de  Tovar,  who  had  gone,  as  we  related,  to  conduct  a  force  from  the  city 
of  Saint  Jerome  (San  Hieronimo),  arrived  in  the  meantime  with  the  men 
whom  he  had  brought.  He  had  not  selected  the  rebels  and  seditious 
men  there,  but  the  most  experienced  ones  and  the  best  soldiers — men 
whom  lie  could  trust — wisely  considering  that  he  ought  to  have  good 
men  in  order  to  go  in  search  of  his  general  in  the  country  of  the  Indian 
called  Turk.  Although  they  found  the  army  at  Tiguex  when  they  arrived 
there,  this  did  not  please  them  much,  because  they  had  come  with  great 
expectations,  believing  that  they  would  find  their  general  in  the  rich 
country  of  the  Indian  called  Turk.  They  consoled  themselves  with  the 
hope  of  going  back  there,  and  lived  in  anticipation  of  the  pleasure  of 
undertaking  this  return  expedition,  which  the  army  would  soon  make  to 
Quivira.  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  brought  letters  from  New  Spain,  both 
from  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  and  from  individuals. 
Among  these  was  one  for  Don  CJarcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas,  which 
informed  him  of  the  death  of  his  brother,  the  heir,  and  summoned 
him  to  Spain  to  receive  the  inheritance.  On  this  account  he  was 
given  permission,  and  left  Tiguex  with  several  other  persons  who 


>Mota  Padilla,  cap.  xxxlii.  4,  p.  166,  gives  his  reasons  for  the  failure  of  the  expedition :  "It  was  most 
likelj'  the  chastisement  of  God  that  riches  were  not  found  on  this  expedition,  because,  when  thla 
ought  to  have  been  the  secondarj'  object  of  the  expedition,  and  the  conversion  of  all  those  heathen 
their  first  aim,  they  bartered  with  fat©  and  struggled  after  the  secondary;  and  thus  the  misfortune  is 
not  so  much  that  all  those  labors  were  without  fruit,  bat  the  worst  is  that  such  a  number  of  soula 
have  remained  in  their  blindness." 


WIN8HIPJ 


TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  531 


received  permission  to  go  and  settle  their  affairs.  There  were  many 
others  who  would  have  liked  to  go,  but  did  not,  in  order  not  to  appear 
faint-hearted.  During  this  time  the  general  endeavored  to  pacify  sev- 
eral villages  in  the  neighborhood  which  were  not  well  disposed,  and  to 
make  peace  with  the  people  at  Tiguex.  He  tried  also  to  procure  some  of 
the  cloth  of  the  country,  because  the  soldiers  were  almost  naked  and 
poorly  clothed,  full  of  lice,  which  they  were  unable  to  get  rid  of  or  avoid. 
The  general,  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado,  had  been  beloved  and 
obeyed  by  his  captains  and  soldiers  as  heartily  as  any  of  those  who 
have  ever  started  out  in  the  Indies.  Necessity  knows  no  law,  and  the 
captains  who  collected  the  cloth  divided  it  badly,  taking  the  best  for 
themselves  and  their  friends  and  soldiers,  and  leaving  the  rest  for  the 
soldiers,  and  so  there  began  to  be  some  angry  murmuring  on  account 
of  this.  Others  also  complained  because  they  noticed  that  some 
favored  ones  were  spared  in  the  work  and  in  the  watches  and  received 
better  portions  of  wJiat  was  divided,  both  of  cloth  and  food.  On  this 
account  it  is  thought  that  they  began  to  say  that  there  was  nothing 
in  the  country  of  Quivira  which  was  worth  returning  for,  which  was 
no  slight  cause  of  what  afterward  happened,  as  will  be  seen. 

Chapter  2,  of  the  general's  fall,  and  of  how  the  return  to  New  Spain  was 
ordered. 

After  the  winter  was  over,  the  return  to  Quivira  was  announced,  and 
the  men  began  to  prepare  the  things  needed.  Since  nothing  in  this  life 
is  at  the  disposition  of  men,  but  all  is  under  the  ordination  of  Almighty 
God,  it  was  His  will  that  we  should  not  accomplish  this,  and  so  it  hap- 
pened that  one  feast  day  the  general  went  out  on  horseback  to  amuse 
himself,  as  usual,'  riding  with  the  captain  Don  Rodrigo  Maldonado. 
He  was  on  a  powerful  horse,  and  his  servants  had  put  on  a  new  girth, 
which  must  have  been  rotten  at  the  time,  for  it  broke  during  the  race 
and  he  fell  over  on  the  side  where  Don  Rodrigo  was,  and  as  his  horse 
passed  over  him  it  hit  his  head  with  its  hoof,  which  laid  him  at  the 
point  of  death,  and  his  recovery  was  slow  and  doubtful.^ 

During  this  time,  while  he  was  in  his  bed,^  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Car- 
denas, who  had  started  to  go  to  New  Spain,  came  back  in  flight  from 
Suya, because  he  had  found  that  town  deserted  and  the  people  and  horses 
and  cattle  all  dead.    When  he  reached  Tiguex  and  learned  the  sad  news 

'Or  perhaps  aa  Temaux,  p.  202,  reDdered  it,  *'conrir  la  bagiie." 

'Mota  Pa<lilla,  cap.  xixiii,  6.  p.  166:  "aalel  [gobernador]  como  loa  demas  capitanes  del  ej6rcito,  debian 
estar  tan  ciegos  de  la  pasion  de  la  codicia  de  riquezaa,  que  no  trataban  de  radicarse  poblando  en  aquel 
paraje  que  voian  tan  abastecido,  nl  de  reducir  &  los  indios  6  instruirlos  en  algo  de  la  fo,  que  es  la  que 
debian  propagar;  solo  trataron  de  engordar  sub  caballos  para  lo  que  se  ofreciese  pasado  el  invierno;  y 
audando  adiestrando  el  gobernador  uno  que  tenia  muy  brioso,  se  le  fu6  la  silla,  y  daudo  la  boca  en  el 
suelo,  qued6  sin  sentidu,  y  aunque  deapues  se  recobr6,  el  juicio  le  qued6  diminuto,  con  lo  cual  trataron 
tmloa  de  desiatir  de  la  eiupresa."  Gomara,  cap.  ccxiiii :  *'Cayo  en  Tiguex'del  cauallo  Francisco  Vaz- 
quez, y  con  el  golpe  salio  de  aentido,  y  deuaneaua :  lo  qual  vnos  tuuiero  por  dolor,  y  otroa  por  fingido,  ca 
eatauan  nial  con  el,  porque  no  poblaua." 

*  Or,  During  the  time  that  lie  was  confined  to  his  bed,     .... 


532  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  ann.  u 

that  the  general  was  near  his  end,  as  already  related,  they  did  not  dare  to 
tell  him  until  he  had  recovered,  and  when  he  finally  got  up  and  learned 
of  it,  it  affected  him  so  much  that  he  had  to  go  back  to  bed  again.  He 
may  have  done  this  in  order  to  bring  about  what  he  afterward  accom- 
plished, as  was  believed  later.  It  was  while  he  was  in  this  condition 
that  ho  recollected  what  a  scientific  friend  of  his  in  Salamanca  had 
told  him,  that  he  would  become  a  powerful  lord  in  distant  lands,  and 
that  he  would  have  a  fall  from  which  he  would  never  be  able  to  recover. 
This  expectation  of  death  made  him  desire  to  return  and  die  where  he 
had  a  wife  and  children.  As  the  physician  and  surgeon  who  waa  doc- 
toring him,  and  also  acted  as  a  talebearer,'  suppressed  the  murmurings 
that  were  going  about  among  the  soldiers,  he  treated  secretly  and  under- 
handedly  with  several  gentlemen  who  agreed  with  him.  They  set  the 
soldiers  to  talking  about  going  back  to  New  Spain,  in  little  knots  and 
gatherings,  and  induced  them  to  hold  consultations  about  it,  and  had 
them  send  papers  to  the  general,  signed  by  all  the  soldiers,  through 
their  ensigns,  asking  for  this.  They  all  entered  into  it  readily,  and  not 
much  time  needed  to  be  spent,  since  many  desired  it  already.  When 
they  asked  him,  the  general  acted  as  if  he  did  not  want  to  do  it,  but  all 
the  gentlemen  and  captains  supported  them,  giving  him  their  signed 
opinions,  and  as  some  were  in  this,  they  could  give  it  at  once,  and  they 
even  persuaded  others  to  do  the  same.''  Thus  they  made  it  seem  as 
if  they  ought  to  return  to  New  Spain,  because  they  had  not  found  any 
riches,  nor  had  they  discovered  any  settled  country  out  of  which  estates 
could  be  formed  for  all  the  army.  When  he  had  obtained  their  signa- 
tures, the  return  to  New  Spain  was  at  once  announced,  and  since  noth- 
ing can  ever  be  concealed,  the  double  dealing  began  to  be  understood, 
and  many  of  the  gentlemen  found  that  they  had  been  deceived  and  had 
made  a  mistake.  They  tried  in  every  way  to  get  their  signatures  back 
again  from  the  general,  who  guarded  them  so  carefully  that  he  did  not 
go  out  of  one  room,  making  his  sickness  seem  very  much  worse,  and 
putting  guards  about  his  person  and  room,  and  at  night  about  the  tloor 
on  which  he  slept.  In  spite  of  all  this,  they  stole  his  chest,  and  it  is 
said  that  tliey  did  not  find  their  signatures  in  it,  because  he  kept  them 
in  his  mattress;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  said  that  they  did  recover  them. 
They  asked  the  general  to  give  them  GO  picked  men,  with  whom  they 
would  remain  and  hold  the  country  until  the  viceroy  could  send  them 
support,  or  recall  them,  or  else  that  the  general  would  leave  them  the 
army  and  pick  out  GO  men  to  go  back  with  him.  But  the  soldiers  did 
not  want  to  remain  either  way,  some  because  they  had  turned  their  prow 
toward  New  Spain,  and  others  because  they  saw  clearly  the  trouble 
that  would  arise  over  who  should  have  the  command.  The  gentlemen, 
I  do  not  know  whether  because  they  had  sworn  fidelity  or  because  they 

'Compare  the  Spanish.    Ternaiix,  p.  2U3;  "  Le  chirurgien  qui  lo  paxiaait  et  qui  lui  aerrait  en  m6me 
temps  d'eapioD,  I'avait  avert!  du  meoontentement  ded  soldata.'' 
^Compare  the  SpaniRh. 


WIS8HIP]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  533 

feared  that  tbe  soldiers  would  not  support  tliem,  did  what  had  been 
decided  on,'  although  with  an  ill-will,  and  from  this  time  on  they  did 
not  obey  the  general  as  readily  as  formerly,  and  they  did  not  show  any 
attection  for  him.  He  made  much  of  the  soldiers  and  humored  them, 
with  the  result  that  he  did  wliat  he  desired  and  secured  the  return  of 
the  whole  army. 

Chapter  3,  of  the  rebellion  at  Suya  and  the  reasons  the  settlers  gave  for  it. 

We  iiave  already  stated  in  the  last  ciiapter  that  Don  (larcia  Lopez 
de  Cardenas  came  back  from  Suya  in  flight,  having  found  that  country 
risen  in  rebellion.  He  told  how  and  why  that  town  was  deserted,  which 
occurred  as  I  will  relate.  The  entirely  worthless  fellows  were  all  who 
had  been  left  in  that  town,  the  mutinous  and  seditious  men,  besides  a 
few  who  were  honored  with  the  charge  of  i)ublic  affairs  and  who  were 
left  to  govern  the  others.  Thus  the  bad  dispositions  of  the  worthless 
secured  the  power,  and  they  held  daily  meetings  and  councils  and 
declared  that  they  had  been  betrayed  and  were  not  going  to  be  rescued, 
since  tlie  others  had  been  directed  to  go  through  another  part  of  the 
country,  where  there  was  a  more  convenient  route  to  New  Spain,  which 
was  not  so,  because  they  were  still  almost  on  the  direct  road.  This  talk 
led  some  of  them  to  revolt,  and  they  cliose  one  Pedro  de  Avila  as  their 
captain.  They  went  back  to  Culiacan,  leaving  the  captain,  Diego  de 
Alcaraz,  sick  in  the  town  of  San  Hieronimo,  with  only  a  small  force. 
He  did  not  have  anyone  whom  he  could  send  after  them  to  compel  them 
to  return.  They  killed  a  number  of  people  at  several  villages  along 
tlie  way.  Finally  they  reached  Culiacan,  where  Hernando  Arias  de 
Saabedra,  who  was  waiting  for  Juan  Gallego  to  come  back  from  New 
Spain  with  a  force,  detained  them  by  means  of  promises,  so  that  Gallego 
could  take  them  back.  Some  who  feared  what  might  happen  to  them 
ran  away  one  night  to  New  Spain.  Diego  de  Alcaraz,  who  had  remained 
at  Suya  with  a  small  force,  sick,  was  not  able  to  hold  his  position, 
although  he  would  have  liked  to,  on  account  of  the  poisonous  herb 
which  the  natives  use.  When  these  noticed  how  weak  the  Spaniards 
were,  they  did  not  continue  to  trade  with  them  as  they  formerly  had 
done.  Veins  of  gold  had  already  been  discovered  before  this,  but  they 
were  unable  to  work  these,  because  the  country  was  at  war.  The  dis- 
turbance was  so  great  that  they  did  not  cease  to  keep  watch  and  to  be 
more  than  usually  careful. 

The  town  was  situated  on  a  little  river.  One  night  all  of  a  sudden'' 
they  saw  fires  which  they  were  not  accustomed  to,  and  on  this  account 
they  doubled  the  watclies,  but  not  having  noticed  anything  during  the 
whole  night,  they  grew  careless  along  toward  morning,  and  the  enemy 
entered  tlie  village  so  silently  that  they  were  not  seen  until  they  began 
to  kill  and  plunder.    A  number  of  men  reached  the  plain  as  well  as 

'  Compare  tbe  Spanish  text. 

*  Ternaux,  p.  209:  '*k  une  heure  tre9-avanc6e." 


534  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

they  could,  but  while  they  were  getting  out  the  captain  was  mortally 
wounded.  Several  Spaniards  came  back  on  some  liorses  after  they 
bad  recovered  themselves  and  attacked  the  enemy,  rescuing  some, 
though  only  a  few.  The  enemy  went  off  with  the  booty,  leaving  three 
Spaniards  killed,  besides  many  of  the  servants  and  more  than  twenty 
horses. 

The  Spaniards  who  survived  started  off  the  same  day  on  foot,  not 
having  any  liorses.  They  went  toward  Culiacan,  keeping  away  from 
the  roads,  and  did  not  find  any  food  until  they  reached  Corazones, 
where  the  Indians,  like  the  good  friends  they  have  always  been,  pro- 
vided them  with  food.  From  here  they  continued  to  Culiacan,  under- 
going great  hardships.  Hernandarias  de  Saabedra,'  the  mayor,  received 
them  and  entertained  them  as  well  as  he  could  until  Juan  Gallego 
arrived  with  the  reinforcements  which  he  was  conducting,  on  his  way 
to  find  the  army.  He  was  not  a  little  troubled  at  finding  that  post 
deserted,  when  he  expected  that  the  army  would  be  in  the  rich  country 
which  had  been  described  by  the  Indian  called  Turk,  because  he  looked 
like  one. 

Chapter  4,  of  hoic  Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  and  Friar  Luis  remained  in 
the  country  and  the  army  prepared  to  return  to  Mexico. 

When  the  general,  Francisco  Vazquez,  saw  that  everything  was  now 
quiet,  and  that  his  schemes  had  gone  as  he  wished,  he  ordered  that 
everything  should  be  ready  to  start  on  the  return  to  New  Spain  by  the 
beginning  of  the  month  of  April,  in  the  year  1543.^ 

Seeing  tliis,  Friar  Juan  de  Padilla,  a  regular  brother  of  the  lesser 
order,'  and  another.  Friar  Luis,  a  lay  brotlier,  told  the  general  that 
they  wanted  to  remain  in  that  country — Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  in  Qui- 
vira,  because  his  teachings  seemed  to  promise  fruit  there,  and  Friar 
Luis  at  Cicuye.  On  this  account,  as  it  was  Lent  at  the  time,  the  father 
made  this  tlie  subject  of  his  sermon  to  the  companies  one  Sunday, 
establishing  his  proposition  on  the  authority  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
He  declared  his  zeal  for  the  conversion  of  these  peoples  and  his  desire 
to  draw  them  to  the  faith,  and  stated  that  he  had  received  permission 
to  do  it,  although  this  was  not  necessary.  The  general  sent  a  company 
to  escort  them  as  far  as  Cicuye,  where  Friar  Luis  stopped,  while  Friar 
Juan  went  on  back  to  Quivira  with  tlie  guides  who  had  conducted  the 
general,  taking  with  him  the  Portuguese,  as  we  related,  and  the  half- 
blood,  and  the  Indians  from  New  Spain.  He  was  martyied  a  short 
time  alter  he  arrived  there,  as  we  related  in  the  second  part,  chapter  8. 
Thus  we  may  be  sure  that  he  died  a  martyr,  because  his  zeal  was  holy 
and  earnest. 

Friar  Luis  remained  at  Cicuye.  Nothing  more  has  been  heard  about 
him  since,  but  before  the  army  left  Tiguex  some  men  who  went  to  take 

'  Compare  the  spelling  of  this  name  on  page  460  of  the  Spanish  text. 

*  The  correct  date  is,  of  course,  1542. 

'A  Franciscan.    He  was  a '■fravl'^  de  misa." 


BUREAU  OF  ETHN0LOG1 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT       PL.    LXU 


ZUNIS  IN   TYPICAL   MODERN   COSTUME 


wiNSHiP]  TRANSLATION   OF    CASTANEDA  535 

him  a  number  of  sheep  that  were  left  for  him  to  keep,  met  him  as  he 
was  on  his  way  to  visit  some  other  villages,  which  were  15  or  20  leagues 
from  Cicuye,  accompanied  by  some  followers.  He  felt  very  hopeful 
that  he  was  liked  at  the  village  and  that  his  teaching  would  bear 
fruit,  although  he  complained  that  the  old  men  were  falling  away  from 
him.  I,  for  my  part,  believe  that  they  finally  killed  him.  He  was  a 
man  of  good  and  holy  life,  and  may  Our  Lord  protect  him  and  grant 
that  he  may  convert  many  of  those  peoples,  and  end  his  days  in  guid- 
ing them  in  the  faith.  We  do  not  need  to  believe  otherwise,  for  the 
people  in  those  parts  are  pious  and  not  at  all  cruel.  They  are  friends? 
or  rather,  enemies  of  cruelty,  and  they  remained  faithful  and  loyal 
friends.' 

'General  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  in  liia  Spanish  Conquest  of  New  Mexico,  p.  231,  gives  the  following 
extract,  translated  from  an  old  Spanish  MS.  at  Santa  F6:  "  When  Coronado  returned  to  Mexico, 
he  left  behind  him.  among  the  Indians  of  Cibola,  the  father  fray  Francisco  .luau  de  Padilla,  the 
father  fray  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  and  a  Portuguese  named  Andres  del  Campo.  Soon  after  the  Spaniards 
departed,  Padilla  and  the  Portuguese  set  ofl"  in  search  of  the  country  of  the  Grand  Quivira,  where  the 
former  understood  there  were  innumerable  souls  to  be  saved.  After  traveling  several  days,  they 
reached  a  large  settlement  in  the  Quivira  country.  The  Indians  came  out  to  receive  them  in  battle 
array,  when  the  friar,  knowing  their  int*mtions,  told  the  Portuguese  and  his  attendants  to  take  to 
flight,  while  he  would  await  their  coming,  in  order  that  they  uiiglit  vent  their  fury  on  him  as  they 
ran.  The  former  took  to  flight,  and,  placing  themselves  on  a  height  within  view,  saw  wliat  happened 
to  the  friar.  Padilla  awaited  their  coming  upon  his  knees,  and  when  they  arrived  where  he  was  they 
immediately  put  him  to  death.  Tlie  same  hapi)ened  to  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  who  was  left  behind  at 
Cibola,  which  people  killed  him.  The  Portuguese  and  his  attendants  made  their  escape,  and  ulti- 
mately arrived  safely  in  Mexico,  where  he  told  wliat  had  occurred."  In  reply  to  a  request  for  further 
information  regarding  this  manuscript.  General  Davis  stated  that  when  he  revisited  Santa  F6,  a 
few  years  ago,  he  learned  that  one  of  his  successors  in  the  iiost  of  governor  of  the  territory,  having 
despaired  of  disposing  of  the  immense  mass  of  old  documents  and  records  deposited  in  his  othce,  by 
the  slow  process  of  using  them  to  kindle  fires,  had  sold  the  entire  lot — an  invaluable  collection  of 
material  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  southwest  and  its  early  European  and  native  inhabitants — 
as  junk. 

MotaPadilla,  cap.  xxxiii,  7,  p.  167,  gives  an  extended  account  of  the  friars:  "Peroporque  el  padre  Fr. 
Juan  de  Padilla  cuando  acompand  &  D.  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  hasta  el  pueblo  de  Quivira,  puso 
en  61  una  cruz,  protestando  no  desampararla  aunque  le  costaso  la  vida,  por  tener  entendido  hacer 
fmto  en  aquellos  indios  y  en  los  comarcanos,  determind  volverse,  y  no  bastaron  las  instancias  del 
gobernador  y  demascapitaneapara  que  desistiese  por  enttinces  del  pensumieuto.  El  padre  Fr.  Luisde 
Ubeda  rog6  tambien  lo  dejasen  volver  eqn  el  padre  Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla  hasta  el  pueblo  de  Coquite,  en 
donde  le  parecia  podrian  servir  de  domesticar  algo  A  aquellos  indios  por  parecerle  se  hallaban  con 
alguna  disposicion ;  y  que  pues  61  era  viejo,  emplearia  la  corta  vida  que  le  quedase  en  procurar  la 
salvacion  de  las  almas  de  aquellos  miserables.  A  su  imitacion  tambien  el  padre  Fr.  Juan  de  la  Cruz, 
religiose  lego  (como  lo  era  Fr.  Luis  de  Ubeda)  pretendi6  (juedarse  en  aquellas  provincias  do  Tigiies,  y 
porque  se  discurrio  que  con  el  tiempo  se  conseguiria  la  poblacion  de  aquellas  tierras,  condescendio  el 
gobernador  A  los  deseos  de  aquellos  apost61icos  varones,  y  les  dejaron  proveidos  de  lo  quo  por  entonces 
parecio  necesario;  y  tambien  quiso  quedarse  un  soldado,  de  nacion  portugues,  llamado  Andres  del 
Carapo,  con  finimo  de  servir  al  padre  Padilla,  y  tambien  dos  indizuelos  donados  nombrados  Lucas  y 
Sebastian,  naturales  de  Michoacan;  y  otros  dos  indizuelos  que  en  el  ej6rcito  hacian  oficios  de  sacri- 
stanes,  yotro  muchacho  mestizo:  dejdronle  a  dicho  padre  Padilla  ornamentos  y  provision  para  que 
celebrase  el  santo  sacrificio  de  la  misa.  y  algunos  bienecillos  que  pudiese  dar  A  los  indios  para 
atraerlos  A  su  voluntad. 

"8.  .  .  .  Quedaron  estos  benditos  religiosos  como  corderos  entre  lobos;  y  vi^ndose  solos,  trat^^el 
padre  Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla.  con  los  de  Tigues,  el  fin  que  le  mo  via  A  quedarse  entro  ellos,  que  no  era  otro  que 
el  detratarde  la  salvacion  de  sns  almas ;  queyalossoldadossehabian  ido,  quenolcsserianmolestos,  que 
61  pasaba  Aotraspoblacionesy  les  dejaba  al  padre  Fr.  Juan  delaCruzparaquelesfueseinstruyendoen 
loque  debian  saber  para  ser  cristianos6  hijos  de  la  Santa  Iglesia,  como  necesario  para  salvar  sus  almas, 
que  les  tratasen  bien,y  que  61  procurana  volver  A  consolarles;  despidese  con  gran  t«rnura,  dejando, 
como  prelado,  Ueno  de  bendiciones.  &  Fr.  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  y  los  indios  de  Tigiies  seualaron  una 
escuadrade  sus  soldados  queguiasena  diclios  padres  Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla  y  Fr.  Luis  de  Ubeda  hastael 
pueblo  de  Coquite,  en  donde  les  recibieron  con  demostracioues  de  alegria,  y  baciendo  la  mismareco- 
mendacion  por  el  padre  Fr.  Luis  de  Ubeda,  le  dejo,  y  guiado  de  otros  naturales  del  mismo pueblo,  sali6 


536  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth-anw-M 

After  the  friars  had  gone,  the  general,  fearing  that  they  might  be 
injured  if  people  were  carried  away  from  that  country  to  New  Spain, 
ordered  the  soldiers  to  let  any  of  the  natives  who  were  held  as  servants 
go  free  to  their  villages  whenever  they  might  wish.  lu  my  opinion, 
though  I  am  not  sure,  it  would  have  been  better  if  they  had  been  kept 
and  taught  among  Christians, 

The  general  was  very  happy  and  contented  when  the  time  arrived 
and  everything  needed  for  the  journey  was  ready,  and  the  army  started 
from  Tiguex  on  its  way  back  to  Cibola.  One  thing  of  no  small  note 
happened  during  this  part  of  the  trip.  The  horses  were  in  good  con- 
dition for  their  work  when  they  started,  fat  and  sleek,  but  more  than 
thirty  died  during  the  ten  days  which  it  took  to  reach  Cibola,  and  there 
was  not  a  day  in  which  two  or  three  or  more  did  not  die.  A  large  number 
of  them  also  died  afterward  before  reaching  Culiacan,  a  thing  that 
did  not  happen  during  all  the  rest  of  the  journey. 

After  the  army  reached  Cibola,  it  rested  before  starting  across  tlie 
wilderness,  because  this  was  the  last  of  the  settlements  in  that  country. 
The  whole  country  was  left  well  disposed  and  at  peace,  and  several  of 
our  Indian  allies  remained  there. ' 


para  Quivira  con  Audres  del  Campo,  douados  indizuelos  y  el  muchaclio  mestizo:  Ucgfi  &  Quivira  y 
se  pOf>tr6  al  pie  de  Iacruz,que  hallo  en  donde  la  Labia  colocado;  y  con  lirapieza,  toda  la  circuufe- 
rencia,  corao  lo  babia  encargado,  de  que  se  alegro,  y  liiego  comenzO  &  bacer  los  oficios  de  padre  maes- 
tro y  ap^stol  de  aquellas  gentes;  y  hallAndolas  docilca  y  con  buen  iinimo,  se  iutlam<5  su  corazon,  y  le 
parecirt  corto  m'lmero  do  almas  para  Bios  las  de  aqnel  pueblo,  y  trat6  de  ensancbar  loa  senos  de  nuestra 
madre  la  Sauta  Iglesia,  para  que  acogiese  &  cnantos  se  le  decia  baber  en  mayores  distancias. 

"9.  Sali6  de  Quivira,  acompauado  de  su  corta  comitiva,  contra  la  volnntad  de  los  indios  de  aqnel 
pueblo,  que  le  amaban  como  &  su  padre,  mas  A,  una  Jornada  le  salieron  indios  do  guerra,  y  conociendo 
mal  Animo  de  aqnellos  bArbaros,  le  rogd  al  ]>ortugue8,  que  pues  iba  A  caballo  buyese,  y  que  en  su 
conserva  llevase  aquellos  donados  y  muchacbos,  que  como  tales  podrian  correr  y  escaparse :  litci^ronlo 
asi  por  no  hallarse  capaces  de  otro  modo  para  ladefensa,  y  el  bendito  i)adre,  bincadoderwlillasofrecid 
la  vida,  que  por  reducir  almas  A  Dios  tenia  sacrificada.  logrando  los  ardientes  deseos  de  en  corazon, 
la  felicidad  de  ser  muerto  flecbado  jjor  aquellos  indios  btirbaroa,  quienes  le  arrojaron  en  un  hoyo, 
cubriendo  cl  cuerpo  con  innumerables  piedras.  T  vuelto  el  jiortugues  con  los  indizuelos  A  Quivira, 
dieron  la  uoticia,  la  que  sintieron  mucbo  aquellos  naturales,  por  el  amor  que  tenian  A  diclio  padre,  y 
mas  lo  sintieran  si  bubieran  tenido  pleno  conociniiento  do  la  falta  que  lea  bacia;  no  sabe  el  dia  de 
su  muerte,  aunque  si  se  tiene  por  cierto  baber  sido  en  el  afio  de  542:  y  en  algunos  papeles  que  dej6 
escritos  D.  Pedro  de  Tovar  eii  la  villa  de  Culiacan,  se  dice  que  los  indios  babian  salido  &  niatar  &  este 
bendito  padre,  por  robar  los  ornamentos,  y  que  habia  meraoria  de  que  en  su  muerte  se  vierou  grandea 
prodigios,  como  fiid  intindarse  la  tlerra,  verso  globes  de  fuego,  cometas  y  oscurecerse  el  sol. 

"10.  .  .  .  Del  padre  Fr.  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  la  notlcia  que  se  tiene  es,  qnedespuea  de  baber  trabajadoen 
lainstruccion  de  los  indios  en  Tigiies  y  en  Coquite,  murio  tlechado  de  indios,  porque  no  todos  abrazaron 
su  doctrinay  consejos.  con  los  que  trataba  detestasen  sus  bdrbaras  costumbres,  aunque  por  lo  general 
era  muy  estimado  do  los  caciques  y  demas  naturales,  que  babian  visto  la  veneracion  con  que  el  general, 
capitanee  y  soldados  le  tratabau.  El  padre  Fr.  Luis  de  Ubeda  se  niantenia  en  una  cboza  por  celda  6 
cnera,  en  donde  le  ministraban  los  indios.con  un  poco  de  atole.  tortillas  y  fryoles,  el  limitado  sust«nto, 
y  no  80  8upo  de  su  muerte ;  si  qtiedo  entre  cuantos  le  conocieron  la  memoria  de  su  pefecta  vida." 

When  tbe  reports  of  these  martyrdoms  reached  New  Spain,  a  number  of  Franciscans  were  fired 
with  tbe  zeal  of  entering  tbe  country  and  carrying  on  tbe  work  thus  begun.  Several  received  otlicial 
permission,  and  went  to  the  pueblo  country.  One  of  them  was  killed  at  Tiguex,  wb  ere  most  of  them 
settled.  A  few  went  on  to  Cicuye  or  Pecos,  where  they  found  a  cross  wliicb  Padilla  had  set  up. 
Proceeding  to  Quivira,  the  natives  there  counseled  them  not  to  proceed  farther.  The  Indians  gave 
them  au  account  of  the  death  of  Fray  Padilla,  and  said  that  if  he  had  taken  their  advice  he  would 
not  have  been  killed. 

'Antonio  de  Espe.io,  in  the  Kelacion  of  bis  visit  to  New  Mexico  in  1582  (Pachoco  y  Cardenas,  Docu- 

mentos  de  ludias,  vol.  xv,  p.  180j,  states  that  at  Zuiii-Cibola,  *'hallamos  tres  indios  cristianos  que  se 

digeron  llamar  Andrt'S  de  Cuyacan  y  Caspar  de  M6xico  y  Anton  de  Guadalnjara,  que  digeron  baber 

entrado  con  Francisco  Vazquez,  y  reformdndolos  en  la  lengua  mexicana  que  ya  casi  la  tenian  olvi- 

■  dada;  destos  supimos  que  babia  llegado  all!  el  dicbo  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado." 


Bureau  of  EthnOlogv 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL.    LXIII 


HOPt   MAIDENS,   SHOWING   PRIMITIVE   PUEBLO   HAIRDRESSING 


wiNSHip]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  537 

Chapter  5,  of  hotc  th&army  left  the  settlements  and  marcned  to  CuUacan, 
and  of  what  happened  on  the  way. 

Leaving  astern,  as  we  might  say,  the  settlements  that  had  been  dis- 
covered in  the  new  land,  of  which,  as  I  have  said,  the  seven  villages  of 
Cibola  were  the  first  to  be  seen  and  the  last  that  were  left,  the  army 
started  oft",  marching  across  the  wilderness.  The  natives  kept  following 
the  rear  of  the  army  for  two  or  three  days,  to  pick  up  any  baggage  or 
servants,  for  although  they  were  still  at  peace  and  had  always  been 
loyal  friends,  when  they  saw  that  we  were  going  to  leave  the  country 
entirely,  they  were  glad  to  get  some  of  our  people  in  their  power, 
although  I  do  not  think  that  they  wanted  to  injure  them,  from  what  I 
was  told  by  some  who  were  not  willing  to  go  back  with  them  when  they 
teased  and  asked  them  to.  Altogether,  they  carried  off  several  people 
besides  those  who  had  remained  of  their  own  accord,  among  whom  good 
interpreters  could  be  found  today.  The  wilderness  was  crossed  without 
opposition,  and  on  the  second  day  before  reaching  Chichilticalli  Juan 
Gallego  met  the  army,  as  he  was  coming  from  New  Spain  with  reenforce- 
ments  of  men  and  necessary  supplies  for  the  army,  expecting  that  he 
would  find  the  army  in  the  country  of  the  Indian  called  Turk.  When 
Juan  Gallego  saw  that  the  army  was  returning,  the  first  thing  he  said 
was  not,  "I  am  glad  you  are  coming  back,"  and  he  did  not  like  it  any 
better  after  he  had  talked  with  the  general.  After  he  had  reached  the 
army,  or  rather  the  quarters,  there  was  quite  a  little  movement  among 
the  gentlemen  toward  going  back  with  the  new  force  which  had  made 
no  slight  exertions  in  coming  thus  far,  having  encounters  every  day 
with  the  Indians  of  these  regions  who  had  risen  in  revolt,  as  will  be 
related.  There  was  talk  of  making  a  settlement  somewhere  in  that 
region  until  the  viceroy  could  receive  an  account  of  what  had  occurred. 
Those  soldiers  who  had  come  from  the  new  lauds  would  not  agree  to 
anything  except  the  return  to  New  Spain,  so  that  nothing  came  of  the 
proposals  made  at  the  consultations,  and  although  there  was  some 
opposition,  they  were  finally  quieted.  Several  of  the  mutineers  who 
had  deserted  the  town  of  Corazones  came  with  Juan  Gallego,  who  had 
given  them  his  word  as  surety  for  their  safety,  and  even  if  the  general 
had  wanted  to  punisli  them,  his  power  was  slight,  for  he  had  been  dis- 
obeyed already  and  was  not  much  respected.  He  began  to  be  afraid 
again  after  this,  and  made  himself  sick,  and  kept  a  guard.  In  several 
jjlaees  yells  were  heard  and  Indians  seen,  and  some  of  the  horses  were 
wounded  and  killed,  before  Batu<'o'  was  reached,  where  the  friendly 
Indians  from  Corazones  came  to  meet  the  army  and  see  the  general. 
They  were  always  friendly  and  had  treated  all  the  Spaniards  who  passed 
through  their  country  well,  furnishing  them  with  what  food  they  needed, 
and  men,  if  they  needed  these.  Our  men  had  always  treated  them  well 
and  repaid  them  for  these  things.  During  this  journey  tlie  juice  of  the 
quince  was  proved  to  be  a  good  protection  against  the  poison  of  the 

'  There  were  two  settlements  in  Sonora  bearing  this  name,  one  occupied  by  the  Eudeve  and  the 
Other  by  the  Tegui  dlTision  of  the  Opata.    The  former  village  is  the  one  referred  to  by  Castaiieda. 


538  THE    CORONAUO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  anx.  u 

uatives,  because  at  one  place,  several  days  before  reaching  Sefiora,'  the 
hostile  Indians  wounded  a  Spaniard  called  Mesa,  and  he  did  not  die, 
although  the  wound  of  the  fresh  poison  is  fatal,  and  there  was  a  delay 
of  over  two  hours  before  curing  him  with  the  juice.  The  poison,  how- 
ever, had  left  its  mark  upon  him.  The  skin  rotted  and  fell  ofi"  until  it 
left  the  bones  and  sinews  bare,  with  a  horrible  smell.  The  wound  was 
in  the  wrist,  and  the  poison  had  reached  as  far  as  the  shoulder  when 
he  was  cured.    The  skin  on  all  this  fell  off.' 

The  army  proceeded  without  taking  any  rest,  because  the  provisions 
had  begun  to  fail  by  this  time.  These  districts  were  in  rebellion,  and 
so  there  were  not  any  victuals  where  the  soldiers  could  get  them  until 
they  reached  Petlatlan,  although  they  made  several  forays  into  the  cross 
country  in  search  of  provisions.  Petlatlan  is  in  the  province  of  Culiacan, 
and  on  this  account  was  at  peace,  although  they  had  several  surprises 
after  this.^  The  army  rested  here  several  days  to  get  provisions.  After 
leaving  here  they  were  able  to  travel  more  quickly  than  before,  for  the 
30  leagues  of  the  valley  of  Culiacan,  where  they  were  welcomed  back 
again  as  people  who  came  with  their  governor,  who  had  suflered  ill 
treatment. 

Chapter  (i,  of  hotc  the  general  started  from  Culiacan  to  give  the  viceroy 
an  account  of  the  army  tcith  which  he  had  been  intrusted. 

It  seemed,  indeed,  as  if  the  arrival  in  the  valley  of  Culiacan  had  ended 
the  labors  of  this  journey,  partly  because  the  general  was  governor 
there  and  partly  because  it  was  inhabited  by  Christians.  On  this 
account  some  began  to  disregard  tlieir  superiors  and  the  authority  which 
their  captains  had  over  them,  and  some  captains  even  forgot  the  obedi- 
ence due  to  their  general.  Each  one  played  his  own  game,  so  that  while 
the  general  was  marching  toward  the  town,  which  was  still  10  leagues 
away,  many  of  the  men,  or  most  of  them,  left  him  in  order  to  rest  in  the 
valley,  and  some  even  proposed  not  to  follow  him.  The  general  under- 
stood that  he  was  not  strong  enough  to  compel  them,  although  his 
position  as  governor  gave  him  fresh  authority.  He  determined  to  accom- 
plish it  by  a  better  method,  which  was  to  order  all  the  captains  to  pro- 
vide food  and  meat  from  the  stores  of  several  villages  that  were  under 
his  control  as  governor.  He  pretended  to  be  sick,  keeping  his  bed,  so 
that  those  who  had  any  business  with  him  could  speak  to  him  or  he  with 


'MotaPadilla,  cap.  xxxiii,  5,  p.  166.  sayathatatSonora  .  .  .  '*mnri6unfulanoTeraino,  hermanode 
Baltaaar  Baunelos,  ano  de  loe  qaatro  niineros  de  Zacatecaa;  Luia  Hernandez,  Domingo  Fernandez  y 
otros." 

^Rudo  Ensayo,  p.  64:  "Ma^ro,  en  lengua  Opata  [of  Sonera],  ea  nn  arbol  pequeHo,  mni  lozano  de 
verde,  y  hermoso  Ala  vista ;  pero  contiene  nna  leche  mortal  que  A  corta  incision  dean  corteza  brota, 
con  la  que  los  Naturales  snelen  untar  bus  flechas ;  y  per  esto  la  llaman  hierba  de  la  flecha,  pero  ya 
pocoB  lo  usan.  Sirbe  tambien  dicba  leclie  para  abrir  tumores  rebeldes,  aunque  no  lo  aconsejara,  por 
8u  calidad  venenoso."  This  indicates  a  euphorbiacea.  IJandelier  (Final  Report,  pt.  i.  p.  77)  believea 
that  no  credit  is  to  be  given  to  the  notion  that  the  poison  used  by  the  Indians  may  have  been  snake 
poison.  The  Seri  are  the  only  IndiAns  of  northern  Mexico  who  in  recent  times  have  been  reporMd 
to  use  poisoned  arrows. 

'Temaux,  p.  223;  "On  parvint  ainsi  JL  Petatlan,  qui  depend  de  la  province  de  Culiacan.  A  cette 
6poque,  ce  village  ^tait  soumis.  Mais  quoique  depuis  il  y  ait  en  plusieurs  soul^vements,  on  y  restft 
quelques  jours  pour  se  refaire."    Compare  the  Spanish. 


<  s 

5    n 


a 

z 
□ 


WDiBHip]  TRANSLATION    OF   CASTANEDA  539 

them  more  freely,  without  hindrance  or  observation,  and  he  kept  send- 
ing for  his  particular  friends  in  order  to  ask  them  to  be  sure  to  speak 
to  the  soldiers  and  encourage  them  to  accompany  him  back  to  New 
Spain,  and  to  tell  them  that  he  would  request  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio 
de  Mendoza,  to  show  tliem  especial  favor,  and  that  he  would  do  so  him- 
self for  those  who  might  wish  to  remain  in  his  government.  After  tliis 
had  been  done,  he  started  with  his  army  at  a  very  bad  time,  when  the  rains 
were  beginning,  for  it  was  about  Saint  John's  day,  at  which  season  it  rains 
continuously.  In  the  uninhabited  country  which  they  passed  through 
as  far  as  Compostela  there  are  numerous  very  dangerous  rivers,  full  of 
large  and  fierce  alligators.  While  tlie  army  was  halting  at  one  of  these 
rivers,  a  soldier  who  was  crossing  from  one  side  to  the  other  was  seized, 
in  sight  of  everybody,  and  carried  off  by  an  alligator  without  it  being 
possible  to  help  him.  The  general  proceeded,  leaving  the  men  who  did 
not  want  to  follow  him  all  along  the  way,  and  reached  Mexico  with  less 
than  100  men.  He  made  his  report  to  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de 
Mendoza,  who  did  not  receive  him  very  graciously,  although  he  gave 
him  his  discharge.  His  reputation  was  gone  from  this  time  on.  He 
kept  the  government  of  New  Galicia,  which  had  been  entrusted  to  him, 
for  only  a  short  time,  when  the  viceroy  took  it  himself,  until  the  arrival 
of  the  court,  or  audiencia,  which  still  governs  it.  And  this  was  the  end 
of  those  discoveries  and  of  the  expedition  which  was  made  to  these 
new  lands.^ 

It  now  remains  for  us  to  describe  the  way  in  which  to  enter  the 
country  by  a  more  direct  route,  although  there  is  never  a  short  cut 
without  hard  work.  It  is  always  best  to  tind  out  what  those  know 
who  have  prepared  the  way,  who  know  what  will  be  needed.^  This 
can  be  found  elsewhere,  and  I  will  now  tell  where  Quivira  lies,  what 
direction  the  army  took,  and  the  direction  in  which  Greater  India 
lies,  which  was  what  they  pretended  to  be  in  search  of,  when  the 
army  started  thither.  Today,  since  Villalobos  has  discovered  that  this 
part  of  the  coast  of  the  South  sea  trends  toward  the  west,  it  is  clearly 
seen  and  acknowledged  that,  since  we  were  in  the  north,  we  ought  to 
have  turned  to  the  west  instead  of  toward  the  east,  as  we  did.  With 
this,  we  will  leave  this  subject  and  will  proceed  to  finish  this  treatise, 
since  there  are  several  noteworthy  things  of  which  I  must  give  an 
account,  which  I  have  left  to  be  treated  more  extensively  in  the  two 
following  chapters. 

'Goniara,  cap.  ccxiiii :  "  QnandoUego  aMexico  traya el  cabellomuy  largo,  y  la  barua  tren^ada,  y  con- 
taua  estranezas  de  las  tierras,  rios,  y  luontaDas,  q  a  traueaao.  Mucho  peso  a  don  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
que  se  boluiesaen,  porque  aula  gastado  maa  de  sesenta  mil  pesos  de  ore  en  la  empresa,  y  aun  deuia 
mucbos  dellos,  y  no  trayan  cosa  ninguna  de  alia,  ni  muestra  de  plata,  ni  de  oro,  ni  de  otra  riqueza. 
Muchos  quisieron  quedarse  alia,  mas  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  que  rico,  y  rezien  casado  era  con 
hermosa  muger,  no  quiso,  diziendo,  que  no  se  podrian  sustentar,  ni  defender,  en  tan  pobre  tierra,  y 
tan  lexos  del  socorro.    Caminaron  mas  de  nonecientas  leguaa  de  largo  esta  jomada. " 

^Ternanx,  p.  228:  "il  n'y  ait  pas  de  succ^s  k  esp^rersans  peine;  mais  11  vaut  mienx  qne  oftnz  qni 
Toudront  tenter  Tentreprise,  soient  inform6s  d'avance  des  peines  et  dea  fatigues  qa'ont  6proaT6e8 
leurs  pr6d6ces8eurfl." 


540  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.akk.14 

Chapter  7,  of  the  adventures  of  Captain  Juan  Oallegb  while  he  was 
bringing  reenforcements  through  the  revolted  country. 

One  might  well  have  complained  when  in  the  last  chapter  I  passed 
in  silence  over  the  exploits  of  Captain  Jnan  Gallego  with  his  20  com- 
panions. I  will  relate  them  in  the  present  chapter,  so  that  in  times  to 
come  those  who  read  about  it  or  tell  of  it  may  have  a  reliable  authority 
on  whom  to  rely.  I  am  not  writing  fables,  like  some  of  the  things 
which  we  read  about  nowadays  in  the  books  of  chivalry.  If  it  were 
not  that  those  stories  contained  enchantments,  there  are  some  things 
which  our  Spaniards  have  done  in  our  own  day  in  these  parts,  in  their 
conquests  and  encounters  with  the  Indians,  which,  for  deeds  worthy 
of  admiration,  surpass  not  only  the  books  already  mentioned,  but  also 
those  which  have  been  written  about  the  twelve  peers  of  France, 
because,  if  the  deadly  strength  which  the  authors  of  those  times 
attributed  to  their  heroes  and  the  brilliant  and  resplendent  arms  with 
which  they  adorned  them,  are  fully  considered,  and  compared  with 
the  small  stature  of  the  men  of  our  time  and  the  few  and  poor  weapons 
which  they  have  in  these  parts,'  the  remarkable  things  which  our  people 
have  undertaken  and  accomplished  with  such  weapons  are  more  to  be 
wondered  at  today  than  those  of  which  the  ancients  write,  and  just 
because,  too,  they  fought  with  barbarous  naked  people,  as  ours  have  with 
Indians,  among  whom  there  are  always  men  who  are  brave  and  valiant 
and  very  sure  bowmen,  for  we  have  seen  them  pierce  the  wings  while 
flying,  and  hit  hares  while  lunning  after  them.  I  have  said  all  this  in 
order  to  show  that  some  things  which  we  consider  fables  may  be  true, 
because  we  see  greater  things  every  day  in  our  own  times,  just  as  in 
future  times  people  will  greatly  wonder  at  the  deeds  of  Don  Fernando 
Cortez,  who  dared  to  go  into  the  midst  of  New  Spain  with  300  men 
against  the  vast  number  of  people  in  Mexico,  and  who  with  500 
Spaniards  succeeded  in  subduing  it,  and  made  himself  lord  over  it  in 
two  years. 

The  deeds  of  Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado  in  the  conquest  of  Guatemala, 
and  those  of  Montejo  in  Tabasco,  the  conquests  of  the  mainland  and 
of  Peru,  were  all  such  as  to  make  me  remain  silent  concerning  what 
I  now  wish  to  relate;  but  since  I  have  promised  to  give  an  account  of 
what  happened  on  this  journey,  I  want  the  things  I  am  now  going  to 
relate  to  be  known  as  well  as  those  others  of  which  I  have  spoken. 

The  captain  Juan  Gallego,  then,  reached  the  town  of  Culiacan  with 
a  very  small  force.  There  he  collected  as  many  as  he  could  of  those 
who  had  escaped  from  the  town  of  Hearts,  or,  more  correctly,  from 
Suya,  which  made  in  all  22  men,  and  with  these  he  marched  through 
all  of  the  settled  country,  across  which  he  traveled  200  leagues  with  the 
country  in  a  state  of  war  and  the  people  in  rebellion,  although  they  had 
formerly  been  friendly  toward  the  Spaniards,  having  encounters  with 

'The  letters  of  Mendoza  during  the  early  part  of  his  administration  in  Mexico  repeatedly  call 
attention  to  the  lack  of  arms  and  ammunition  among  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World. 


wiNSBipJ  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  541 

the  enemy  almost  every  day.  He  always  marched  with  the  advance 
guard,  leaving  two-thirds  of  his  force  behind  with  the  baggage.  With 
six  or  seven  Spaniards,  and  without  any  of  the  Indian  allies  whom  he 
had  with  him,  he  forced  his  way  into  their  villages,  killing  and  destroy- 
ing and  setting  them  on  fire,  coming  upon  the  enemy  so  suddenly  and 
with  such  quickness  and  boldness  that  they  did  not  have  a  chance  to 
collect  or  even  to  do  anything  at  all,  until  they  became  so  afraid  of  him 
that  there  was  not  a  town  which  dared  wait  for  him,  but  they  fled 
before  him  as  from  a  powerful  army;  so  much  so,  that  for  ten  days,  while 
he  was  passing  through  the  settlements,  they  did  not  have  an  hour's 
rest.  He  did  all  this  with  his  seven  companions,  so  that  when  the  rest 
of  the  force  came  up  with  the  baggage  there  was  nothing  for  them  to  do 
except  to  pillage,  since  the  others  had  already  killed  and  captured  all 
the  people  they  could  lay  their  hands  on  and  the  rest  had  fled.  They 
did  not  pause  anywhere,  so  that  although  the  villages  ahead  of  him 
received  some  warning,  they  were  upon  them  so  quickly  that  they  did 
not  have  a  chance  to  collect.  Especially  in  the  region  where  the  town  of 
Hearts  had  been,  he  killed  and  hung  a  large  number  of  people  to  punish 
them  for  their  rebellion.  He  did  not  lose  a  companion  during  all  this,  nor 
was  anyone  wounded,  except  one  soldier,  who  was  wounded  in  the  eyelid 
by  an  Indian  who  was  almost  dead,  whom  he  was  stripping.  The 
weapon  broke  the  skin  and,  as  it  was  poisoned,  he  would  have  had  to 
die  if  he  had  not  been  saved  by  the  quince  juice;  he  lost  his  eye  as  it 
Wiis.  These  deeds  of  theirs  were  such  that  I  know  those  people  will 
remember  them  as  long  as  they  live,  and  esi)ecially  four  or  five  friendly 
Indians  who  went  with  them  from  Cbrazones,  who  thought  that  they 
were  so  wonderful  that  they  held  them  to  be  something  divine  rather 
than  human.  If  he  had  not  fallen  in  with  our  army  as  he  did,  they 
would  have  reached  the  country  of  the  Indian  called  Turk,  which  they 
expected  to  march  to,  and  they  would  have  arrived  there  without  dan- 
ger on  account  of  their  good  order  and  the  skill  with  which  he  was 
leading  them,  and  their  knowledge  and  ample  practice  in  war.  Several 
of  these  men  are  still  in  this  town  of  Culiacan,  where  I  am  now  writing 
this  account  and  narrative,  where  they,  as  well  as  I  and  the  others  who 
have  remained  in  this  province,  have  never  lacked  for  labor  in  keeping 
this  country  quiet,  in  capturing  rebels,  and  increasing  in  poverty  and 
need,  and  more  than  ever  at  the  present  hour,  because  the  couutry  is 
poorer  and  more  in  debt  than  ever  before. 

Chapter  8,  which  describes  some  remarkable  things  that  icere  seen  on  the 
plains,  with  a  description  of  the  bulls. 

My  silence  was  not  without  mystery  and  dissimulation  when,  in  chap- 
ter 7  of  the  second  part  of  this  book,  I  spoke  of  the  plains  and  of 
the  things  of  which  I. will  give  a  detailed  account  in  this  chapter, 
where  all  these  things  may  be  found  together;  for  these  things  were 
remarkable  and  something  not  seen  in  other  j)arts.     I  dare  to  write 


542  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  Ikth.anm.U 

of  them  because  I  am  writing  at  a  time  when  many  men  are  still 
living  who  saw  them  and  who  will  vouch  for  my  account.  Who  could 
believe  that  1,000  horses  and  500  of  our  cows  and  more  than  5,000 
rams  and  ewes  and  more  than  1,500  friendly  Indians  and  servants,  in 
traveling  over  those  plains,  would  leave  no  more  trace  where  they  had 
passed  than  if  nothing  had  been  there — nothing — so  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  make  piles  of  bones  and  cow  dung  now  and  then,  so  that  the 
rear  guard  could  follow  the  army.  The  grass  never  failed  to  become 
erect  after  it  had  been  trodden  down,  and,  although  it  was  short,  it  was 
as  fresh  and  straight  as  before. 

Another  thing  was  a  heap  of  cow  bones,  a  crossbow  shot  long,  or  a  very 
little  less,  almost  twice  a  man's  height  in  places,  and  some  18  feet  or  more 
wide,  which  was  found  on  the  edge  of  a  salt  lake  in  the  southern  part,' 
and  this  in  a  region  where  there  are  no  people  who  could  have  made  it. 
The  only  explanation  of  this  which  could  be  suggested  was  that  the 
waves  which  the  north  winds  must  make  in  the  lake  had  piled  up  the 
bones  of  the  cattle  which  had  died  in  the  lake,  when  the  old  and  weak 
ones  who  went  into  the  water  were  unable  to  get  out.  The  noticeable 
thing  is  the  number  of  cattle  that  would  be  necessary  to  make  such  a 
pile  of  bones. 

Now  that  I  wish  to  describe  the  appearance  of  the  bulls,  it  is  to  be 
noticed  first  that  there  was  not  one  of  the  horses  that  did  not  take  flight 
when  he  saw  them  first,  for  they  have  a  narrow,  short  face,  the  brow 
two  palms  across  from  eye  to  eye,  the  eyes  sticking  out  at  the  side,  so 
that,  when  they  are  running,  they  can  see  who  is  following  them.  They 
have  very  long  beards,  like  goats,  and  when  they  are  running  they  throw 
their  heads  back  with  the  beard  dragging  on  the  ground.  There  is  a 
sort  of  girdle  round  the  middle  of  the  body.^  The  hair  is  very  woolly, 
like  a  sheep's,  very  fine,  and  in  front  of  the  girdle  the  hair  is  very  long 
and  rough  like  a  lion's.  They  have  a  great  hump,  larger  than  a  camel's. 
The  horns  are  short  and  thick,  so  that  they  are  not  seen  much  above 
the  hair.  In  May  they  change  the  hair  in  the  middle  of  the  body  for  a 
down,  which  makes  perfect  lions  of  them.  They  rub  against  the  small 
trees  in  the  little  ravines  to  shed  their  hair,  and  they  continue  this 
until  only  the  down  is  left,  as  a  snake  changes  his  skin.  They  have  a 
short  tail,  with  a  bunch  of  hair  at  the  end.  When  they  run,  they  carry 
it  erect  like  a  scorpion.  It  is  worth  noticing  that  the  little  calves  are 
red  and  just  like  ours,  but  they  change  their  color  and  appearance  with 
time  and  age. 

Another  strange  thing  was  that  all  the  bulls  that  were  killed  had 
their  left  ears  slit,  although  these  were  whole  when  young.  The  reason 
for  this  was  a  puzzle  that  could  not  be  guessed.    The  wool  ought  to 


^Ternaux,  p.  236:  "I'on  trouva  sur  le  bord  oriental  d'un  des  lacs  saUa  qui  sont  vers  le  sud,  un 
endroit  qui  avait  environ  une  demi-port^e  de  mouaqnet  do  longueur,  et  qui  6tait  enti6rement  couvert 
d'oa  de  bisons  jusqu'ii  la  hauteur  de  deux  toises  sur  trois  de  large,  ce  qui  eat  surprenant  dans  un 
pays  desert,  et  oh  personne  n'aurait  pu  rassembler  ces  os." 

^Compare  the  Spanish.  Ternaux,  p.  237:  "  lis  out  sur  la  partie  ant^rieiire  du  corps  un  poil  fri86 
semblable  k  la  laine  de  luoutons,  il  est  tr^s-fin  sur  la  croupe,  et  lisse  coinme  la  crinidre  du  lion." 


<     E 


WIN8H1P]  TRANSLATION    OF    CASTANEDA  543 

make  good  cloth  ou  account  of  its  fineness,  although  the  color  is  not 
good,  because  it  is  the  color  of  buriel,' 

Another  thing  worth  noticing  is  that  the  bulls  traveled  without  cows 
in  such  large  numbers  that  nobody  could  have  counted  them,  and  so  far 
away  from  the  cows  that  it  was  more  than  40  leagues  from  where  we 
began  to  see  the  bulls  to  the  place  where  we  began  to  see  the  cows. 
The  country  they  traveled  over  was  so  level  and  smooth  that  if 
one  looked  at  them  the  sky  could  be  seen  between  their  legs,  so  that  if 
some  of  them  were  at  a  distance  they  looked  like  smooth-trunked  pines 
whose  tops  joined,  and  if  there  was  only  one  bull  it  looked  as  if  there 
were  four  pines.  When  one  was  near  them,  it  was  impossible  to  see 
the  ground  on  the  other  side  of  them.  The  reason  for  all  this  was  that 
the  country  seemed  as  round  as  if  a  man  should  imagine  himself  in  a 
three-pint  measure,  and  could  see  the  sky  at  the  edge  of  it,  about  a 
crossbow  shot  from  him,  and  even  if  a  man  only  lay  down  on  his  back 
he  lost  sight  of  the  ground.^ 

'The  keraey,  or  coarse  vroolen  cloth  out  of  which  the  habits  of  the  Franciscan  Mars  were  made. 
Hence  the  name,  grey  friars. 

^The  earliest  description  of  the  American  buffalo  by  a  European  is  in  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  Naufragios, 
lol.  xxvii  verso  (ed  1555);  "Alcanna  aqui  vacas  y  yo  las  be  visto  treavezes,  ycomidodellasiyparesceme 
que  seran  del  taraaiio  de  las  de  Espafia :  tiene  los  cuernos  pequefioa  como  moriacaa,  y  el  i)elo  niuy  largo 
merino  como  vna  hernia,  vnas  son  pardillas  y  otras  negraa :  y  a  mi  parescer  tienen  mejor  y  mas  gruos- 
sa  came  que  de  las  de  aca.  De  las  que  no  son  grandes  bazeu  los  indios  matas  para  cubrirse,  y  de 
las  mayores  hazeu  ^apatos  y  rodelas:  estas  vienen  de  hazia  el  uorte  .  .  .  mas  de  quatrocietas 
leguas  ■  y  on  todo  este  camino  por  los  valles  per  donde  ellaa  viene  baxan  las  gentes  que  por  alii  babi- 
tan  y  se  mantienen  dellas,  y  meten  en  la  tierra  grande  contidad  de  cueros.  " 

Fray  Marcos  beard  about  these  animals  when  he  was  in  southern  Arizona,  on  his  way  toward  Cibola- 
Zufli :  ''Aqui  .  .  .  me  truxeron  un  cuero,  tanto  y  medio  mayor  que  do  una  gran  vaca,  y  me  dixeroa 
ques  de  un  animal,  que  tiene  solo  nn  cuemo  en  la  freut«  y  queste  cuerno  es  corbo  hiicia  los  pechos, 
y  que  de  alll  sale  una  punta  derecha,  en  la  cual  dicen  que  tiene  tanta  fuerza,  que  ninguna  cosa,  por  recia 
que  sea,  dexa  de  romper,  si  topa  con  ella;  y  dicen  quehay  muchos  animales  deatos  enaquella  tierra;  la 
color  del  cuero  es  &  manera  de  cabron  y  el  pelo  tan  largo  como  el  dedo."— Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Docu- 
mentos  de  Indias,  vol.  iii,  p.  341. 

Gomara,  cap.  ccxv,  gives  the  following  description  to  accompany  bis  picture  of  these  cows  (plate  lv, 
berein) :  "Son  aquellos  bueyes  del  tamano,  y  color,  que  nueatroa  toros,  pero  no  de  tan  grandes  cuemos, 
Tienen  vna  gran  giba  sobre  la  cruz,  y  mas  pelo  de  medio  adelante,  que  de  medio  atraa,  y  ea  lana. 
Tienen  conioclinea  sobre  el  espinazo,  y  mucho  pelo,  y  muy  largo  de  lasrodillaaabaxo.  Cuelganes  por 
la  frcute  grandes  guedejas,  y  parece  que  tienen  baruas,  segun  los  muchoa  pelos  del  garguero,  y  varrillas. 
Tienen  la  cola  muy  larga  los  machos,  y  con  vn  flueco  grande  al  cabo :  assi  que  algo  tienen  de  Icon,  y  algo 
de  camello.  Hicren  con  los  cuemos,  corren,  alcan^an,  y  matan  vn  cauallo,  quando  ellos  se  embraueceu, 
y  enojan :  finalmente  ea  animal  feo  y  fiero  de  rostro,  y  cuerpo.  Huye  de  los  cauallos  por  au  mala  cata- 
dura,  o  por  nunca  los  auer  visto.  No  tienen  sus  ducuos  otra  riqueza,  ni  bazienda,  delloa  comen,  beuen, 
viaten,  cal(;an,  y  liazen  muchas  cosas  de  los  cueros,  casas,  calgado,  vestido  y  sogas:  deloa  hnes.sos, 
pun^ones:  de  los  neruioa,  y  pelos.  hilo:  do  los  cuemos,  buches,  y  bexigas,  vasos:  de  las  bouigas, 
lumbre:  y  do  las  terneras,  odres,  en  que  traen  y  tienen  agua:  hazen  en  fin  tantas  cosaa  delloa  quantas 
ban  menester,  o  quantas  las  bastan  para  su  biuienda.  Ay  tambien  otros  animales,  tan  grandea  como 
cauallos,  que  jmr  tener  cuernos,  y  lana  fina,  los  Uaman  carneros,  y  dizen,  que  catla  cuerno  peaa  dos 
arrouas.  Ay  tambien  grandes  perroa,  que  lidian  con  vn  tore,  y  que  lleaan  dos  arrouas  de  carga  sobre 
salmaa.  quando  va  a  ca^a,  o  quando  se  mudan  con  el  ganado,  y  hato.  " 

Mota  Padilla,  cap.  xxxiii,  p.  164,  says :  "son  eatas  vacas  meuores  que  las  nuestras ;  su  lana  menuda y 
maa  fina  que  la  merina ;  por  encima  im  poco  morena,  y  entre  si  un  pardillo  agraciado,  &  la  parte  de  atraa 
es  la  lana  mas  menuda;  y  do  alii  para  la  cabeza,  crian  unoaguedejones  grandes  no  tan  finos;  tienen  cuer- 
nos pequeuos,  y  en  todo  lo  demas  son  de  la  bechura  de  las  nuestras,  aunque  mas  cencefias :  los  toros  eon 
mayoros,  y  bus  pieles  se  curteu  dej^ndoles  la  lana,  y  sirven,  por  su  suavidad,  de  mullidas  camas;  no 
ae  vi6  becerrilla  alguna,  y  puede  atribuirse,  6  A  los  muchoa  lobos  que  bay  entre  ellaa,  6  4  tener  otros 
parajes  mas  aeguros  en  que  queden  las  vacas  con  aus  crias,  y  dcben  de  mudarae  por  teraporadas.  6 
porque  falten  las  aguas  de  aquellaa  lagunas,  6  porque  conforme  el  sol  se  retira,  les  dafio  la  mutacion 
del  temperament©,  y  por  eso  se  advierten  en  aquelloa  llanos,  trillados  caminos  6  veredas  por  donde 
entran  y  salen,  y  al  miamo  movimiento  de  laa  vacua,  se  mueven  cuadrillas  de  indios,  .  .  .  y  se 
dijo  ser  deaabrida  la  carne  de  la  bembra,  y  es  providencia  del  Altisimo,  para  que  los  indios  maten  los 
machos  y  reserven  las  liembras  para  el  multiplico." 


544  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,   1540-1542  [eth.axn.14 

I  have  not  written  about  other  things  which  were  seen  nor  made  any 
mention  of  them,  because  they  were  not  of  so  mucli  impoitan<re, 
although  it  does  not  seem  right  for  me  to  remain  silent  concerning  the 
fact  that  they  venerate  the  sign  of  the  cross  lu  the  region  where  the 
settlements  have  high  houses.  For  at  a  spring  which  was  in  the  plain 
near  Acuco  they  had  a  cross  two  palms  high  and  as  thick  as  a  finger, 
made  of  wood  with  a  square  twig  for  its  crosspiece,  and  many  little 
sticks  decorated  with  feathers  around  it,  and  numerous  withered  flow- 
ers, which  were  the  offerings.'  In  a  graveyard  outside  the  village  at 
Tutahaco  there  appeared  to  have  been  a  recent  burial.  Near  the  head 
there  was  another  cross  made  of  two  little  sticks  tied  with  cottou 
thread,  and  dry  withered  flowers.  It  certainly  seems  to  me  that  in 
some  way  they  must  have  received  some  light  from  the  cross  of  Our 
Kedeeiuer,  Christ,  and  it  may  have  come  by  way  of  India,  from  whence 
they  proceeded. 

Chapter  .9,  which  treats  of  the  direction  ichich  the  army  took,  and  of 
how  another  more  direct  way  might  be  found,  if  anyone  w<is  to  return  to 
that  country. 

I  very  much  wish  that  1  possessed  some  knowledge  of  cosmography 
or  geography,  so  as  to  render  what  I  wish  to  say  intelligible,  and  so  that 
I  could  reckon  up  or  measure  the  advantage  those  people  who  might  go 
in  search  of  that  country  would  have  if  they  went  directly  through  the 
center  of  the  country,  instead  of  following  the  road  the  army  took. 
However,  with  the  help  of  the  favor  of  the  Lord,  I  will  state  it  as  well 
as  I  can,  making  it  as  plain  as  possible. 

It  is,  I  think,  already  understood  that  the  Portuguese,  Campo,  was 
the  soldier  who  escaped  when  Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  was  killed  at  Qui- 
vira,  and  that  he  finally  reached  IJew  Spain  from  Panuco,^  having  trav- 
eled across  the  plains  country  until  he  came  to  cross  the  North  Sea 
mountain  chain,  keeping  the  country  that  Don  Hernando  de  Soto  dis- 
covered all  the  time  on  his  left  hand,  since  he  did  not  see  the  river 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  (Espiritu  Santo)  at  all.'  After  he  had  crossed  the 
North  Sea  mountains,  he  found  that  he  was  in  Panuco,  so  that  if  he 
had  not  tried  to  go  to  the  North  sea,  he  would  have  come  out  m  the 

*  Scattered  through  the  papers  of  Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes  on  the  Ztiiii  and  Tusayan  Indians  will  be 
found  many  descriptions  of  the  pdhos  or  prayer  sticks  and  otlier  forms  used  as  offerings  at  the 
shrines,  together  with  exact  accounts  of  the  manner  of  making  tlie  offerings. 

^  The  northeastern  province  of  New  Spain. 

*Tlie  conception  of  the  great  inland  plain  stretching  between  the  great  lakes  at  the  head  of  the  St 
Lawrence  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  came  to  cosmographers  very  slowly-  Almost  all  of  the  early  maps 
show  a  disposition  to  carry  the  mountains  which  follow  the  Atlantic  coast  along  the  Gulf  coast  as  far 
as  Texas,  a  result,  doubtless,  of  the  fact  that  all  the  expeditions  which  started  inland  from  Florida 
found  mountains,  Coronado's  journey  toQuivira  added  but  little  to  the  detailed  geographical  knowl- 
edge of  America.  The  name  reached  Europe,  and  it  is  found  ou  the  maps,  along  the  fortieth  parallel, 
aln»o3t everywhere  from  the  Pacilic  coast  to  the  neighborhood  of  a  western  tributarj-  to  the  St  Law- 
rence system.  See  the  maps  reproduced  herein.  Castaiieda  could  have  aided  them  considerably,  but 
the  map  makers  did  not  know  of  his  book. 


wiKSHip)  TRANSLATION   OF   CASTANEDA  645 

neighborhood  of  the  border  land,  or  the  country  of  the  Sacatecas,'  of 
which  we  now  have  some  knowledge. 

This  way  would  be  somewhat  better  and  more  direct  for  anyone 
going  back  there  in  search  of  Quivira,  since  some  of  those  who  came 
with  the  Portuguese  are  still  in  New  Spain  to  serve  as  guides.  Nev- 
ertlieless,  I  think  it  would  be  best  to  go  through  the  country  of  the 
Guachichules,^  keeping  near  the  Soutli  Sea  mountains  all  the  time,  for 
there  are  more  settlements  and  a  food  sujiply,  for  it  would  be  suicide 
to  launch  out  on  to  the  plains  country,  because  it  is  so  vast  and  is  bar- 
ren of  anything  to  eat,  although,  it  is  true,  there  would  not  be  much 
need  of  this  after  coming  to  the  cows.  This  is  only  when  one  goes  in 
search  of  Quivira,  and  of  the  villages  which  were  described  by  the 
Indian  called  Turk,  for  the  army  of  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  went 
the  very  farthest  way  round  to  get  there,  since  they  started  from  Mexico 
and  went  110  leagues  to  the  west,  and  then  100  leagues  to  the  northeast, 
and  250  to  the  north, ^  and  all  this  brought  them  as  far  as  the  ravines 
where  the  cows  were,  and  after  traveling  850  leagues  they  were  not  more 
than  400  leagues  distant  from  Mexico  by  a  direct  route.  If  one  desires  to 
go  to  the  country  of  Tiguex,  so  as  to  turn  from  there  toward  the  west  in 
search  of  the  country  of  India,  he  ought  to  follow  the  road  taken  by  the 
army,  for  there  is  no-other,  even  if  one  wished  to  go  by  a  different  way, 
because  the  arm  of  the  sea  which  reaches  into  this  coast  toward  the  north 
does  not  leave  room  for  any.  But  what  might  be  done  is  to  have  a  fleet 
and  cross  this  gulf  and  disembark  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Island  of 
Negroes^  and  enter  the  country  from  there,  crossing  the  mountain  chains 
in  search  of  the  country  from  which  the  people  at  Tiguex  came,  or  other 
peoples  of  the  same  sort.  As  for  entering  from  the  country  of  Florida 
and  from  the  North  sea,  it  has  already  been  observed  that  the  many 
expeditions  which  have  been  undertaken  from  that  side  have  been 
unfortunate  and  not  very  successful,  because  that  part  of  the  country 
is  full  of  bogs  and  poisonous  fruits,  barren,  and  the  very  worst  country 
that  is  warmed  by  the  sun.  But  they  might  disembark  after  passing 
the  river  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  as  Don  Hernando  de  Soto  did.  Neverthe- 
less, despite  the  fact  that  I  underwent  much  labor,  I  still  think  that  the 
way  I  went  to  that  country  is  the  best.  There  ought  to  be  river  courses, 
because  the  necessary  supplies  can  be  carried  on  these  more  easily  in 

'Captain  John  Stevens'  Dictionary  aays  that  this  ia  "  a  northern  province  of  North  America,  rich  in 
silver  mines,  but  ill  provided  with  water,  grain,  and  other  substances ;  yet  by  reason  of  the  mines  there 
are  seven  or  eight  Spanish  towns  ih  it."  Zacatecas  is  now  one  of  the  central  states  of  the  Mexican 
confederation,  being  south  of  Coahuila  and  southeast  of  Durango. 

^Ternaux,  p.  242,  raiscopied  it  Quachicliilea. 

^Ternaux,  p.  243,  reads:  "puis  pendant  six  cent  cinquante  vers  le  nord,  .  .  .  De  sorte  qu'apr^a 
avoir  fait  plus  de  huit  cent  ciuquante  lieues."  .  .  .  The  substitution  of  six  for  two  may  possibly 
give  a  number  which  is  nearer  the  actual  distance  traversed,  but  the  fact  is  quite  unimportant.  The 
impression  which  the  trip  left  on  Castaneda  is  what  should  interest  the  historian  or  the  reader. 

*Ttie  dictionary  of  Dominguez  says :  "Isla  de  negros ;  6  isla  del  Almirantazgo,  en  el  grande  Oc6ano 
equinoccial;  grande  isia  do  la  America  del  Norte,  sobre  la  costa  oeste,"    Apparently  the  location  of 
this  island  gradually  drifted  westward  with  the  increase  of  geographical  knowledge,  until  it  was  iiually 
located  in  the  Philippine  group. 
14  ETH 35 


546  THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ExH.Aira.M 

large  quantities.  Horses  are  the  most  necessary  things  in  the  new 
countries,  and  they  frighten  the  enemy  most.  .  .  .  Artillery  is  also 
much  feared  by  those  who  do  not  know  how  to  use  it.  A  piece  of  heavy 
artillery  would  be  very  good  for  settlements  like  those  which  Francisco 
Vazquez  Corouado  discovered,  in  order  to  knock  them  down,  because 
he  had  nothing  but  some  small  machines  for  slinging  and  nobody  skill- 
ful enough  to  make  a  catapult  or  some  other  machine  which  would 
frighten  them,  which  is  very  necessary. 

I  say,  then,  that  with  what  we  now  know  about  the  trend  of  the 
coast  of  the  South  sea,  which  has  been  followed  by  the  ships  which 
explored  the  western  part,  and  what  is  known  of  the  North  sea  toward 
Norway,  the  coast  of  which  extends  up  from  Florida,  those  who  now 
go  to  discover  the  country  which  Francisco  Vazquez  entered,  and  reach 
the  country  of  Cibola  or  of  Tiguex,  will  know  the  direction  in  which 
they  ought  to  go  in  order  to  discover  the  true  direction  of  the  country 
which  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley,  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  tried  to  find, 
following  the  direction  of  the  gulf  of  the  Firebrand  (Tizon)  river.  This 
will  suffice  for  the  conclusion  of  our  narrative.  Everything  else  rests 
on  the  powerful  Lord  of  all  things,  God  Omnipotent,  who  knows  how 
and  when  these  lands  will  be  discovered  and  for  whom  He  has  guarded 
this  good  fortune. 

Laus  Deo. 

Finished  copying,  Saturday  the  26th  of  October,  1596,  in  Seville. 


TKANSLATION  OF  THE  LETTER  FROM  ME:N^D0ZA  TO  THE 
KING,  APRIL  17,  1540,  ^ 

S.C.C.M.: 

I  vrrote  to  Your  Majesty  from  Compostela  the  last  of  February, 
giving  you  an  account  of  my  arrival  there  and  of  the  departure  of 
Francisco  Vazquez  with  the  force  which  I  sent  to  pacify  and  settle  in 
the  newly  discovered  country,  and  of  how  the  warden,  Lope  de  Sam- 
aniego,  was  going  as  army-master,  both  because  he  was  a  responsible 
person  and  a  very  good  Christian,  and  because  he  has  had  experience  in 
matters  of  this  sort;  as  Your  Majesty  had  desired  to  kuow.  And  the 
news  which  I  have  received  since  theu  is  to  the  effect  that  after  they 
had  passed  the  uninhabited  region  of  Culuacan  and  were  approaching 
Chiametla,  the  warden  went  off  with  some  horsemen  to  find  provisions, 
and  one  of  the  soldiers  who  was  with  him,  who  had  strayed  from  the 
force,  called  out  that  they  were  killing  him.  The  warden  hastened 
to  his  assistance,  and  they  wounded  him  in  the  eye  with  an  arrow,  from 
which  he  died.  In  regard  to  the  fortress,^  besides  the  fact  that  it  is 
badly  built  and  going  to  pieces,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  cost  of  it  is 
excessive,  and  that  Your  Majesty  could  do  without  the  most  of  it, 
because  there  is  one  man  who  takes  charge  of  the  munitions  and  artil- 
lery, and  an  armorer  to  repair  it,  and  a  gunner,  and  as  this  is  the  way  it 
was  under  the  audiencia,  before  the  fortresses  were  made  conformable 
to  what  I  have  written  to  Your  Majesty,  we  can  get  along  without  the 
rest,  because  that  fortress  was  built  on  account  of  the  brigantines,  and 
not  for  any  other  purpose.^  And  as  the  lagoon  is  so  dry  that  it  can  do 
no  good  in  this  way  for  the  present,  I  think  that,  for  this  reason,  the 
cost  is  superfluous.  I  believe  that  it  will  have  fallen  in  before  a  reply 
can  come  from  Your  Majesty. 

Some  days  ago  I  wrote  to  Your  Majesty  that  I  had  ordered  Melchior 
Diaz,  who  was  in  the  town  of  San  Miguel  de  Culuacan,  to  take  some 
horsemen  and  see  if  the  account  given  by  the  father.  Friar  Marcos, 
agreed  with  what  he  could  discover.  He  set  out  from  Culuacan  with 
fifteen  horsemen,  the  17th  of  N^ovember  last.    The  20th  of  this  present 


'From  the  Spanish  text  in  Pachero  y  Cardenas,  Documentos  de  Indlas.  vol.  ii,  p.  356.  The  letter 
mentioned  m  the  opening  sentence  in  nut  known  to  exist. 

'Presumably  the  fortress  of  which  Samaniego  was  warden. 

'Buckiugh.im  Smith  s  Florida  gives  many  documents  relating  to  the  damage  done  by  French 
brigantines  to  the  Spanish  West  Indies  during  1540-41. 

547 


548  THE    COUONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1543  tETHAXN.  U 

March  I  received  a  letter  from  bun,  which  he  sent  me  by  Juan  de  Zal- 
dyvar  and  three  other  horsemen.  In  this  he  says  that  after  he  left 
Culiiacau  and  crossed  the  river  of  Petatlan  he  was  everywhere  very 
well  received  by^the  Indians.  The  way  he  did  was  to  send  a  cross  to 
the  place  where  he  was  going  to  stop,  because  this  was  a  sign  which  the 
Indians  received  with  deep  veneration,  making  a  house  out  of  mats  in 
which  to  place  it,  and  somewhat  away  from  this  they  made  a  lodging 
for  the  Spaniards,  and  drove  stakes  where  they  could  tie  the  horses, 
and  supplied  fodder  for  them,  and  abundance  of  corn  wherever  they  had 
it.  They  say  that  they  suffered  from  hunger  in  many  places,  because 
it  had  been  a  bad  year.  After  going  100  leagues  from  Culuacan,  he 
began  to  find  the  country  cold,  with  severe  frosts,  and  the  farther  he 
went  on  the  colder  it  became,  until  he  reached  a  point  where  some 
Indians  whom  he  had  with  him  were  frozen,  and  two  Spaniards  were  in 
great  danger.  Seeing  this,  he  decided  not  to  go  any  farther  until  the 
winter  was  over,  and  to  send  back,  by  those  whom  I  mentioned,  an 
account  of  what  he  had  learned  concerning  Cibola  and  the  country 
beyond,  which  is  as  follows,  taken  literally  from  his  letter: 

"I  have  given  Your  Lordship  an  account  of  what  happened  to  me 
along  the  way;  and  seeing  that  it  is  impossible  to  cross  the  uninhabited 
region  which  stretches  from  here  to  Cibola,  on  account  of  the  heavy 
snows  and  the  cold,  I  will  give  Your  Lordship  an  account  of  what  I  have 
learned  about  Cibola,  which  I  have  ascertained  by  asking  many  persons 
who  have  been  there  fifteen  and  twenty  years;  and  I  have  secured  this 
in  many  different  ways,  taking  some  Indians  together  and  others  sep- 
arately, and  on  comparison  they  all  seem  to  agree  in  what  they  say. 
After  crossing  this  large  wilderness,  there  are  seven  places,  being  a 
short  day's  march  from  one  to  another,  all  of  which  are  together  called 
Cibola.  The  houses  are  of  stone  and  mud,  coarsely  worked.  They  are 
made  in  this  way:  One  large  wall,  and  at  each  end  of  this  wall  some 
rooms  are  built,  partitioned  off  20  feet  square,  according  to  the  descrip- 
tion they  give,  which  are  planked  with  square  beams.  Most  of  the 
houses  are  reached  from  the  flat  roofs,  using  their  ladders  to  go  to  tlie 
streets.  The  houses  have  three  and  four  stories.  They  declare  that 
there  are  few  having  two  stories.  The  stories  are  mostly  half  as  high 
again  as  a  man,  except  the  first  one,  which  is  low,  and  only  a  little 
more  than  a  man's  height.  One  ladder  is  used  to  communicate  with 
ten  or  twelve  houses  together.  They  make  use  of  the  low  ones  and 
live  in  the  highest  ones.  In  the  lowest  ones  of  all  they  have  some 
loopholes  made  sideways,  as  in  the  fortresses  of  Spain.  The  Indians 
say  that  when  these  people  are  attacked,  they  station  themselves  in 
their  houses  and  fight  from  there;  and  that  when  they  go  to  make 
war,  they  carry  shields  and  wear  leather  jackets,  which  are  made  of 
cows'  hide,  colored,  and  that  they  fight  with  arrows  and  with  a  sort  of 
stone  maul  and  with  some  other  weapons  made  of  sticks,  which  I  have 
not  been  able  to  make  out.  They  eat  human  flesh,  and  they  keep  those 
whom  they  capture  in  war  as  slaves.     There  are  many  fowls  in  the 


wLNSHip]  MENDOZA'S   letter,  APRIL   17,  1540  549 

country,  tame.  They  have  much  corn  and  beans  and  melons  [squashes]. 
In  their  houses  they  keep  some  hairy  animals,  like  the  large  Spanish 
hounds,  which  they  shear,  and  they  make  long  colored  wigs  from  the 
hair,  like  this  one  which  I  send  to  Your  Lordship,  which  they  wear,  and 
they  also  put  this  same  stuff  in  the  cloth  which  they  make.'  The  men 
are  of  small  stature  [plate  lxii];  the  women  are  light  colored  and  of 
good  appearance,  and  they  wear  shirts  or  chemises  which  reach  down 
to  their  feet.  They  wear  their  hair  on  each  side  done  ux>  in  a  sort  of 
twist  [plate  LXiii],  which  leaves  the  ears  outside,  in  which  they  hang 
many  turquoises,  as  well  as  on  their  necks  and  on  the  wrists  of  their 
arms.  The  clothing  of  the  men  is  a  cloak,  and  over  this  the  skin  of 
a  cow,  like  the  one  which  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Dorantes  brought, 
which  Your  Lordship  saw;  they  wear  caps^  on  their  heads;  in  summer 
they  wear  shoes  made  of  painted  or  colored  skin,  and  high  buskins  in 
winter,' 

They  were  also  unable  to  tell  me  of  any  metal,  nor  did  they  say  that 
they  had  it.  They  have  turquoises  in  quantity,  although  not  so  many 
as  the  father  provincial  said.  They  have  some  little  stone  crystals, 
like  this  which  I  send  to  Your  Lordship,  of  which  Your  Lordship  has 
seen  many  here  in  Xew  Spain.  They  cultivate  the  ground  in  tlie  same 
way  as  in  l^ew  Spain.    They  carry  things  on  their  heads,  as  in  Mexico. 


1  In  his  paper  on  the  Hnmau  Bones  of  the  Hemenway  Collection  (Memoirs  of  the  National  Academy 
of  Sciences,  vi,  p.  156  et  seq.),  Dr  Washington  Matthews  discusses  the  possible  former  existence  of  a 
variety  of  the  Uant.i  in  certain  parts  of  the  southwest. 

■  The  headbands  aro  doubtleaa  here  referred  to. 

-The  Spanish  text  for  the  foregoing  paragraph  is  as  follows;  "Salidos  deste  despoblado  grande, 
estAu  siete  liigares  y  habnl  una  Jornada  peqaeDa  del  nno  al  otro,  A  los  quales  todos  juntos  llaman 
Civola ;  tienen  las  caaaa  do  picdra  y  barro,  toacamente  labradas,  son  desta  manera  liechas ;  una  pared 
larga  y  deata  pared  A  un  caho  y  A  otro  salen  unaa  cdmaras  atajadas  de  veinte  pies  en  cuadra,  segund 
senalau,  las  cuales  estAn  niaderadas  do  vigas  por  labrar;  las  niAs  casas  se  mandan  por  las  azoteas 
census  escaleras  A  lascalles;  son  las  caaas  de  tres  y  de  cuatro  altos;  afirman  liaber  pocas  de  dos 
altoH,  los  altos  son  demAs  do  eatado  y  medio  en  alto,  ecebto  el  primero  ques  bajo,  que  no  temA  sine 
algo  rada  quo  un  eatado;  mandAnse  diez  6  doce  caaas  juntas  por  iina  escalera,  de  loa  b£yos  se 
eirven  y  en  los  niAs  altos  hahitan;  eu  el  mAs  bajo  de  todos  tienen  unas  aaeteraa  hechas  al|80slayo 
como  en  fortalezaa  en  Espafia.  nicen  los  indios  quo  cuando  les  vienen  A  dar  guerra,  que  se  meten 
en  eiis  caaas  todos  y  de  alii  peleau,  y  quo  cuando  elloa.vau  A  hacer  guerra,  que  llevan  rodelaa  y 
unaa  cueras  vestidas  que  son  do  vacas  de  coloros,  y  que  pelean  con  flechas  y  con  unas  raacetas 
de  piedra  y  con  otras  arnias  de  i)alo  que  no  he  podido  entender.  Cornea  carne  humana  y  los  que 
prenden  en  la  guerra  ti6nenloa  por  esclavos.  Uay  muchas  gallinas  on  la  tiorra,  mausaa,  tienen 
mucho  maiz  y  friaoles  y  melones,  tienen  en  sua  caaas  unos  animales  bodijudos  como  grandcs  poden- 
cos  do  Castilla,  los  quales  tresquilan,  y  del  pelo  hacen  cabelleras  de  colores  quo  so  ponen,  como  esa 
que  envio  A  V,  S.,  y  tambien  en  la  ropa  (^ue  hacen  echan  de  lo  mismo.  Los  hombrea  son  de  pequena 
ostatura;  laa  mujcres  son  blancas  y  de  bueubs  geatos,  andau  vestidas  con  unas  camisaa  que  lea 
llegan  haata  loa  pies,  y  los  cabelloa  partfinselos  A  manera  de  ladoa  con  ciertas  vueltas,  quo  lea  quedan 
las  orejaa  dn  fuera.  en  la.s  cuales  se  cuelgaii  muchas  turquesas  y  al  cuello  y  en  las  muQocas  de  los 
brazos.  El  vcstido  de  los  hombrea  son  mantas  y  encima  cueroa  de  vaca,  como  el  que  V.  S.  veria  que 
llev6  Cabeza  do  Vaca  y  Dorantes ;  en  las  cabezas  se  ponen  unas  tocas ;  traen  en  verano  zapatos  de 
cuero  pintados  6  de  color,  y  en  el  invierno  borceguies  altos. 

"  De  la  misma  manera,  no  me  saben  dar  razon  de  metal  ninguno,  ni  dicen  quo  lo  tengan ;  turqneaas 
tienen  en  cautldad,  aunque  no  tantas  como  el  padre  provincial  dice ;  tienen  unas  pedrezuelas  do  christal 
como  esa  que  envio  A  V.  S.,de  las  cuales  V.  S.  habia  \isto  hartaa  en  esa  Kueva  Espafia;  labran  las 
tierras  A  uso  de  la  Nueva  Espafia;  cArganse  en  la  cabeza  como  en  M6xico;  los  hombre.s  tejen  la  ropa 
6  hilan  el  algodon;  comen  sal  de  una  laguna  questA  A  dos  jornailas  do  laprovincia  do  Civola.  Loa 
indios  hacen  sus  bailes  y  cantos  con  unas  flautas  quo  tienen  sua  puntos  do  ponen  los  dedos,  hacen 
muchos  Bonea,  cantan  juntamente  con  los  que  tafien,  y  los  que  cantan  dan  palmaa  A  nueatro  modo. 
Artn  indio  de  los  que  llev6  Eat^^ban  el  Negro,  questuvo  allA  cautivo,  hi  vi  taner,  que  selo  mostrarou 
allA,  y  otros  cantaban  como  digo,  aunquo  no  muy  desenvueltos ;  dicen  que  se  juntan  ciuco  6  seisA 
tafier,  y  que  son  las  iluutas  unas  mayores  que  otras.** 


550  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.anx.u 

The  men  weave  clotli  and  spin  cotton.  They  have  salt  from  a  marshy- 
lake,  which  is  two  days  from  the  province  of  Cibola.'  The  Indians 
have  their  dances  and  songs,  with  some  flutes  which  have  holes  on 
which  to  put  the  fingers.  They  make  much  noise.  They  sing  in  unison 
with  those  who  play,  and  those  who  sing  clap  their  hands  in  our  fash- 
ion. One  of  the  Indians  that  accompanied  the  negro  Esteban,  who 
had  been  a  captive  there,  saw  the  playing  as  thej^  practiced  it,  and 
others  singing  as  I  have  said,  although  not  very  vigorously.  They 
say  that  five  or  six  play  together,  and  that  some  of  the  flutes  are 
better  than  others.'*  They  say  the  country  is  good  for  corn  and  beans, 
and  that  they  do  not  have  any  fruit  trees,  nor  do  they  know  what 
such  a  thing  is.'  They  have  very  good  mountains.  The  country  lacks 
water.  They  do  not  raise  cotton,  but  bring  it  from  Totonteac.^  They 
eat  out  of  flat  bowls,  like  the  Mexicans.  They  raise  considerable  corn 
and  beans  and  other  similar  things.'  They  do  not  know  what  sea  fish 
is,  nor  have  they  ever  heard  of  it.  I  have  not  obtained  any  information 
about  the  cows,  except  that  these  are  found  beyond  the  province  of 
Cibola.  There  is  a  great  abundance  of  wild  goats,  of  the  color  of  bay 
horses;  there  are  many  of  these  here  where  I  am,  and  although  I  have 
asked  the  Indians  if  those  are  like  these,  they  tell  me  no.  Of  the 
seven  settlements,  they  describe  three  of  them  as  very  large;  four  not 
so  big.  They  describe  them,  as  I  understand,  to  be  about  three  cross- 
bow shots  square  for  each  place,  and  from  what  the  Indians  say,  and 
their  descriptions  of  the  houses  and  their  size,  and  as  these  are  close 
together,  and  considering  that  there  are  people  in  each  house,  it  ought  to 
make  a  large  multitude.  Totonteac  is  declared  to  be  seven  short  days 
from  the  province  of  Cibola,  and  of  the  same  sort  of  houses  and  people, 
and  they  say  that  cotton  grows  there.  I  doubt  this,  because  they  tell 
me  that  it  is  a  cold  country.  They  say  that  there  are  twelve  villages, 
every  one  of  which  is  larger  than  the  largest  at  Cibola.  They  also  tell 
me  that  there  is  a  village  which  is  one  day  from  Cibola,  and  that  the 
two  are  at  war.^  They  have  the  same  sort  of  houses  and  people  and 
customs.  They  declare  this  to  be  greater  than  any  of  those  described; 
I  take  it  that  there  is  a  great  multitude  of  people  there.  They  are  very 
well  known,  on  account  of  having  these  houses  and  abundance  of  food 
and  turquoises.    I  have  not  been  able  to  learn  more  than  what  I  have 

'The  same  salt  lake  from  -which  the  Znfiis  obtain  their  salt  supply  today. 

'Compare  with  this  hearsay  description  of  something  almost  unknown  to  the  Spaniards,  the  thor- 
onghly  scientific  descriptions  of  the  Hopi  dances  and  ceremonials  recorded  by  Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes, 

^The  peaches,  watermelons,  cantaloopes,  and  grapes,  now  so  extensively  cultivated  by  the  Pneblos, 
were  introduced  early  in  the  seventeenth  century  by  the  Spanish  missionaries. 

^At  first  glance  it  seems  somewhat  strange  that  although  ZuSi  is  considerably  more  than  100  miles 
south  of  Totont«ac,  or  Tusayan,  the  people  of  the  former  villages  did  not  cultivate  cotton,  but  in  this 
I  am  reminde«l  by  Mr  Hodge  that  part  of  the  Tusayan  people  are  undoubtedly  of  southern  origin  and 
that  in  all  probability  they  intro<lnced  cotton  into  that  group  of  villages.  The  Pimaa  raised  cotton 
as  late  as  1850.  None  of  the  Pueblos  now  cultivate  the  plant,  the  introduction  of  cheap  fabrics  by 
traders  having  doubtless  brought  the  industry  to  an  end.    See  page  574. 

^*'Y  otras  simillas  como  chia"  is  the  Spanish  text. 

^Ooubtless  the  pueblo  of  Marata  (Makyata)  mentioned  by  Marcos  de  Niza.  This  village  was  situ- 
ated near  the  salt  lake  and  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Znfiis  some  years  before  Kiza  visited  New  Mexico. 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT        PL-    LXVIt 


PUEBLO  SPINNING  AND  WEAVING 
(From  photograph  of  a  model  in  the  National  Museum) 


wiNBHip]  MENDOZA's    letter,  APRIL    17,  1540  551 

related,  although,  as  I  have  said,  I  have  had  with  me  Indians  who 
have  lived  there  fifteen  and  twenty  years. 

"The  death  of  Esteban  the  negro  took  place  in  the  way  the  father, 
Friar  Marcos,  described  it  to  your  lordship,  and  so  I  do  not  make  a 
report  of  it  here,  except  that  the  people  at  Cibola  sent  word  to  those  of 
this  village  and  in  its  neighborhood  that  if  any  Christians  should  come, 
they  ought  not  to  consider  them  as  anything  peculiar,  and  ought  to  kill 
them,  because  they  were  mortal — saying  that  they  had  learned  this 
because  they  kept  the  bones  of  the  one  who  had  come  there;  and  that, 
if  they  did  not  dare  to  do  this,  they  should  send  word  so  that  those  (at 
Cibola)  could  come  and  do  it.  I  can  very  easily  believe  that  all  this  has 
taken  place,  and  that  there  has  been  some  communication  between 
these  places,  because  of  the  coolness  with  which  they  received  us  and 
the  sour  faces  they  have  shown  us." 

Melchior  Diaz  says  that  the  people  whom  he  found  along  the  way  do 
not  have  any  settlements  at  all,  except  iu  one  valley  which  is  150 
leagues  from  Culuacau,  which  is  well  settled  and  has  houses  with 
lofts,  and  that  there  are  many  people  along  the  way,  but  that  they  are 
not  good  for  anything  except  to  make  them  Christians,  as  if  this  was 
of  small  account.  May  Your  Majesty  remember  to  provide  for  the 
service  of  God,  and  keep  in  mind  the  deaths  and  the  loss  of  life  and  of 
provinces  which  has  taken  place  in  these  Indies.  And,  moreover,  up 
to  this  present  day  none  of  the  things  Your  Majesty  has  commanded, 
which  have  been  very  holy  and  good,  have  been  attended  to,  nor  priests 
provided,  either  for  that  country  or  for  this.  For  I  assure  Your  Maj- 
esty that  there  is  no  trace  of  Christianity  where  they  have  not  yet 
arrived,  neither  little  nor  much,  and  that  the  poor  people  are  ready  to 
receive  the  priests  and  come  to  them  even  when  they  flee  from  us  like 
deer  in  the  mountains.  And  I  state  this  because  I  am  an  eyewitness, 
and  I  have  seen  it  clearly  during  this  trip.  I  have  importuned  Your 
Majesty  for  friars,  and  yet  again  I  can  not  cease  doing  it  much  more, 
because  unless  this  be  done  I  cau  not  accomplish  that  which  I  am  bound 
to  do. 

After  I  reach  Mexico,  I  will  give  Your  Majesty  an  account  of  every- 
thing concerning  these  provinces,  for  while  1  should  like  to  do  it  today, 
I  can  not,  because  I  am  very  weak  from  a  slow  fever  which  I  caught  in 
Colima,  which  attacked  me  very  severely,  although  it  did  not  last  more 
than  six  days.  It  has  pleased  Our  Lord  to  make  me  well  already,  and 
I  have  traveled  here  to  Jacona,  where  I  am. 

May  Our  Lord  protect  the  Holy  Catholic  Caesarian  person  of  Your 
Majesty  and  aggrandize  it  with  increase  of  better  kingdoms  and  lord- 
ships, as  we  your  servants  desire. 

From  Jacona,  April  17, 1540. 

S.  C.  O.  M. 

Your  Holy  Majesty's  humble  servant,  who  salutes  your  royal  feet 
and  hands, 

D.  Antonio  db  Mendoza. 


TRANSLATION    OF    THE    LETTER    FROM    OORONADO    TO 
MENDOZA,  AUGUST  3,  1540.' 

The  Account  given  by  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Cobonado, 
Captain-General  of  the  forck  which  was  sent  in  the  name 
OF  His  Majesty  to  the  newly  discovered  country,  of  what 
happened  to  the  expedition  after  April  22  of  the  year 

MDXL,   WHEN  HE   started  FORWARD   PROM   CULIACAN,   AND   OP 
WHAT  HE  FOUND  IN  THE  COUNTRY  THROUGH  WHICH  HE  PASSED. 

Francisco  Vazquez  starts  from  Guliacan  with  his  army,  and  after  suffer- 
ing various  inconveniences  on  a^ccount  of  the  badness  of  the  icay,  reaches 
the  Valley  of  Hearts,  where  he  failed  to  find  any  corn,  to  procure  which 
he  sends  to  the  valley  called  Senora.  He  receives  an  account  of  the 
important  Valley  of  Hearts  and  of  the  people  there,  and  of  some  lands 
lying  along  that  coast. 

On  the  22d  of  the  month  of  April  last,  I  set  out  from  the  province  of 
Culiacau  with  a  part  of  the  army,  having  made  the  arrangements  of 
which  I  wrote  to  Your  Lordship.  Judging  by  the  outcome,  I  feel  sure 
that  it  was  fortunate  that  I  did  not  start  the  whole  of  the  army  on  this 
undertaking,  because  the  labors  have  been  so  very  great  and  the  la«k 
of  food  such  that  I  do  not  believe  this  undertaking  could  have  been 
completed  before  the  end  of  this  year,  and  that  there  would  be  a  great 
loss  of  life  if  it  should  be  accomplished.  For,  as  I  wrote  to  Your  Lord- 
ship, I  spent  eighty  days  in  traveling  to  Culiacan,^  during  which  time  I 
and  the  gentlemen  of  my  company,  who  were  horsemen,  carried  on  our 
backs  and  on  our  horses  a  little  food,  in  such  wise  that  after  leaving  this 
place  none  of  us  carried  any  necessary  effects  weighing  more  than  a 
pound.  For  all  this,  and  although  we  took  all  possible  care  and  fore- 
thought of  the  small  supply  of  provisions  which  we  carried,  it  gave  out. 
And  this  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  because  the  road  is  rough  and  long, 
and  what  with  our  harquebuses,  which  had  to  be  carried  up  the  moun- 
tains and  hills  and  in  the  passage  of  the  rivers,  the  greater  part  of  the 

1  Translated  from  the  Italian  version,  in  Kamusio's  Viaggl,Tol.  Hi,  fol.  359  (ed.  1556) .  There  is  another 
English  translation  in  Haklnyt's  Voyatres,  vol.  iii,  p.  373  (ed.  1600) .  Hakluy t's  translation  is  reprinted 
in  Old  South  Leaflet,  general  series,  No.  20.  Mr  Irving  Babbitt,  of  the  French  department  in  Harvard 
■University,  has  aaaist^'d  in  correcting  some  of  the  errors  and  omissions  in  Hakluyt's  version.  The 
proper  names,  excepting  such  as  are  properly  translated,  are  spelled  as  in  the  Italian  text. 

^This  statement  is  probably  not  correct.    It  may  be  dne  to  a  blunder  by  Kamnsio  in  translating 
from  the  original  text.    See  note  on  page  382.    Eighty  days  (see  pp.  564, 572)  would  be  nearly  the  time 
ivhich  Coronado  probably  spent  on  the  journey  from  Culiacan  to  Cibola,  and  this  interpretation  would 
render  the  rest  of  the  sentence  much  more  intelligible. 
552 


wiNsHiPl  CORONADO    TO    MENDOZA,  AUGUST    3,  1540  553 

corn  was  lost.    And  since  I  send  Your  Lordship  a  drawing  of  this  route, 
I  will  say  no  more  about  it  here. 

Thirty  leagues  before  reaching  the  place  which  the  father  provincial 
spoke  so  well  of  in  his  report,'  I  sent  Melchior  Diaz  forward  with  fifteen 
horsemen,  ordering  him  to  make  but  one  day's  journey  out  of  two,  so 
that  he  could  examine  everything  there  before  I  arrived.  He  traveled 
through  some  very  rough  mountains  for  four  days,  and  did  not  find  any- 
thing to  live  on,  nor  people,  nor  information  about  anything,  except  that 
he  found  two  or  three  poor  villages,  with  twenty  or  thirty  huts  apiece. 
From  the  people  here  he  learned  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  found  in 
the  country  beyond  except  the  mountains,  which  continued  very  rough, 
entirely  uninhabited  by  people.  And,  because  this  was  labor  lost,  I  did 
not  want  to  send  Your  Lordship  an  account  of  it.  The  whole  company 
felt  disturbed  at  this,  that  a  thing  so  much  praised,  and  about  which 
the  father  had  said  so  many  things,  should  be  found  so  very  different; 
and  they  began  to  think  that  all  the  rest  would  be  of  the  same  sort. 
When  I  noticed  this,  I  tried  to  encourage  them  as  well  as  I  could,  tell- 
ing them  that  Your  Lordship  had  always  thought  that  this  part  of  the 
trip  would  be  a  waste  of  effort,  and  that  we  ought  to  devote  our  atten- 
tion to  those  Seven  Cities  and  the  other  provinces  about  which  we  had 
information — that  these  sliould  be  the  end  of  our  enterprise.  With  this 
resolution  and  purpose,  we  all  marched  cheerfully  along  a  very  bad  way, 
where  it  was  impossible  to  pass  without  making  a  new  road  or  repair- 
ing the  one  that  was  there,  which  troubled  the  soldiers  not  a  little,  con- 
sidering that  everything  which  the  friar  had  said  was  found  to  be  quite 
the  reverse;  because,  among  other  things  which  the  father  had  said  and 
declared,  he  said  that  the  way  would  be  plain  and  good,  and  that  there 
would  be  only  one  small  hill  of  about  lialf  a  league.  And  tlie  truth  is, 
that  there  are  mountains  where,  however  well  the  path  might  be  fixed, 
they  could  not  be  crossed  without  there  being  great  danger  of  the  horses 
falling  over  them.  And  it  was  so  bad  that  a  large  number  of  the  ani- 
mals which  Your  Lordship  sent  as  provision  for  the  army  were  lost  along 
this  part  of  the  way,  on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the  rocks.  The 
lambs  and  wethers  lost  their  hoofs  along  the  way,  and  I  left  the  greater 
part  of  those  which  I  brought  from  Ouliacan  at  the  river  of  Lachimi,^ 
because  they  were  unable  to  travel,  and  so  that  they  might  proceed  more 
slowly.  Four  horsemen  remained  with  them,  who  have  just  arrived. 
They  have  not  brought  more  than  24  lambs  and  4  wethers;  the  rest  died 
from  the  toil,  although  they  did  not  travel  more  than  two  leagues  daily. 
I  reached  the  Valley  of  Hearts  at  last,  on  the  26th  day  of  tlie  month  of 
May,  and  rested  there  a  number  of  days.  Between  Culiacau  and  this 
place  1  could  sustain  myself  only  by  means  of  a  large  supply  of  corn 
bread,  because  I  had  to  leave  all  the  corn,  as  it  was  not  yet  ripe.  In  this 
Valley  of  Hearts  we  found  more  people  than  in  any  part  of  the  country 


'The  valley  into  which  Friar  Marcos  did  not  dare  to  enter.     See  the  Historical  Introduction,  p.  362. 
^Doubtless  the  Ya<iuimi  or  Yaqui  river. 


554  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.u 

which  we  had  left  behind,  and  a  large  extent  of  tilled  ground.  There 
was  no  corn  for  food  among  them,  but  as  I  heard  that  there  was  some  in 
another  valley  called  Seiiora,  which  I  did  not  wish  to  disturb  by  force, 
I  sent  Melchior  Diaz  with  goods  to  exchange  for  it,  so  as  to  give  this  to 
the  friendly  Indians  whom  we  brought  with  us,  and  to  some  who  had 
lost  their  animals  along  the  way  and  had  not  been  able  to  carry  the  food 
which  they  had  taken  from  Ouliacan.  By  the  favor  of  Our  Lord,  some 
little  corn  was  obtained  by  this  trading,  which  relieved  the  friendly 
Indians  and  some  Spaniards.  Ten  or  twelve  of  the  horses  had  died  of 
overwork  by  the  time  that  we  reached  this  Valley  of  Hearts,  because 
they  were  unable  to  stand  the  strain  of  carrying  heavy  burdens  and 
eating  little.  Some  of  our  negroes  and  some  of  the  Indians  also  died 
here,  which  was  not  a  slight  loss  for  the  rest  of  the  expedition.  They 
told  me  that  the  Valley  of  Hearts  is  a  long  five-days'  journey  from  the 
western  sea.  I  sent  to  summon  Indians  from  the  coast  in  order  to  learn 
about  their  condition,  and  while  I  was  waiting  for  these  the  horses 
rested.  I  stayed  there  four  days,  during  which  the  Indians  came  from 
the  sea,  who  told  me  that  there  were  seven  or  eight  islands  two  days' 
journey  from  that  seacoast,  directly  opposite,  well  populated  with  peo- 
ple, but  poorly  supplied  with  food,  and  the  people  were  savages.'  They 
told  me  they  had  seen  a  shii)  pass  not  very  far  from  the  land.  1  do  not 
know  whether  to  think  that  it  was  the  one  which  was  sent  to  discover 
the  country,  or  perhaps  some  Portuguese.'' 

They  come  to  Chichilticale;  after  having  taken  two  days''  rest,  they  enter  a 
country  containing  very  little  food  and  hard  to  travel  for  30  leagues, 
beyond  tchich  the  country  becomes  pleasant,  and  there  is  a  river  called 
the  River  of  the  Flax  {del  Lino);  they  fight  against  the  Indians,  being 
attached  by  these;  and  having  by  their  victory  secured  the  city,  they 
relieve  themselves  of  the  pangs  of  their  hunger. 

I  set  out  from  the  Hearts  and  kept  near  the  seacoast  as  well  as  I 
could  judge,  but  in  fact  I  found  myself  continually  farther  off,  so  that 
when  I  reached  Ohichilticale  I  found  that  I  was  fifteen  days'  journey 
distant  from  the  sea,^  although  the  father  provincial  had  said  that  it 
was  only  5  leagues  distant  and  that  he  had  seen  it.  We  all  became  very 
distrustful,  and  felt  great  anxiety  and  dismay  to  see  that  everything 
was  the  reverse  of  what  he  had  told  Your  Lordship.  The  Indians  of 
Ohichilticale  say  that  when  they  go  to  the  sea  for  fish,  or  for  anything 
else  that  they  need,  they  go  across  the  country,  and  that  it  takes  them 


*  These  were  doubUess  the  Seri,  of  Yuman  stock,  who  occupied  a  atrip  of  the  Gulf  coast  between 
latitude  28°  and  29°  and  the  islands  Angel  do  la  Guardia  and  Tiburon.  The  latter  island,  as  well  as 
the  coast  of  the  adjacent  mainland,  is  still  inhabited  by  this  tribe. 

^As  Indian  news  goes,  there  is  no  reason  why  this  may  not  have  been  one  of  IJlloa's  ships,  which 
Bailed  along  this  coast  during  the  previous  summer.  It  can  hardly  have  been  a  ship  of  Alarcon's 
fleet. 

'Ramusio:  "mi  ritronauolungedalmarequindicigiornate.''  Haklnyt  (ed.  1600) :  "  I  found  my  selfe 
tenne  dayes  iourney  from  the  Sea.'^ 


wiMSHip]  CORONADO   TO   MENDOZA,  AUGUST   3,  1540  565 

ten  days;  and  this  information  which  I  liave  received  from  the  Indians 
appears  to  me  to  be  true.  The  sea  turns  toward  the  west  directly  oppo- 
site the  Hearts  for  10  or  12  leagues,  where  I  learned  that  the  ships  of 
Your  Lordship  had  been  seen,  wliich  had  gone  in  search  of  the  port  of 
Chichilticale,  which  the  father  said  was  on  the  thirty  fifth  degree.  God 
knows  what  I  have  suffered,  because  I  fear  that  they  may  have  met  with 
some  mishap.  If  they  follow  the  coast,  as  they  said  they  would,  as  long 
as  the  food  lasts  which  they  took  with  them,  of  which  I  left  them  a 
supply  in  Culiacan,  and  if  they  have  not  been  overtaken  by  some  mis- 
fortune, I  maintain  my  trust  in  (^lod  that  they  have  already  discovered 
something  good,  for  which  the  delay  which  they  have  made  may  be 
pardoned.  I  rested  for  two  days  at  Chichilticale,  and  there  was  good 
reason  for  staying  longer,  because  we  found  that  the  horses  were  becom- 
ing so  tired ;  but  there  was  no  chance  to  rest  longer,  because  the  food 
was  giving  out.  I  entered  the  borders  of  the  wilderness  region  on  Saint 
John's  eve,  and,  for  a  change  from  our  past  labors,  we  found  no  gi-ass 
during  the  first  days,  but  a  worse  way  through  mountains  and  more 
dangerous  passages  than  we  had  experienced  previously.  The  horses 
were  so  tired  that  they  were  not  equal  to  it,  so  that  in  this  last  desert 
we  lost  more  horses  than  before;  and  some  Indian  allies  and  a  Span- 
iard called  Spinosa,  besides  two  negroes,  died  from  eating  some  herbs 
because  the  food  had  given  out.  I  sent  the  army-master,  Don  Garcia 
Lopez  de  Cardenas,  with  15  horsemen,  a  day's  march  ahead  of  me,  in 
order  to  explore  the  country  and  prepare  the  way,  which  he  accom- 
plished like  the  man  that  he  is,  and'  agreeably  to  the  confidence  which 
Tour  Lordship  has  had  in  him.  I  am  the  more  certain  that  he  did  so, 
because,  as  I  have  said,  the  way  is  very  bad  for  at  least  30  leagues  and 
more,  through  impassable  mountains.  But  when  we  had  passed  these 
30  leagues,  we  found  fresh  rivers  and  grass  like  that  of  Castile,  and 
especially  one  sort  like  what  we  call  Scaramoio;  many  nut  and  mul- 
berry trees,  but  the  leaves  of  the  nut  trees  are  different  from  those  of 
Spain.  There  was  a  considerable  amount  of  flax  near  the  banks  of  one 
river,  which  was  called  on  this  account  El  Rio  del  Lino.  No  Indians 
were  seen  during  the  first  day's  inarch,  after  which  four  Indians  came 
out  with  signs  of  peace,  saying  that  they  had  been  sent  to  that  desert 
place  to  say  that  we  were  welcome,  and  that  on  the  next  day  the  tribe 
would  provide  the  whole  force  with  food.  The  army-master  gave  them 
a  cross,  telling  them  to  say  to  the  people  in  their  city  that  they  need 
not  fear,  and  that  they  should  have  their  people  stay  in  their  own  houses, 
because  I  was  coming  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  to  defend  and  help 
them.  After  this  was  done,  Ferrando  Alvarado  came  back  to  tell  me 
that  some  Indians  had  met  him  peaceably,  and  that  two  of  them  were 
with  the  army-master  waiting  for  me.  I  went  to  them  forthwith,  and 
gave  them  some  paternosters  and  some  little  cloaks,  telling  them  to 
return  to  their  city  and  say  to  the  people  there  that  they  could  stay 
quietly  in  their  houses  and  that  they  need  not  fear.    After  this  I  ordered 


556  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-i542  [eth  asn.U 

the  army  master  to  go  and  see  if  there  were  any  bad  passages  which 
the  Indians  might  be  able  to  defend,  and  to  seize  and  hold  any  such 
until  the  next  day,  when  I  would  come  up.  He  went,  and  found  a  very 
bad  place  in  our  way  where  we  might  have  received  much  harm. 
He  immediately  established  himself  there  with  the  force  which  he  was 
conducting.  The  Indians  came  that  very  night  to  occupy  that  place  so 
as  to  defend  it,  and  finding  it  taken,  they  assaulted  our  men.  Accord- 
ing to  what  I  have  been  told,  they  attacked  like  valiant  men,  although 
in  the  end  tliey  had  to  retreat  in  flight,  because  the  army-master  was 
on  the  watch  and  kept  his  men  in  good  order.  The  Indians  sounded  a 
little  trumpet  as  a  sign  of  retreat,  and  did  not  do  any  injury  to  the 
Spaniards.  The  army-master  sent  me  notice  of  this  the  same  night,  so 
that  on  the  next  day  I  started  with  as  good  order  as  I  could,  for  we 
were  in  such  great  need  of  food  that  I  thought  we  should  all  die  of  hun- 
ger if  we  continued  to  be  without  provisions  for  another  day,  especially 
the  Indians,  since  altogether  we  did  not  have  two  bushels  of  coi  n,  and 
so  I  was  obliged  to  hasten  forward  without  delay.  The  Indians  lighted 
their  fires  from  point  to  point,  and  these  were  answered  from  a  distance 
with  as  good  understanding  as  we  could  have  shown.  Thus  notice  was 
given  concerning  how  we  went  and  where  we  had  arrived.  As  soon 
as  I  came  within  sight  of  this  city,  I  sent  the  army-master,  Don  Garcia 
Lopez,  Friar  Daniel  and  Friar  Luis,  and  Ferrando  Vermizzo,  with 
some  horsemen,  a  little  way  ahead,  so  that  they  might  find  the  Indians 
and  tell  them  that  we  were  not  coining  to  do  them  any  harm,  but  to 
defend  them  in  the  name  of  our  lord  the  Emi)eror.  The  summons,  in 
the  form  which  His  Majesty  commanded  in  his  instructions,  was  made 
intelligible  to  the  people  of  the  country  by  an  interpreter.  But  they, 
being  a  proud  people,  were  little  aft'ected,  because  it  seemed  to  them 
that  we  were  few  in  number,  and  that  they  would  not  have  any  diflflculty 
in  conquering  us.  They  pierced  the  gown  of  Friar  Luis  with  an  arrow, 
which,  blessed  be  God,  did  him  no  harm.  Meanwhile  I  arrived  with 
all  the  rest  of  the  horse  and  the  footmen,  and  found  a  large  body  of 
the  Indians  on  the  plain,  who  began  to  shoot  with  1  heir  arrows.  In 
obedience  to  the  orders  of  Your  Lordship  and  of  the  m.arquis,'  I  did  not 
wish  my  company,  who  were  begging  me  for  permission,  to  attack  them, 
telling  them  that  they  ought  not  to  offend  them,  and  that  what  the  enemy 
was  doing  was  nothing,  and  that  so  few  people  ought  not  to  be  insulted. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  the  Indians  saw  that  we  did  not  move,  they 
took  greater  courage,  and  grew  so  bold  that  they  came  up  almost  to  the 
heeis  of  our  horses  to  shoot  their  arrows.  On  this  account  I  saw  that  it 
was  no  longer  time  to  hesitate,  and  as  the  priests  approved  the  action, 
I  charged  them.  There  was  little  to  do,  because  they  suddenly  took  to 
flight,  part  running  toward  the  city,  which  was  near  and  well  fortified, 
and  others  toward  the  plain,  wherever  chance  led  them.    Some  Indians 


litis  possible  that  this  is  a  blunder,  in  Kamnsio's  text,  for  "His  Miyesty."    The  Marquis,  in  New 
Spain,  is  always  Cortes,  forwliom  neither  Mendoza  nor  Coronado  had  any  especial  regard. 


wtNSHip]  CORONADO    TO    MENDOZA,  AUGUST    3,  1540  557 

were  killed,  and  others  might  have  been  slain  if  I  coald  have  allowed 
them  to  be  pursued.  But  I  saw  that  there  would  be  little  advantage 
in  this,  because  the,  Indians  who  were  outside  were  few,  and  those  who 
had  retired  to  the  city  were  numerous,  besides  many  who  had  remained 
there  in  the  first  place.  As  that  was  where  the  food  was,  of  which  we 
stood  in  such  great  need,  I  assembled  my  whole  force  and  divided  them 
as  seemed  to  me  best  for  the  attack  on  the  city,  and  surrounded  it. 
The  hunger  which  we  suffered  would  not  permit  of  any  delay,  and  so  I 
dismounted  with  some  of  these  gentlemen  and  soldiers.  I  ordered  the 
musketeers  and  crossbowmen  to  begin  the  attack  and  drive  back  the 
enemy  from  the  defenses,  so  that  they  could  not  do  us  any  injury.  I 
assaulted  the  wall  on  one  side,  where  I  was  told  that  there  was  a  scal- 
ing ladder  and  that  there  was  also  a  gate.  But  the  crossbowmen  broke 
all  the  strings  of  their  crossbows  and  the  musketeers  could  do  nothing, 
because  they  had  arrived  so  weak  and  feeble  that  they  could  scarcely 
stand  on  their  feet.  On  this  account  the  people  who  were  on  top  were 
not  prevented  at  all  from  defending  themselves  and  doing  us  whatever 
injury  they  were  able.  Thus,  for  myself,  they  knocked  me  down  to  the 
ground  twice  with  countless  great  stones  which  they  threw  down  from 
above,  and  if  I  had  not  been  protected  by  the  very  good  headpiece  which 
I  wore,  I  think  that  the  outcome  would  have  been  bad  for  me.  They 
picked  me  up  from  the  ground,  however,  with  two  small  wounds  in  my  face 
and  an  arrow  in  my  foot,  and  with  many  bruises  on  my  arms  and  legs, 
and  in  this  condition  I  retired  from  the  battle,  very  weak.  I  think  that 
if  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  had  not  come  to  my  help,  like  a  good 
cavalier,  the  second  time  that  they  knocked  me  to  the  ground,  by  placing 
his  own  body  above  mine,  I  should  have  been  in  much  greater  danger 
than  I  was.  But,  by  the  pleasure  of  God,  these  Indians  surrendered,  and 
their  city  was  taken  with  the  help  of  Our  Lord,  and  a  sufQcient  supply 
of  corn  was  found  there  to  relieve  our  necessities.  The  army-master 
and  Don  Pedro  de  Tovar  and  Ferrando  de  Alvarado  and  Paulo  de 
Melgosa,  the  infantry  captain,  sustained  some  bruises,  although  none 
of  them  were  wounded.  Agoiuez  Quarez  was  hit  in  the  arm  by  an 
arrow,  and  one  Torres,  who  lived  in  Panuco,  in  the  face  by  another,  and 
two  other  footmen  received  slight  arrow  wounds.  They  all  directed  their 
attack  against  me  because  my  armor  was  gilded  and  glittered,  and  on 
this  account  I  was  hurt  more  than  the  rest,  and  not  because  I  had  done 
more  or  was  farther  in  advance  than  the  others;  for  all  these  gentlemen 
and  soldiers  bore  themselves  well,  as  was  expected  of  them.  I  praise 
God  that  I  am  now  well,  although  somewhat  sore  from  the  stones.  Two 
or  three  other  soldiers  were  hurt  in  the  battle  which  we  had  on  the 
plain,  and  three  horses  were  killed — one  that  of  Don  Lopez  and  another 
that  of  Vigliega  and  the  third  that  of  Don  Alfonso  Manrich — and  seven 
or  eight  other  horses  were  wounded;  but  the  men,  as  well  as  the  horses, 
have  now  recovered  and  are  well. 


V 


558  THE    COKONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth,ak.n.14 

Of  the  situation  and  condition  of  the  Seven  Cities  called  the  kingdom  of 
Gevola,  and  the  sort  of  people  and  their  customs,  and  of  the  animals 
which  are  found  there. 

It  now  remains  for  me  to  tell  about  tbis  city  and  kingdom  and  prov- 
ince, of  wbich  tlie  Fatber  Provincial  gave  Your  Lordsbip  an  account. 
In  brief,  I  can  assure  you  tbat  in  reality  be  bas  not  told  tbe  trutb  in  a 
single  tiling  tbat  be  said,  but  everytbing  is  tbe  reverse  of  wbat  be  said, 
except  tbe  name  of  tbe  city  and  tbe  large  stone  bouses.  For,  altbougb 
tbey  are  not  decorated  witb  turquoises,  nor  made  of  lime  nor  of  good 
bricks,  nevertbeless  they  are  very  good  bouses,  with  three  and  four 
aud  Ave  stories,  where  there  are  very  good  apartments  and  good  rooms 
witb  corridors,'  and  some  very  good  rooms  under  ground  and  paved, 
which  are  made  for  winter,  and  are  something  like  a  sort  of  hot  baths.' 
The  ladders  which  they  have  for  their  houses  are  all  movable  and  port- 
able, which  are  taken  up  and  placed  wherever  they  please.  Tbey  are 
made  of  two  pieces  of  wocid,  witb  rounds  like  ours.  [See  jilates  lviii, 
LVix.]  The  Seven  Cities  are  seven  little  villages,  all  having  the  kind 
of  houses  I  have  described.  Tbey  are  all  within  a  radius  of  5  leagues. 
Tbey  are  all  called  tbe  kingdom  of  Cevola,  and  each  has  its  own  name 
and  no  single  one  is  called  Cevola,  but  all  together  are  called  Cevola. 
This  one  which  I  have  called  a  city  I  have  named  Granada,  partly 
because  it  has  some  similarity  to  it,^  as  well  as  out  of  regard  for  Your 
Lordsbip.  In  this  place  where  I  am  now  lodged  there  are  perhaps  200 
houses,  all  surrounded  by  a  wall,  and  it  seems  to  me  tbat  with  the  other 
bouses,  which  are  not  so  surrounded,  there  might  be  altogether  500 
families.  There  is  another  town  near  by,  which  is  one  of  the  seven,  but 
somewhat  larger  than  this,  and  another  of  tbe  same  size  as  this,  and 
tbe  other  four  are  somewhat  smaller.  I  send  them  all  to  Your  Lord- 
ship, painted  with  tbe  route.  The  skin  on  which  tbe  painting  is  made 
was  found  here  witb  other  skins.  Tbe  people  of  the  towns  seem  to  me 
to  be  of  ordinary  size  and  intelligent,  although  I  do  not  think  that  tbey 
have  the  judgment  and  intelligence  which  tbey  ought  to  have  to 
build  these  bouses  in  tbe  way  in  which  they  have,  for  most  of  them  are 
entirely  naked  except  tbe  covering  of  their  privy  parts,  and  they  have 
painted  mantles  like  the  one  which  I  send  to  Your  Lordship.  They  do 
not  raise  cotton,  because  the  country  is  very  cold,  but  they  wear 
mantles,  as  may  be  seen  by  tbe  exhibit  which  I  send.  It  is  also  true 
that  some  cotton  thread  was  found  in  their  houses.  Tbey  wear  tbe 
hair  on  their  beads  like  the  Mexicans.  They  all  have  good  figures, 
and  are  well  bred.  I  think  that  they  have  a  quantity  of  turquoises, 
which  tbey  bad  removed  with  the  rest  of  their  goods,  except  the  corn, 
when  I  arrived,  because  I  did  not  find  any  women  here  nor  any  men 

'Hakluyt:  .  .  .  "very  excellent  good  liouaes  of  three  or  foure  or  fine  lofts  high,  wherein  are 
good  lodgings  and  faire  chambers  with  lathers  in  stead  of  staires." 

2The  kivas  or  ceremonial  chambers. 

*See  the  footnote  on  page  564  in  regard  to  the  similarity  of  names.  The  note  was  written  without 
reference  to  the  above  passage. 


}',...,,  mm 


t 


Vr.  ''y^.-i<^hl:r\ 


\/ 


,» 


wiNSHip)  CORONADO   TO   MENDOZA,  AUGUST   3,  1540  559 

under  15  years  or  over  60,  except  two  or  three  old  men  who  remained 
in  command  of  all  the  other  men  and  the  warriors.  Two  points  of 
emerald  and  some  little  broken  stones  which  approach  the  color  of 
rather  poor  garnets '  were  found  in  a  paper,  besides  other  stone  crystals, 
which  I  gave  to  one  of  my  servants  to  keep  until  they  could  be  sent  to 
Your  Lordship.  He  has  lost  them,  as  they  tell  me.  We  found  fowls, 
but  only  a  few,  and  yet  there  are  some.  The  Indians  tell  me  that  they 
do  not  eat  these  in  any  of  the  seven  villages,  but  that  they  keep  them 
merely  for  the  sake  of  procuring  the  feathers.^  I  do  not  believe  this, 
because  they  are  very  good,  and  better  than  those  of  Mexico.  The 
climate  of  this  country  and  the  temperature  of  the  air  is  almost  like 
that  of  Mexico,  because  it  is  sometimes  hot  and  sometimes  it  rains.  I 
have  not  yet  seen  it  rain,  however,  except  once  when  there  fell  a  little 
shower  with  wind,  such  as  often  falls  in  Spain.  The  snow  and  the 
cold  are  usually  very  great,  according  to  what  the  natives  of  the  country 
all  say.  This  may  very  probably  be  so,  both  because  of  the  nature 
of  the  country  and  the  sort  of  houses  they  build  and  the  skins  and 
other  things  which  these  people  have  to  protect  them  from  the  cold. 
There  are  no  kinds  of  fruit  or  fruit  trees.  The  country  is  all  level,  and 
is  nowhere  shut  in  by  high  mountains,  although  there  are  some  hills 
and  rough  passages.^  There  are  not  many  birds,  i^robably  because  of 
the  cold,  and  because  there  are  no  mountains  near.  There  are  no  trees 
fit  for  firewood  here,  because  they  can  bring  enough  for  their  needs  from 
a  clump  of  very  small  cedars  4  leagues  distant.''  Very  good  grass  is 
found  a  quarter  of  a  league  away,  where  there  is  pasturage  for  our  horses 
as  well  as  mowing  for  hay,  of  which  we  had  great  need,  because  our 
horses  were  so  weak  and  feeble  when  they  arrived.  The  food  which 
they  eat  in  this  country  is  corn,  of  which  they  have  a  great  abundance, 
and  beans  and  venison,  which  they  probably  eat  (although  they  say 
that  they  do  not),  because  we  found  many  skins  of  deer  and  hares  and 
rabbits.  They  make  the  best  corn  cakes  I  have  ever  seen  anywhere, 
and  this  is  what  everybody  ordinarily  eats.  They  have  the  vei-y  best 
arrangement  and  machinery  for  grinding  that  was  ever  seen  [plate  lxiv]. 
One  of  these  Indian  women  here  will  grind  as  much  as  four  of  the  Mexi- 
cans. They  have  very  good  salt  in  crystals,  which  they  bring  from  a 
lake  a  day's  journey  distant  from  here.  No  information  can  be  obtained 
among  them  about  the  North  sea  or  that  on  the  west,  nor  do  I  know 
how  to  tell  Your  Lordship  which  we  are  iiearest  to.  I  should  judge  that 
it  is  nearer  to  the  western,  and  150  leagues  is  the  nearest  that  it  seems 
to  me  it  can  be  thither.  The  North  sea  ought  to  be  much  farther  away. 
Your  Lordship  may  thus  see  how  very  wide  the  country  is.    They  have 


•Many  garnets  are  found  on  the  ant-hills  throughout  the  region,  especially  in  the  Navajo  country. 

'The  natives  doubtless  told  the  truth.  Eagle  and  turkey  feathers  are  still  highly  priied  by  them 
for  use  in  their  ceremonies. 

'It  should  be  noted  that  Coronado  clearly  distingnishes  between  hills  or  mesas  and  mountains. 
Zufii  valley  is  hemmed  in  by  heights  varying  from  500  to  1,000  feet. 

♦This  accords  perfectly  with  the  condition  of  the  vegetation  in  Zufii  valley  at  the  present  time. 


560  THE   COKONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [KTH.Aira.U 

many  animals — bears,  tigers,  lions,  porcupines,  and  some  sheep  as  big 
as  a  horse,  with  very  large  horns  and  little  tails.  I  have  seen  some  of 
their  horns  the  size  of  which  was  something  to  marvel  at.'  There  are 
also  wild  goats,  whose  heads  I  have  seen,  and  the  paws  of  the  bears  and 
the  skins  of  the  wild  boars.  For  game  they  have  deer,  leopards,  and 
very  large  deer,-  and  every  one  thinks  that  some  of  them  are  larger 
than  that  animal  which  Your  Lordshij)  favored  me  with,  which  belonged 
to  Juan  Melaz.  They  inhabit  some  plains  eight  days' journey  toward 
the  north.  Tliey  have  some  of  their  skins  here  very  well  dressed,  and 
they  prepare  and  paint  them  where  they  kill  the  cows,  according  to 
what  they  tell  me. 

Of  the  nature  and  situation  of  the  kingdoms  of  Totonteac,  Marata,  and 
Acus,  u-hoUy  different  from  the  account  of  Friar  Marcos.  The  confer- 
ence which  they  had  icith  the  Indians  of  the  city  of  Granada,  which 
they  had  captured,  who  had  been  forewarned  of  the  coming  of  Christians 
into  their  country  fifty  years  before.  The  account  which  was  obtained 
from  them  concerning  seven  other  cities,  of  tohich  Tucano  is  the  chief, 
and  hotc  he  sent  to  discover  them.  A  present  sent  to  Mendoza  of  various 
things  found  in  this  country  by  Vazquez  Coronado. 

These  Indians  say  that  the  kingdom  of  Totonteac,  which  the  father 
provincial  praised  so  much,  saying  that  it  was  something  marvelous, 
and  of  such  a  very  great  size,  and  tliat  cloth  was  made  there,  is  a 
hot  Jake,  on  the  edge  of  which  there  are  five  or  six  houses.'  There 
used  to  be  some  others,  but  these  have  been  destroyed  by  war.  The 
kingdom  of  Marata  can  not  be  found,  nor  do  these  Indians  know  any- 
thing about  it.  The  kingdom  of  Acus  is  a  single  small  city,  where  they 
raise  cotton,  and  this  is  called  Acucu.''  I  say  that  this  is  the  country, 
because  Acus,  with  or  without  the  aspiration,  is  not  a  word  in  this 
region ;  and  because  it  seems  to  me  that  Acucu  may  be  derived  from 
Acus,  I  say  that  it  is  this  town  which  has  been  converted  into  the 
kingdom  of  Acus.  They  tell  me  that  there  are  some  other  small  ones 
not  far  from  this  settlement,  which  are  situated  on  a  river  which  I  have 
seen  and  of  which  the  Indians  have  told  me.  God  knows  that  I  wish 
I  had  better  news  to  write  to  Your  Lordship,  but  I  must  give  you  the 
truth,  and,  as  I  wrote  you  from  Culiacan,  I  must  advise  you  of  the 
good  as  well  as  of  the  bad.  But  you  may  be  assured  that  if  there  had 
been  all  the  riches  and  treasures  of  the  world,  I  could  not  have  done 
more  in  His  Majesty's  service  and  in  that  of  Your  Lordship  than  I  have 
done,  in  coming  here  where  you  commanded  me  to  go,  carrying,  both 
my  companions  and  myself,  our  food  on  our  backs  for  300  leagues,  and 

'See  the  trauslatiou  of  Caatnfieda's  narrative,  p.  487. 

'Doubtless  a  Blip  of  Kamusio's  pen  for  cows,  i.  e.,  buffalos. 

^Coronado  doubtless  misinterpreted  what  the  natives  intended  to  comniunicato.    The  "  hot  lake'* 
was  in  all  probability  the  salt  lake  alluded  to  on  page  550,  near  which  Marata  was  situated.    Toton- 
teac was  of  course  Tusayan,  or  "  Tucano." 
■  ^This  is  a  f^m  of  the  Zu&i  name  for  Acoma — Hakukla. 


wiKs^Hip]  COKONADO    TO    MENDOZA,   AUGUST   3,  1540  661 

traveling  on  foot  many  days,  making  our  way  over  hills  and  rough 
mountains,  besides  other  labors  which  I  refrain  from  mentioning.  Nor 
do  I  think  of  stopping  until  my  death,  if  it  serves  His  Majesty  or  Your 
Lordship  to  have  it  so. 

Three  days  after  I  captured  this  city,  some  of  the  Indians  who  lived 
here  came  to  offer  to  make  peace.  They  brought  me  some  turquoises 
and  poor  mantles,  and  I  received  them  in  His  Majesty's  name  with  as 
good  a  speech  as  I  could,  making  them  understand  the  purpose  of  my 
coming  to  this  country,  which  is,  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  and  by 
the  commands  of  Your  Lordship,  that  they  and  all  others  in  this  prov- 
ince should  become  Christians  and  should  know  the  true  God  for 
their  Lord,  and  His  Majesty  for  their  king  and  earthly  lord.  After 
this  they  returned  to  their  houses  and  suddenly,  the  next  day,  they 
packed  up  their  goods  and  property,  their  women  and  children,  and  fled 
to  the  hills,  leaving  their  towns  deserted,  with  only  some  few  remaining 
in  them.  Seeing  this,  I  went  to  the  town  which  I  said  was  larger  than 
this,  eight  or  ten  days  later,  when  1  had  recovered  from  my  wounds.  I 
found  a  few  of  them  there,  whom  I  told  that  they  ought  not  to  feel  any 
fear,  and  I  asked  them  to  summon  their  lord  to  me.  By  what  I  can 
find  out  or  observe,  however,  none  of  these  towns  have  any,  since  I 
have  not  seen  any  principal  house  by  which  any  superiority  over  others 
could  be  shown.'  Afterward,  an  old  man,  who  said  he  was  their 
lord,  came  with  a  mantle  made  of  many  pieces,  Avith  whom  I  argued 
as  long  as  he  stayed  with  me.  He  said  that  he  would  come  to  see  me 
with  the  rest  of  the  chiefs  of  the  country,  three  days  later,  in  order  to 
arrange  the  relations  which  should  exist  between  us.  He  did  so,  and 
they  brought  me  some  little  ragged  mantles  and  some  turquoises.  I 
said  that  they  ought  to  come  down  from  their  strongholds  and  return 
to  their  houses  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  that  they  should 
become  Christians,  and  recognize  His  Majesty  as  their  king  and  lord. 
But  they  still  remain  in  their  strongholds,  witli  their  wives  and  all 
their  property,  I  commanded  them  to  have  a  cloth  painted  for  me, 
with  all  the  animals  that  they  know  in  that  country,  and  although  they 
are  poor  painters,  they  quickly  painted  two  for  me,  one  of  the  animals 
and  the  other  of  the  birds  and  fishes.  They  say  that  they  will  bring 
their  children  so  that  our  priests  may  instruct  them,  and  that  they 
desire  to  know  our  law.  They  declare  that  it  was  foretold  among  them 
more  than  fifty  years  ago  that  a  people  such  as  we  are  should  come, 
and  the  direction  they  should  come  from,  and  that  the  whole  country 
would  be  conquered.  So  far  as  I  can  find  out,  the  water  is  what  these 
Indians  worship,  because  they  say  that  it  makes  the  corn  grow  and 
sustains  their  life,  and  that  the  only  other  reason  they  know  is  because 
their  ancestors  did  so,^  I  have  tried  in  every  way  to  find  out  from  the 
natives  of  these  settlements  whether  they  know  of  any  other  peoples 

'As  clear  a  description  of  the  form  of  tribal  government  among  the  Pueblo  Indians  as  is  anywhere 
to  be  found  ia  in  Bandelier's  story,  The  Delight  Makers.  Mr  Bandelier  has  been  most  successful  in 
his  effort  to  picture  the  actions  and  spirit  of  Indian  life. 

'Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes  has  conclusively  shown  that  the  snake  dance,  probably  the  most  dramatic 
of  Indian  ceremonials,  is  essentially  a  prayer  for  rain.    Coming  as  it  does  just  as  the  natural  rainy 
Beaaon  approaches,  the  prayer  is  almost  invariably  answered. 
14  ETH 36 


562  THE    COEONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (f.th  ann.u 

or  provinces  or  cities.  They  tell  me  about  seven  cities  which  are  at  a 
considerable  distance,  which  are  like  these,  except  that  the  houses 
there  are  not  like  these,  but  are  made  of  earth  [adobe],, and  small, 
and  that  they  raise  much  cotton  there.  The  first  of  these  four  places 
about  which  they  know  is  called,  they  say,  Tucano.  They  could  not 
tell  me  much  about  the  others.  I  do  not  believe  that  they  tell  me  the 
truth,  because  they  think  that  1  shall  soon  have  to  depart  from  them 
and  return  home.  But  they  will  quickly  find  that  they  are  deceived 
in  this.  I  sent  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar  there,  with  his  companj'  and  some 
other  horsemen,-  to  see  it.  I  would  not  have  dispatched  this  packet  to 
Your  Lordship  until  I  had  learned  what  he  found  there,  if  I  thought  that 
I  should  have  any  news  from  him  within  twelve  or  fifteen  days.  How- 
ever, as  he  will  remain  away  at  least  thirty,  and,  considering  that  this 
information  is  of  little  importance  and  that  the  cold  and  the  rams  are 
approaching,  it  seemed  to  me  that  I  ought  to  do  as  Your  Lordship  com- 
manded me  in  your  instructions,  which  is,  that  as  soon  as  I  arrived 
here,  I  should  advise  you  thereof,  and  this  I  do,  by  sending  you  the 
plain  narrative  of  what  I  have  seen,  which  is  bad  enough,  as  you  may 
perceive.  I  have  determined  to  seud  throughout  all  the  surrounding 
regions,  in  order  to  find  out  whether  there  is  anything,  and  to  suffer 
every  extremity  before  I  give  up  this  enterprise,  and  to  serve  His 
Majesty,  if  I  can  find  any  way  in  which  to  do  it,  and  not  to  lack  in 
diligence  until  Your  Lordship  directs  nie  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do.  We 
have  great  need  of  pasture,  and  you  should  know,  also,  that  among  all 
those  who  are  here  there  is  not  one  pound  of  raisins,  nor  sugar,  nor 
oil,  nor  wine,  except  barely  half  a  quart,  which  is  saved  to  say  mass, 
since  everything  is  consumed,  and  part  was  lost  on  the  way.  Now,  you 
can  provide  us  with  what  appears  best;  but  if  you  are  thinking  of 
sending  us  cattle,  you  should  know  that  it  will  be  necessary  for  them  to 
spend  at  least  a  year  on  the  road,  because  they  can  not  come  in  any  other 
way,  nor  any  quicker.  I  would  have  liked  to  send  to  Your  Lordship, 
with  this  dispatch,  many  samples  of  the  things  which  they  have  in  this 
country,  but  the  trip  is  so  long  and  rough  that  it  is  difiBcult  for  me  to 
do  so.  However,  I  send  you  twelve  small  mantles,  such  as  the  people 
of  this  country  ordinarily  wear,  and  a  garment  which  seems  to  me  to  be 
very  well  made.  I  kept  it  because  it  seemed  to  me  to  be  of  very  good 
workmanship,  and  because  I  do  not  think  that  anyone  has  ever  seen  in 
these  Indies  any  work  done  with  a  needle,  unless  it  were  done  since  the 
Spaniards  settled  here.  And  I  also  send  two  cloths  i)ainted  with  the 
animals  which  they  have  in  this  country,  although,  as  I  said,  the  painting 
is  very  poorly  done,  because  the  artist  did  not  spend  more  than  one  day 
in  painting  it.  I  have  seen  other  paintings  on  the  walls  of  these  houses 
which  have  much  better  proportion  and  are  done  much  better. 

I  send  you  a  cow  skin,  some  turquoises,  and  two  earrings  of  the 
same,  and  fifteen  of  the  Indian  combs,'  and  some  plates  decorated  with 
these  turquoises,  and  two  baskets  made  of  wicker,  of  which  the  Indians 
have  a  large  supply.  1  also  send  two  rolls,  such  as  the  women  usually 
wear  on   their  heads  when   they  bring  water   from  the  spring,  the 

1  Possibly  those  used  in  weaving. 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLi 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL.   LXX 


^ 


RUINS  OF  SPANISH  CHURCH  ABOVE  JEMEZ 


wiNSHip]  CORONADO   TO   MENDOZA,  AUGUST   3,   1540  563 

same  way  that  they  do  in  Spain.  One  of  these  Indian  women,  with  one 
of  these  rolls  on  her  head,  will  carry  a  jar  of  water  uji  a  ladder  without 
touching  it  with  her  hands.  And,  lastly,  I  send  you  samples  of  the 
weapons  with  which  the  natives  of  this  country  fight,  a  shield,  a  ham- 
mer, and  a  bow  with  some  arrows,  among  which  there  are  two  with 
bone  ijoints,  the  like  of  which  have  never  been  seen,  according  to  what 
these  conquerors  say.  As  far  as  I  can  judge,  it  does  not  appear  to  me 
tliat  there  is  any  hope  of  getting  gold  or  silver,  but  I  trust  in  God  that, 
if  there  is  any,  we  shall  get  our  share  of  it,  and  it  shall  not  escajie  us 
through  any  lack  of  diligence  in  the  search.'  I  am  unable  to  give  Your 
LordshiiJ  any  certain  information  about  the  dress  of  the  women,  because 
the  Indians  keep  them  guarded  so  carefully  that  I  have  not  seen  any, 
except  two  old  women.  These  had  on  two  long  skirts  reaching  down 
to  their  feet  and  open  in  front,  and  a  girdle,  and  they  are  tied  together 
with  some  cotton  strings.  I  asked  the  Indians  to  give  me  one  of  those 
which  they  wore,  to  send  to  you,  since  they  were  not  willing  to  show 
me  the  women.  They  brought  me  two  mantle^?,  which  are  these  that  I 
send,  almost  iiainted  over.  They  have  two  tassels,  like  the  women  of 
Spain,  which  hang  somewhat  over  their  shoulders.  The  death  of  the 
negro  is  perfectly  certain,  because  many  of  the  things  which  he  wore 
have  been  found,  and  the  Indians  say  that  they  killed  him  here  because 
the  Indians  of  Chichilticale  said  that  he  was  a  bad  man,  and  not  like 
the  Christians,  because  the  Christians  never  kill  women,  and  he  killed 
them,  and  because  he  assaulted  their  women,  whom  the  Indians  love 
better  than  themselves.  Therefore  they  determined  to  kill  him,  but 
they  did  not  do  it  in  the  way  that  was  reported,  because  they  did  not 
kill  any  of  the  others  who  came  with  him,  nor  did  they  kill  the  lad  from 
the  province  of  Petatlan,  who  was  with  him,  but  they  took  him  and 
kept  him  in  safe  custody  until  now.  When  I  tried  to  secure  him,  they 
made  excuses  for  not  giving  him  to  me,  for  two  or  three  days,  saying 
that  he  was  dead,  and  at  other  times  that  the  Indians  of  Acucu  had 
taken  him  away.  But  when  I  finally  told  them  that  I  should  be  very 
angry  if  they  did  not  give  him  to  me,  they  gave  him  to  me.  He  is  an 
interpreter;  for  although  he  can  not  talk  much,  he  understands  very 
well.  Some  gold  and  silver  has  been  found  in  this  place,  which  those 
who  know  about  minerals  say  is  not  bad.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to 
learn  from  these  people  where  they  got  it.  I  perceive  that  they  refuse 
to  tell  me  the  truth  in  everything,  because  they  think  that  I  shall  have 
to  depart  from  here  in  a  short  time,  as  I  have  said.  But  I  trust  in  God 
that  they  will  not  be  able  to  avoid  answering  much  longer.  I  beg  Your 
Lordship  to  make  a  report  of  the  success  of  this  expedition  to  His 
Majesty,  because  there  is  nothing  more  than  what  I  have  already  said. 
I  shall  not  do  so  until  it  shall  please  God  to  grant  that  we  find  what 
we  desire.  Our  Lord  God  protect  and  keep  your  most  illustrious 

Lordship.  From  the  province  of  Cevola,  and  this  city  of  Granada, 

the  3d  of  August,  1540.  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado  kisses  the 
hand  of  your  most  illustrious  Lordship. 

*Thi8  wbolo  sentence  is  omitted  by  Hakluyt.  The  conquerors,  in  tlie  literature  of  New  Spain,  are 
almost  always  those  who  shared  with  Cortes  in  the  labors  and  the  glory  of  the  Spanish  conquest  of 
Mexico. 


TllANSLATION  OF  THE  TEASLADO  DE  LAS  XCEVAS 

Copy  of  the  reports  and  descriptions  that  have  been 
received  regarding  the  discoatery  of  a  city  which  is 
CALLED  Cibola,  situated  in  the  new  country. 

His  grace  left  the  larger  part  of  his  army  in  the  valley  of  Culiacan, 
and  with  only  75  companions  on  horseback  and  30  footmen,  he  set  out 
for  here  Thursday,  April  22.  The  army  which  remained  there  was  to 
start  about  the  end  of  the  month  of  May,  because  they  could  not  find 
any  sort  of  sustenance  for  the  whole  of  the  way  that  they  had  to  go, 
as  far  as  this  province  of  Cibola,  which  is  350  long  leagues,  and  on 
this  account  he  did  not  dare  to  put  the  whole  army  on  the  road.  As 
for  the  men  he  took  with  him,  he  ordered  them  to  make  provision 
for  eighty  days,  which  was  carried  on  horses,  each  having  one  for  him- 
self and  his  followers.  With  very  great  danger  of  suffering  hunger, 
and  not  less  labor,  since  they  had  to  open  the  way,  and  every  day  dis- 
covered waterways  and  rivers  with  bad  crossings,  they  stood  it  after  a 
fashion,  and  on  the  whole  journey  as  far  as  this  province  there  was  not  a 
peck  of  corn.''  He  reached  this  province  on  Wednesday,  the  7th  of  July 
last,  with  all  the  men  whom  he  led  from  the  valley  very  well,  praise  be 
to  Our  Lord,  except  one  Spaniard  who  died  of  hunger  four  days  from 
here  and  some  negroes  and  Indians  who  also  died  of  hunger  and  thirst. 
The  Spaniard  was  one  of  those  on  foot,  and  was  named  Esjiinosa.  In 
this  way  his  grace  spent  seventy  seven  days  on  the  road  before  reach- 
ing here,  during  which  God  knows  in  what  sort  of  a  way  we  lived,  and 
whether  we  could  have  eaten  much  more  than  we  ate  the  day  that  his 
grace  reached  this  city  of  Granada,  for  so  it  has  been  named  out  of 
regard  for  the  viceroy,  and  because  they  say  it  resembles  the  Albaicin.' 
The  force  he  led  was  not  received  the  way  it  should  have  been,  because 
they  all  arrived  very  tired  from  the  great  labor  of  the  journey.  This, 
and  the  loading  and  unloading  like  so  many  muleteers,  and  not  eating 
as  much  as  they  should  have,  left  them  more  in  need  of  resting  several 
days  than  of  fighting,  although  there  was  not  a  man  in  the  army  who 
would  not  have  done  his  best  in  everything  if  the  horses,  who  suffered 
the  same  as  their  masters,  could  have  helped  them. 

The  city  was  deserted  by  men  over  sixty  years  and  under  twenty, 
and  by  women  and  children.    All  who  were  there  were  the  fighting 

'Translated  from  Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Docnmeutos  de  ludias,  vol.  xix,  p.  529.  This  docnment  is 
anonymous,  but  it  is  evidently  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  some  trusted  comi>anioD,  written  from  Granada- 
Hawikuh,  about  Iho  time  of  Coronado's  letter  of  August  3,  1540.  In  the  title  to  the  document  as 
printe<l,  the  date  is  given  as  1531,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  an  account  of  Coronado's  .journey. 

^The  printed  Spanish  test  rea<ls;  "  que  como  venian  abriendo  y  descobriendo,  cada  dia,  camino,  loa 
arcabucos  y  rios,  y  males  pasos,  se  llevaban  en  parte."    .    .    . 

'A  part  of  Grana<la,  near  the  Alharabra.    There  is  a  curious  similarity  in  the  names  Albaicin  and 
Hawikub,  the  latter  being  the  native  name  of  Coronado's  Granada. 
564 


wiNSHip]  TRASLADO    DE    LAS   NUEVAS  565 

men  who  remained  to  defeud  the  city,  and  many  of  them  came  out, 
about  a  crossbow  shot,  uttering  loud  threats.  The  general  himself  went 
forward  with  two  priests  and  the  army-master,  to  urge  them  to  sur- 
render, as  is  the  custom  in  new  countries.  The  reply  that  he  received 
was  from  many  arrows  which  t]ie3'let  fly,  and  they  wounded  Hernando 
Bermejo's  horse  and  jjierced  the  loose  flap  of  the  frock  of  father  Friar 
Luis,  the  former  companion  of  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Mexico.  When  this 
was  seen,  taking  as  their  advocate  the  Holy  Saint  James,'  he  rushed 
upon  them  with  all  his  force,  which  he  had  kept  in  very  good  order,  and 
although  the  Indians  turned  their  backs  and  tried  to  reach  the  city,  they 
were  overtaken  and  many  of  them  killed  before  they  could  reach  it. 
They  killed  three  horses  and  wounded  seven  or  eight. 

When  my  lord  the  general  reached  the  city,  he  saw  that  it  was  sur- 
rounded by  stone  walls,  and  the  houses  very  high,  four  and  five  and 
even  six  stories  apiece,  with  their  flat  roofs  and  balconies.  As  the 
Indians  had  made  themselves  secure  within  it,  and  would  not  let  anyone 
come  near  without  shooting  arrows  at  him,  and  as  we  could  not  obtain 
anything  to  eat  unless  we  captared  it,  his  grace  decided  to  enter  the 
city  on  foot  and  to  surround  it  by  men  on  horseback,  so  that  the  Indians 
who  were  inside  could  not  get  away.  As  he  was  distinguished  among 
them  all  by  his  gilt  arms  and  a  plume  on  his  headpiece,  all  the  Indians 
aimed  at  him,  because  he  was  noticeable  among  all,  and  they  knocked 
him  down  to  the  ground  twice  by  chance  stones  thrown  from  the  flat 
roofs,  and  stunned  him  in  spite  of  his  headpiece,  and  if  this  had  not 
been  so  good,  I  doubt  if  he  would  have  come  out  alive  from  that  enter- 
prise, and  besides  all  this — praised  be  Our  Lord  that  he  came  out  on 
his  own  feet — they  hit  him  many  times  with  stones  on  his  head  and 
shoulders  and  legs,  and  he  received  two  small  wounds  on  his  face  and 
an  arrow  wound  in  the  right  foot;  but  despite  all  this  his  grace  is  as 
sound  and  well  as  the  day  he  left  that  city.  And  you^  may  assure  my 
lord  of  all  this,  and  also  that  on  the  19th  of  July  last  he  went  4  leagues 
from  this  city  to  see  a  rock  where  they  told  him  that  the  Indians  of  this 
province  had  fortified  themselves,^  and  he  returned  the  same  day,  so 
that  he  went  8  leagues  in  going  and  returning.  I  think  I  have  given 
you  an  account  of  everything,  for  it  is  right  that  I  should  be  the  author- 
ity for  you  and  his  lordship,  to  assure  you  that  everything  is  going  well 
with  the  general  my  lord,  and  without  any  hesitation  I  can  assure  you 
that  he  is  as  well  and  sound  as  the  day  he  left  the  city.  He  is  located 
within  the  city,  for  when  the  Indians  saw  that  his  grace  was  deter- 
mined to  enter  the  city,  then  they  abandoned  it,  since  they  let  them  go 
with  their  lives.  We  found  in  it  what  we  needed  more  than  gold  and 
silver,  and  that  was  much  corn  and  beans  aiid  fowls,  better  than  those 
of  Xew  Spain,  and  salt,  the  best  and  whitest  that  I  have  seen  in  all 
my  life. 

'  Uttering  the  war  cry  of  Santiago. 

■''  The  printed  manuscript  ia  V.  M..  which  signifies  Year  Miyesty. 

*  Doubtless  Thunder  mountain. 


EELACIOX  POSTRERA  DE  SIVOLA' 

ESTA  ES  LA  BELACION  POSTRERA  DE  SiVOLA,  Y  UE  MAS  DE  CUATBO- 
CIENTAS   LEGUAS   ADELANTE. 

Desde  Oulhuaci'in  (i  Sivola  hay  mas  de  trescieutas  leguas;  poco  del 
camino  poblado :  bay  muy  poca  gente :  es  tierra  esteril :  Lay  muy  iiialos 
camiiios :  la  gente  aiida  del  todo  desniida,  salvo  las  uiu jeres,  que  de  la 
ciutura  abajo  traen  cueros  de  venados  adobados,  blancos,  &  manera  de 
faldillas  liasta  los  pies.  Las  casas  que  tienen  son  de  petlatles  becbos 
de  canas:  son  las  casas  redondas  y  pequefias,  que  apenas  cabe  un 
hombre  en  pie  dentro.  Donde  estan  congregados  y  donde  siembran 
es  tierra  areuosa :  cogeu  maiz,  aunque  poco,  y  frisoles  y  calabazas,  y 
tambi^n  se  mautienen  de  caza,  conejos,  liebres  y  venados.  No  tienen 
sacriflcios.    Esto  es  desde  Culhiiacau  4  Sibola. 

Sivola  es  un  pueblo  de  liasta  ducientas  casas :  son  d  dos  y  tres  y 
cuatro  y  ciiico  sobrados:  tienen  las  paredes  de  un  palmo  de  anclio:  los 
palos  de  la  maderacion  son  tan  gruesos  como  por  la  muiieca,  y  redondos; 
por  tablazon  tienen  canas  muy  menudas  con  sus  bojas,  y  encima  tierra 
presada:  las  paredes  sou  de  tierra  y  barro:  las  puertas  de  las  casas  son 
de  la  manera  de  escotillones  de  navios:  estdu  las  casas  juntas,  asidas 
unas  con  otras :  tienen  delante  de  las  casas  unas  estufas  de  barro  de 
tierra  donde  se  guarecen  en  el  invierno  del  frio,  porque  le  liace  muy 
grande,  que  nieva  seis  meses  del  afio.  De  esta  gente  algunos  traen 
mautas  de  algodou  y  de  maguey,  y  cueros  de  venados  adobados,  y  traen 
zapatos  de  los  mismos  cueros,  basta  encima  de  las  rodillas.  Tambien 
hacen  mantas  de  pellejos  de  liebres  y  de  conejos,  con  que  se  cubren. 
Andan  las  mujeres  vestidas  de  mantas  de  maguey  liasta  los  pies :  andau 
cenidas:  traen  los  cabellos  cogidos  encima  de  las  orejas,  como  rodajas: 
cogeu  maiz  y  frisoles  y  calabazas,  lo  que  les  basta  para  su  mantenimiento, 
porque  es  poca  gente.  La  tierra  donde  siembran  es  toda  arena;  son  las 
aguas  salobres:  es  tierra  muy  seca:  tienen  algunas  gallinas,  aunque 
pocas;  no  saben  (jue  cosa  es  pescado.  Son  siete  iiueblos  en  esta  pro- 
vincia  de  Sivola  en  espacio  decinco  leguas:  el  mayor  sera  de  ducientas 
casas,  y  otros  dos,  de  4  ducientas,  y  los  otros  a  sesenta  y  4  cincuenta 
y  ft  treinta  casas. 

Desde  Sivola  al  rio  y  provincia  de  Tibex  hay  sesenta  leguas :  el  primer 
pueblo  es  cuarenta  leguas  de  Sivola:  Ihimase  Acuco.  Este  pueblo est4 
encima  de  un  pefiol  muy  fuerte:  sera  de  duzientas  casas,  asentado  a  la 

'The  source  of  this  document  is  stated  in  the  bibliographic  note,  p.  413.    This  appears  to  be  a  tran- 
script from  letters  written,  probably  at  Tiguex  «n  the  Rio  Grande,  during  the  late  summer  or  early 
fall  of  1541. 
566 


wmsHip]  RELACION   POSTREEA    DE    Sl'vOLA  567 

manera  de  Sivola  que  es  otra  lengua.  Desde  alli  al  rio  de  Tiguex  hay 
veinte  legiias.  El  rio  es  cuasi  tan  ancbo  como  el  de  Sevilla,  aunque  no 
estanbondo:  va  per  tierra  liana:  esbuenagua:  tienealgun  pescado: 
nace  al  norte.  El  que  esto  dice  vio  doce  pueblos  en  cierto  compos  del 
rio:  otros  vieron  niAs:  dicen  eJ  rio  arriba:  abajo  todos  son  pueblos 
pequefios,  salvo  dos  que  terniin  a  ducientas  casas:  estas  casas  con  las 
paredes  como  A  manera  de  tapias  de  tierra  6  arena,  muy  recias :  sou  tan 
anclias  como  un  palmo  de  una  mano.  Son  las  casas  de  A  dos  y  treste- 
rrados :  tieneu  la  maderacion  como  en  Sivola.  Es  tierra  muy  fria :  tiene 
sus  estufas  como  en  Sivola;  y  blcHase  tan  to  el  rio,  que  pasan  bestias 
cargadas  por  ^1,  y  pndieran  pasar  carretas.  Cogen  maiz  lo  que  ban 
menester,  y  frisoles  y  calabazas:  tienen  algunas  gallinas,  las  cuales 
guardau  iiara  hacer  mantas  de  la  pluma.  Cogen  algodon,  aunque  poco : 
traen  mantas  de  ello,  y  zapatos  de  cuero  como  en  Sivola.  Es  gente  que 
defiende  bien  su  capa,  y  desde  sus  casas,  que  no  curan  de  salir  fuera. 
Es  tierra  toda  arenosa. 

Desde  la  provincia  y  rio  de  Tiguex,  &  cuatro  jornadas  topaion  cuatro 
pueblos.  El  primero  tern4  treinta  casas.  El  segundo  es  pueblo- grande 
destruido  de  sus  guerras :  tenia  liasta  treinta  y  cinco  casas  pobladas: 
el  tercero  [sic]  hasta  Estos  tres  son  de  la  manera  de  los  del  rio  en  todo. 
El  cuarto  es  un  pueblo  grande,  el  cual  est4  entre  unos  montes :  lldmase 
Cicuic:  tenia  hasta  cincuenta  casas  con  tantos  terrados  como  los  de 
Sivola:  son  las  paredes  de  tierra  y  barro  como  las  de  Sivola.  Tienen 
harto  maiz  y  frisoles  y  calabazas  y  algunas  gallinas.  A  cuatro  jorna- 
diis  de  este  pueblo  toparon  una  tierra  liana  como  la  mar,  en  los  cuales 
llanos  hay  tanta  multitud  de  vacas,  que  no  tienen  niimero.  Estas 
vacas  son  como  las  de  Castilla,  y  algunas  mayores  que  tienen  en  la 
cruz  una  corva  pequeiia,  y  son  nnls  bermejas,  que  tiran  a  negro :  cuel- 
gales  una  lana  mas  larga  que  un  palmo  entre  los  cuernos  y  orejas  y 
barba,  y  por  la  papada  abajo  y  por  las  espaldas,  como  crines,  y  de  las 
rodillas  abajo  todo  lo  mas  es  de  lana  muy  pe<iuenita,  A  manera  de 
merino:  tienen  muy  buena  came  y  tierna,  y  mucho  sebo.  Andando 
muchos  dias  por  estos  llanos,  toparon  con  una  rancheria  de  hasta 
duzientas  casas  con  gente:  eran  las  casas  de  los  cueros  de  las  vacas 
adobados,  blancas,  d  manera  de  pabellones  6  tiendas  de  campo.  El 
mantenimiento  6  sustentamiento  de  estos  indios  es  todo  de  las  vacas, 
porque  ni  siembrau  ni  cogen  maiz :  de  los  cueros  hacen  sus  casas,  de 
los  cueros  visten  y  calzan,  de  los  cueros  hacen  sogas  y  tambien  de  la 
lana:  de  los  niervos  hacen  hilo  con  que  cosen  sus  vestiduras  y  tanibi(5n 
las  casas:  de  los  Imesos  hacen  alesnas:  las  bonigas  les  sirven  de  lena; 
porque  no  hay  otra  en  aquella  tierra:  los  buches  les  sirven  de  jarros  y 
vasijas  con  que  beben :  de  la  came  se  mantienen :  comenla  medio  asada 
6  un  poco  caliente  encima  de  las  bonigas,  la  otra  cruda,  y  tomandola 
con  los  dientes,  tiran  con  la  una  mano,  y  en  la  otra  tienen  un  navajon 
de  pedernal  y  cortan  el  bocado;  ansi  lo  tragan  como  aves  medio  nias- 
cado:  comen  el  sebo  crudo,  sin  calentallo:  beben  la  sangre,  ansi  como 


568  THE   COEONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ahh.u 

sale  de  las  vacas,  y  otras  A'^eces  despu^s  de  salida,  fria  y  cruda :  uo 
tienen  otro  luaiitenimiento.  Esta  gente  tiene  perros  conio  los  de  esta 
tierra,  salvo  que  son  algo  mayores,  los  cuales  perros  cargan  coino  A 
bestias,  y  las  Iiacen  sus  eiijalmas  como  albardillas,  y  las  cincliau  cou  sus 
correas,  y  andan  matados  como  bestias,  eii  las  cruces.  Cuando  van  <1 
caza  cArgaulos  de  mauteuimientos;  y  cuando  se  mueven  estos  indios, 
porque  no  estan  de  asiento  en  una  parte,  que  se  andan  donde  andan  las 
vacas  para  se  mantener,  estos  perros  les  llevan  las  casas,  y  llevan  los 
palos  de  las  casas  arrastrando,  atados  si  las  albardillas,  allende  de  la 
carga  que  Uevaii  encima :  podra  ser  la  carga,  segiin  el  perro,  arroba  y 
media  y  dos.  Hay  de  este  Sibola  il  estos  llanos  adonde  llegaron,  treinta 
leguas,  y  auu  mds.  Los  llanos  proceden  adelante,  ni  se  sabe  que  tauto. 
El  capitau  Francisco  Vdzquez  fue  por  los  llanos  adelante  con  treinta 
de  a  caballo,  y  Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla  con  el:  toda  la  demas  gente  se  vol- 
vieron  a  la  iioblacion  del  rio,  para  esperar  a  Francisco  VAzquez,  porque 
an  si  se  lo  mando:  no  se  sabe  si  es  vuelto  &c. 

Es  la  tierra  tan  liana,  que  se  pierden  los  hombres  apartiindose  media 
legua,  como  se  perdi6  uno  .'i  caballo,  que  nunca  miis  parecio,  y  dos  caba- 
Uos  ensillados  y  enfrenados  que  nunca  mils  parecieron.  No  queda  rastro 
ninguno  por  donde  van,  y  (i  esta  causa  tenian  necesidad  de  amqjonar 
el  camino  por  donde  iban,  para  volver,  cou  bofiigas  de  vacas,  que  uo 
Labia  piedras  ni  otra  cosa. 

Marco  Polo,  veneciano,  en  su  tratado,  en  el  cap.  xv,  trata  y  dice  que 
[ha  visto?]  las  mesmas  vacas,  ydelamesma  manei-aen  lacorcova;  yen 
el  mesmo  capitulo  dice  que  tambi^n  hay  carneros  tamaiios  como  caballos. 

Nicolas,  veneciano,  dio  relacion  A  Micer  Pogio,  florentino,  en  el  libro 
segundo,  cerca  del  tin,  dice  como  en  la  Etiopia  hay  bueyes  con  corcova, 
como  camellos,  y  tienen  los  cuernos  largos  de  tres  codos,  y  echan  los 
cuernos  encima  sobre  el  espinazo,  y  hace  un  cuerno  de  estos  un  cantaro 
de  vino. 

Marco  Polo,  en  el  capitulo  ciento  y  treinta  y  cuatro  dice  que  en  la 
tierra  de  los  tArtaros,  hAcia  el  uorte,  se  hallan  canes  tan  graudes  6  poco 
menos  que  asnos ;  &  los  cuales  echan  uno  como  carro  y  entran  con  ellos 
en  una  tierra  muy  lodosa,  toda  cenagales,  que  otros  auimales  no  podrian 
entrar  ni  salir  sin  se  anegar,  y  por  eso  Uevau  perros. 

ISeripsi  et  contuli,  Mexico,  Marzo  11,  189S. 

Joaq".  Garcia  Icazbalceta.] 


translation 
This  is  the  latest  account  of   Cibola,  and  of  more  than 

FOUR    HUNDREB    leagues    BEYOND. 

It  is  more  than  300  leagues  from  Gnliacan  to  Cibola,  uninhabited 
most  of  the  way.  There  are  very  few  people  there ;  the  country  is 
sterile;  the  roads  are  very  bad.    The  people  go  around  entirely  naked, 


wrasHip]  relaci6n  postrera  de  sivola  569 

except  tlie  women,  who  wear  white  tanned  deer  skins  from  the  waist 
down,  something  like  little  skirts,  reaching  to  the  feet.  Their  houses 
are  of  mats  made  of  reeds;  the  houses  are  round  and  small,  so  that 
there  is  hardly  room  inside  for  a  man  ou  his  feet.  The  country  is  sandy 
where  they  live  near  together  and  where  they  plant.  They  raise  corn, 
but  not  very  much,  and  beans  and  melons,  and  they  also  live  on  game — 
rabbits,  hares,  and  deer.  They  do  not  have  sacrifices.  This  is  between 
Culiacan  and  Cibola. 

Oibola  is  a  village  of  about  200  houses.  They  have  two  and  three  and 
four  and  five  stories.  The  walls  are  about  a  handbreadth  thick;  the 
sticks  of  timber  are  as  large  as  the  wrist,  and  round;  for  boards,  they 
have  very  small  bushes,  with  their  leaves  on,  covered  with  a  sort  of 
greenish-colored  mud ;  the  walls  are  of  dirt  and  mud,  the  doors  of  the 
houses  are  like  the  hatchways  of  ships.  The  houses  are  close  together, 
each  joined  to  the  others.  Outside  of  the  houses  they  have  some  hot- 
houses (or  estufas)  of  dirt  mud,  where  they  take  refuge  from  the  cold  in 
the  winter — because' this  is  very  great,  since  it  snows  six  months  in  the 
year.  Some  of  these  people  wear  cloaks  of  cotton  and  of  the  maguey 
(or  Mexican  aloe)  and  of  tanned  deer  skin,  and  they  wear  shoes  made 
of  these  skins,  reaching  up  to  the  knees.  They  also  make  cloaks  of  the 
skins  of  hares  and  rabbits,  with  which  they  cover  themselves.  The 
women  wear  cloaks  of  the  maguey,  reaching  down  to  the  feet,  with 
girdles;  they  wear  their  hair  gathered  about  the  ears  like  little  wheels. 
They  raise  corn  and  beans  and  melons,  which  is  all  they  need  to  live  on, 
because  it  is  a  small  tribe.  The  laud  where  they  plant  is  entirely  sandy; 
the  water  is  brackish ;  the  country  is  very  dry.  They  have  some  fowls, 
although  not  many.  They  do  not  know  what  sort  of  a  thing  flsh  is. 
There  are  seven  villages  in  this  province  of  Cibola  within  a  space  of  5 
leagues;  the  largest  may  have  about  200  houses  and  two  others  about 
200,  and  the  others  somewhere  between  60  or  50  and  30  houses. 

It  is  60  leagues  from  Cibola  to  the  river  and  province  of  Tibex 
[Tiguex].  The  first  village  is  40  leagues  from  Cibola,  and  is  called 
Acuco.  This  village  is  on  top  of  a  very  strong  rock;  it  has  about  200 
bouses,  built  iu  the  same  way  as  at  Cibola,  where  they  speak  another 
language.  It  is  20  leagues  from  here  to  the  river  of  Tiguex.  The  river 
is  almost  as  wide  as  that  of  Seville,  although  not  so  deep;  it  flows 
through  a  level  country;  the  water  is  good;  it  contains  some  fish;  it 
rises  iu  the  north.  He  who  relates  this,  saw  twelve  villages  within  a 
certain  distance  of  the  river ;  others  saw  more,  they  say,  up  the  river. 
Below,  all  the  villages  are  small,  except  two  that  have  about  200  houses. 
The  walls  of  these  houses  are  something  like  mud  walls  of  dirt  and 
sand,  very  rough;  they  are  as  thick  as  the  breadth  of  a  hand.  The 
houses  have  two  and  three  stories;  the  construction  is  like  those  at 
Cibola.  The  country  is  very  cold.  They  have  hot-houses,  as  in  Cibola, 
and  the  river  freezes  so  thick  that  loaded  animals  cross  it,  and  it  would 
be  possible  for  carts  to  do  so.    They  raise  as  much  corn  as  they  need, 


570  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (eth.ans.u 

and  beans  and  melons.  They  have  some  fowls,  which  they  keep  so  as  to 
make  cloaks  of  their  feathers.  They  raise  cotton,  although  not  much; 
they  wear  cloaks  made  of  this,  and  shoes  of  hide,  as  at  Cibola.  These 
people  defend  themselves  very  well,  and  from  within  their  houses,  since 
they  do  not  care  to  come  out.    The  country  is  all  sandy. 

Four  days' journey  from  the  province  and  river  of  Tiguex  four  villages 
are  found.  The  first  has  30  houses;  the  second  is  a  large  village 
destroyed  in  their  wars,  and  has  about  So  houses  occupied;  the  third 
about  These  three  are  like  those  at  the  river  in  every  way.    The 

fourth  is  a  large  village  which  is  among  some  mountains.  It  is  called 
Cicuic,  and  has  about  50  houses,  with  as  many  stories  as  those  at  Cibola. 
The  walls  are  of  dirt  and  mud  like  those  at  Cibola.  It  has  plenty  of 
corn,  beans  and  melons,  and  some  fowls.  Four  days  from  this  village 
they  came  to  a  country  as  level  as  the  sea,  and  in  these  plains  there  was 
such  a  multitude  of  cows  that  they  are  numberless.  These  cows  are 
like  those  of  Castile,  and  somewhat  larger,  as  they  have  a  little  hump 
on  the  withers,  and  they  are  more  reddish,  approaching  black;  their 
hair,  more  than  a  span  long,  hangs  down  around  their  horns  and  ears 
and  chin,  and  along  the  neck  and  shoulders  like  manes,  and  down  from 
the  knees;  all  the  rest  is  a  very  fine  wool,  like  merino;  they  have  very 
good,  tender  meat,  and  much  fat.  Having  proceeded  many  days 
through  these  plains,  they  came  to  a  settlement  of  about  200  inhab- 
ited houses.  The  houses  were  made  of  the  skins  of  the  cows,  tanned 
white,  like  pavilions  or  army  tents.  The  maintenance  or  sustenance  of 
these  Indians  comes  entirely  from  the  cows,  because  they  neither  sow 
nor  reap  corn.  With  the  skins  they  make  their  houses,  with  the  skins 
they  clothe  and  shoe  themselves,  of  the  skins  they  make  rope,  and  also 
of  the  wool;  from  the  sinews  they  make  thread,  with  which  they  sew 
their  clothes  and  also  their  houses;  from  the  bones  they  make  awls;  the 
dung  serves  them  for  wood,  because  there  is  nothing  else  in  that  coun- 
try ;  the  stomachs  serve  them  for  pitchers  and  vessels  from  which  tiiey 
drink;  they  live  on  the  flesh;  they  sometimes  eat  it  half  roasted  and 
warmed  over  the  dung,  at  other  times  raw;  seizing  it  with  their  fingers, 
they  pull  it  out  with  one  hand  aiid  with  a  flint  knife  in  the  other  they 
cut  off  mouthfuls,  and  thus  swallow  it  half  chewed;  they  eat  the  fat 
raw,  without  warming  it;  they  drink  the  blood  just  as  it  leaves  the 
cows,  and  at  other  times  after  it  has  run  out,  cold  and  raw;  they  have 
no  other  means  of  livelihood.  These  people  have  dogs  like  those  in 
this  country,  except  that  they  are  somewhat  larger,  and  they  load  these 
dogs  like  beasts  of  burden,  and  make  saddles  for  them  like  our  pack 
saddles,  and  they  fasten  them  with  their  leather  thongs,  and  these  make 
their  backs  sore  on  the  withers  like  pack  animals.  When  they  go 
hunting,  they  load  these  with  their  necessities,  and  when  they  move — for 
these  Indians  are  not  settled  in  one  place,  since  they  travel  wherever 
the  cows  move,  to  support  themselves — these  dogs  carry  their  houses, 
and  they  have  the  sticks  of  their  houses  dragging  along  tied  on  to  the 


WDJSHiP]  RELACION    POSTREBA    DE    SIVOLA  571 

pack-saddles,  besides  the  load  which  they  carry  on  top,  and  the  load 
may  be,  according  to  the  dog,  from  35  to  50  pounds.  It  is  30  leagues, 
or  even  more,  from  Oibola  to  these  plains  where  they  went.  The  plains 
stretch  away  beyond,  nobody  knows  how  far.  The  captain,  Francisco 
Vazquez,  went  farther  across  the  plains,  with  30  horsemen,  and  Friar 
Juan  de  Padilla  with  him;  all  the  rest  of  the  force  returned  to  the  set- 
tlement at  the  river  to  wait  for  Francisco  Vazquez,  because  this  was  his 
command.     It  is  not  known  whether  he  has  returned. 

The  country  is  so  level  that  men  became  lost  wheii  they  went  off  half 
a  league.  One  horseman  was  lost,  who  never  reappeared,  and  two 
horses,  all  saddled  and  bridled,  which  they  never  saw  again.  Xo  track 
was  left  of  where  they  went,  and  on  this  account  it  was  necessary  to 
mark  the  road  by  which  they  went  with  cow  dung,  so  as  to  return, 
since  there  were  no  stones  or  anything  else. 

Mar(!0  Polo,  the  Venetian,  in  his  treatise,  in  chapter  15,  relates  and 
says  that  (he  saw)  the  same  cows,  with  the  same  sort  of  hump;  and  in 
the  same  chapter  he  isays  that  there  are  sheep  as  big  as  horses. 

Nicholas,  the  Venetian,  gave  an  account  to  Micer  Pogio,  the  Floren- 
tine, in  his  second  book,  toward  the  end,  which  says  that  in  Ethiopia 
there  are  oxen  with  a  hump,  like  camels,  and  they  have  horns  3  cubits 
long,  and  they  carry  their  horns  up  over  their  backs,  and  one  of  these 
horns  makes  a  wine  pitcher. 

Marco  Polo,  in  chapter  134,  says  that  in  the  country  of  the  Tartars, 
toward  the  north,  they  have  dogs  as  large  or  little  smaller  than  asses. 
They  harness  these  into  a  sort  of  cart  and  with  these  enter  a  very  miry 
country,  all  a  quagmire,  where  other  animals  can  not  enter  and  come 
out  without  getting  submerged,  and-  on  this  account  they  take  dogs. 


TRANSLATION  OF  THE  RELACION  DEL  SUCESO" 

Account  of  what  Happened  on  the  Journey  which  Fkancisco 
Vazquez  made  to  Discover  Cibola. 

When  the  army  reached  the  valley  of  Culiacan,  Francisco  Vazquez 
divided  the  army  ou  account  of  the  bad  news  which  was  received 
regarding  Cibola,  and  because  the  food  supply  along  the  way  was  small, 
according  to  the  report  of  Melchor  Diaz,  who  had  Just  come  back  from 
seeing  it.  He  himself  took  80  horsemen  and  25  foot  soldiers,  and  a  small 
part  of  the  artillery,  and  set  out  from  Culiacan,  leaving  Don  Tristan  de 
Arellano  with  the  rest  of  the  force,  with  orders  to  set  out  twenty  days 
later,  and  when  he  reached  the  Valley  of  Hearts  (Corazones)  to  wait 
there  for  a  letter  from  him,  which  would  be  sent  after  he  had  reached 
Cibola,  and  had  seen  what  was  there;  and  this  was  done.  The  Valley 
of  Hearts  is  150  leagues  from  the  valley  of  Culiacan,  and  the  same 
distance  from  Cibola.^ 

This  whole  distance,  up  to  about  50  leagues  before  reaching  Cibola, 
is  inhabited,  although  it  is  away  from  the  road  in  some  places.  The 
population  is  all  of  the  same  sort  of  iieople,  since  the  houses  are  all  of 
palm  mats,  and  some  of  them  have  low  lofts.  They  all  have  corn, 
although  not  much,  and  in  some  places  very  little.  They  have  melons 
and  beaus.  The  best  settlement  of  all  is  a  valley  called  Senora,  which 
is  10  leagues  beyond  the  Hearts,  where  a  town  was  afterward  settled. 
There  is  some  cotton  among  these,  but  deer  skins  are  what  most  of 
them  use  for  clothes. 

Francisco  Vazquez  passed  by  all  these  on  account  of  the  small  crops. 
There  was  no  corn  the  whole  way,  except  at  this  valley  of  Senora,  where 
they  collected  a  little,  and  besides  this  he  had  what  he  took  from  Culi- 
acau,  where  he  ])rovided  himself  for  eighty  days.  In  seveTity-three 
days  we  reached  Cibola,  although  after  hard  labor  and  the  loss  of  many 
horses  and  the  death  of  several  Indians,  and  after  we  saw  it  these  were 
all  doubled,  although  we  did  find  corn  enough.  We  found  the  natives 
peaceful  for  the  whole  way. 

1  The  Spanish  text  of  this  document  is  printed  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Florida,  p.  147,  from  a  copy 
made  by  Mufiuz,  and  also  in  Pacheco  y  Cardenas.  Documentoa  do  Indias,  vol.  xiv,  p.  318,  from  a  ropy 
found  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies  at  Seville.  The  important  variations  in  the  texts  are  noted  in  the 
footnotes.  See  page  398  in  regard  to  the  value  of  this  anonymous  document.  No  date  is  given  in  the 
document,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  refers  to  Coronado's  expedition.  In  the  heading  to  the 
document  in  the  Pacheco  y  Cardenas  Coleccion,  the  date  is  given  as  1531,  and  it  is  placed  under  that 
year  in  the  chronologic  index  of  the  Coleccion.  This  transtation.  as  well  as  that  of  the  letter  to 
Charles  V,  which  follows,  has  already  been  printed  in  American  History  Leatlet,  No.  13. 

^  The  spelling  of  Cibola  and  Culiacan  is  that  of  the  Pacheco  y  Cardenas  copy.    Buckingham  Smith 
prints  Civola  and  Cnluacan. 
572 


wiNSHip]  RELACION    DEL    SUCESO  573 

The  day  we  reached  the  first  village  part  of  them  came  out  to  fight 
us,  and  the  rest  stayed  in  the  village  and  fortified  themselves.  It  was 
not  possible  to  make  peace  with  these,  although  we  tried  hard  enough, 
so  it  was  necessary  to  attack  then^  and  kill  some  of  them.  The  rest 
then  drew  back  to  the  village,  which  was  then  surrounded  and  attacked. 
We  had  to  withdraw,  on  account  of  the  great  damage  they  did  us  from 
the  flat  roofs,  and  we  began  to  assault  them  from  a  distance  with  the 
artillery  and  muskets,  and  that  afternoon  they  surrendered.  Francisco 
Vazquez  came  out  of  it  badly  hurt  by  some  stones,  and  I  am  certain, 
indeed,  that  he  would  have  been  there  yet  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
army-master,  D.  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas,  who  rescued  him.  Wlien 
the  Indians  surrendered,  they  abandoned  the  village  and  went  to  the 
other  villages,  and  as  they  left  the  houses  we  made  ourselves  at  home 
in  them. 

Father  Friar  Marcos  understood,  or  gave  to  understand,  that  the 
region  and  neighborhood  in  which  there  are  seven  villages  was  a  single 
village  which  he  called  Cibola,  but  the  whole  of  this  settled  region 
is  called  Cibola.  The  villages  have  from  150  to  200  and  300  houses; 
some  have  the  houses  of  the  village  all  together,  although  in  some  vil- 
lages they  are  divided  into  two  or  three  sections,  but  for  the  most  part 
they  are  all  together,  and  their  courtyards  are  within,  and  in  these  are 
their  hot  rooms  for  winter,  and  they  have  their  summer  ones  outside 
the  villages.  The  houses  have  two  or  three  stories,  the  walls  of  stone 
and  nuxd,  and  some  have  nuid  walls.  The  villages  have  for  the  most 
part  the  walls  of  the  houses;  the  houses  are  too  good  for  Indians,  espe- 
cially for  these,  since  they  are  brutish  and  have  no  decency  in  anything 
except  in  their  houses. 

For  food  they  have  much  corn  and  beans  and  melons,  and  some  fowls, 
like  those  of  Mexico,  and  they  keep  these  more  for  their  feathers  than 
to  eat,  because  they  make  long  robes  of  them,  since  they  do  not  have 
any  cotton;  and  they  wear  cloaks  of  heniquen  (a  fibrous  plant),  and  of 
the  skins  of  deer,  and  sometimes  of  cows. 

Their  rites  and  sacrifices  are  somewhat  idolatrous,  but  water  is  what 
they  worship  most,  to  which  they  offer  small  painted  sticks  and  feathers 
and  yellow  powder  made  of  flowers,  and  usually  this  offering  is  made 
to  springs.  Sometimes,  also,  they  offer  such  turquoises  as  they  have, 
although  poor  ones. 

From  the  valley  of  Culiacan  to  Cibola  it  is  240  leagues  in  two  direc- 
tions. It  is  north  to  about  the  thirty-fourth-and-a-half  degree,  and 
from  there  to  Cibola,  which  is  nearly  the  thirty-seventh  degree,  toward 
the  northeast. 

Having  talked  with  the  natives  of  Cibola  about  what  was  beyond, 
they  said  that  there  were  settlements  toward  the  west.  Francisco 
Vazquez  then  sent  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar  to  investigate,  who  found  seven 
other  villages,  which  were  called  the  province  of  Tuzan;*  this  is  35 

*  Buckiugham  Smith  prints  Tovar  and  Tu^an. 


574  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [ethaxkU 

leagues  to  the  west.  The  villages  are  somewhat  larger  thau  those  of 
Cibola,  and  in  other  respects,  in  food  and  everything,  they  are  of  the 
same  sort,  except  that  these  raise  cotton.  While  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar 
had  gone  to  see  these,  Francisco  Vazquez  dispatched  messengers  to 
the  viceroy,  with  an  account  of  what  had  happened  up  to  this  jwiut.' 
He  also  x^repared  instructions  for  these  to  take  to  Don  Tristan,  who  as 
I  have  said,  was  at  Hearts,  for  him  to  proceed  to  Cibola,  and  to  leave 
a  town  established  in  the  valley  of  Sefiora,  which  he  did,  and  in  it  he 
left  80  horsemen  of  the  men  who  had  but  one  horse  and  the  weakest 
men,  and  Melchor  Diaz  with  them  as  captain  and  leader,  because 
Francisco  Vazquez  had  so  arranged  for  it.  He  ordered  him  to  go  from 
there  with  half  the  force  to  explore  toward  the  west;  and  he  did  so,  and 
traveled  150  leagues,  to  the  river  which  Hernando  de  Alarcon  entered 
from  the  sea,  which  he  called  the  Buenaguia.  The  settlements  and 
people  that  are  in  this  direction  are  mostly  like  those  at  the  Hearts, 
except  at  the  river  and  around  it,  where  the  people  have  much  better 
figures  and  have  more  corn,  although  the  houses  in  which  they  live 
are  hovels,  like  pig  pens,  almost  under  ground,  with  a  covering  of 
straw,  and  made  without  any  skill  whatever.  This  river  is  reported 
to  be  large.  They  reached  it  30  leagues  from  the  coast,  where,  and  as 
far  again  above,  Alarcon  had  come  up  with  his  boats  two  months  before 
they  reached  it.  This  river  runs  north  and  south  there.  Melchor  Diaz 
passed  on  toward  the  west  five  or  six  days,  from  which  he  returned  for 
the  reason  that  he  did  not  lind  any  water  or  vegetation,  but  only  many 
stretches  of  sand;  and  he  had  some  fighting  on  his  return  to  the  river 
and  its  vicinity,  because  they  wanted  to  take  advantage  of  hiih  while 
crossing  the  river.  While  returning  Melchor  Diaz  died  from  an  acci- 
dent, by  which  he  killed  himself,  throwing  a  lance  at  a  dog. 

After  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar  returned  and  had  given  an  account  of 
those  villages,  he  then  dispatched  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas,  the 
army-master,  by  the  same  road  Don  Pedro  had  followed,  to  go  beyond 
that  province  of  Tuzan  to  the  west,  and  he  allowed  him  eighty  days  in 
which  to  go  and  return,  for  the  journey  and  to  make  the  discoveries. 
He  was  conducted  beyond  Tuzan  by  native  guides,  who  said  there  were 
settlements  beyond,  although  at  a  distance.  Having  gone  50  leagues 
west  of  Tuzan,  and  80  from  Cibola,  he  found  the  edge  of  a  river  down 
which  it  was  impossible  to  find  a  path  for  a  horse  in  any  direction,  or 
even  for  a  man  on  foot,  except  in  one  very  difiicult  place,  where  there 
was  a  descent  for  almost  2  leagues.  The  sides  were  such  a  steep  rocky 
precipice  that  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  see  the  river,  which  looks  like 
a  brook  from  above,  although  it  is  half  as  large  again  as  that  of  Seville, 
according  to  what  they  say,  so  that  although  they  sought  for  a  passage 
with  great  diligence,  none  was  found  for  a  long  distance,  during  which 
they  were  for  several  days  in  great  need  of  water,  which  could  not  be 
found,  and  they  could  not  approach  that  of  the  river,  although  they 

>  See  the  letter  of  August  3,  1540,  p.  562. 


wiNsHip]  EELACION    DEL    SUCESO  575 

could  see  it,  and  on  this  account  Don  Garcia  Lopez  was  forced  to  return. 
Tliis  river  comes  from  the  northeast  and  turns  toward  the  south-south- 
west at  the  place  where  they  found  it,  so  that  it  is  without  any  doubt 
the  one  that  Melchor  Diaz  reached.    , 

Four  days  after  Francisco  Vazquez  had  dispatched  Don  Garcia 
Lopez  to  make  this  discovery,  he  dispatched  Hernando  de  Alvarado  to 
explore  the  route  toward  the  east.  He  started  off,  and  30  leagues 
from  Cibola  found  a  rock  with  a  village  on  top,  the  strongest  position 
that  ever  was  seen  in  the  world,  which  was  called  Acuco'  in  their 
language,  and  father  Friar  Marcos  called  it  the  kingdom  of  Hacus. 
They  came  out  to  meet  us  peacefully,  although  it  would  have  beeu  easy  to 
decline  to  do  this  and  to  have  stayed  on  their  rock,  where  we  would  not 
have  been  able  to  trouble  them.  They  gave  us  cloaks  of  cotton,  skins 
of  deer  and  of  cows,  and  turquoises,  and  fowls  and  other  food  which 
they  had,  which  is  the  same  as  in  Cibola. 

Twenty  leagues  to  the  east  of  this  rock  we  found  a  river  which 
runs  north  and  south,^  well  settled;  there  are  in  all,  small  and  large, 
70  villages  near  it,  a  few  more  or  less,  the  same  sort  as  those  at  Cibola, 
except  that  they  are  almost  all  of  well-made  mud  walls.  The  food  is 
neither  more  nor  less.  They  raise  cotton — I  mean  those  who  live  near 
the  river — the  others  not.  There  is  much  corn  here.  These  people  do 
not  have  markets.  They  are  settled  for  50  leagues  along  this  river, 
north  and  south,  and  some  villages  are  15  or  20  leagues  distant,  in  one 
direction  and  the  other.  This  river  rises  where  these  settlements  end 
at  the  north,  on  the  slope  of  the  mountains  there,  where  there  is  a  larger 
village  difterent  from  the  others,  called  Yuraba.^  It  is  settled  in  this 
fashion:  It  has  18  divisions;  each  one  has  a  situation  as  if  for  two 
ground  plots;*  the  houses  are  very  close  together,  and  have  five  or  six 
stories,  three  of  them  with  mud  walls  and  two  or  three  with  thin  wooden 
walls,  which  become  smaller  as  they  go  up,  and  each  one  has  its  little 
balcony  outside  of  the  mud  walls,  one  above  the  other,  all  around,  of 
wood.  In  this  village,  as  it  is  in  the  mountains,  they  do  not  raise  cotton 
nor  breed  fowls;  they  wear  the  skiiis  of  deer  and  cows  entirely.  It  is 
the  most  populous  village  of  all  that  country;  we  estimated  there  were 
15,000  souls  in  it.  There  is  one  of  the  other  kind  of  villages  larger 
than  all  the  rest,  and  very  sti'oug,  which  is  called  Cicuique.^  It  has  four 
and  five  stories,  has  eight  large  courtyards,  each  one  with  its  balcony, 
and  there  are  flue  houses  in  it.  They  do  not  raise  cotton  nor  keep  fowls, 
because  it  is  15  leagues  away  from  the  river  to  the  east,  toward  the 
plains  where  the  cows  are.    After  Alvarado  had  sent  an  account  of  this 

iThe  Acoma  people  call  tbeir  pueblo  Ako,  while  the  name  for  theniselveB  is  Ak6me,  sigDifying 
"people  of  the  white  rock."  TheZiifii  name  of  Acoma,  aa  previously  stated,  is  Ilakukia;  of  the  Acoma 
people,  H^ku-kwe.    Hacua  was  applied  by  Niza  to  nawikuii,  not  to  Atoma—Hodffe. 

'TheEio  Grande. 

•Evidently  Taos,  the  native  name  of  which  is  Tflatd,  the  Picuris  name  bein;i  Tuopii,  according  to 
Hodge. 

*The  Spanish  text  (p.  323)  is:  "  Tiene  diez  6  ocho  barrios;  cada  uno  tiene  tanto  sitio  como  doa 
solarea,  laa  caaas  nuiy  .juntas." 

'Identical  with  Caataneda's  Cicuyc  or  Cicuye — the  pueblo  of  Pecoa. 


576  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  (eth.axn.u 

river  to  Francisco  Vazquez,  he  proceeded  forward  to  these  plains,  and 
at  the  borders  of  these  he  found  a  little  river  which  flows  to  the  south- 
west, and  after  four  days'  march  he  found  the  cows,  which  are  the  most 
monstrous  thing  in  the  way  of  animals  which  has  ever  been  seen  or  read 
about.  He  followed  this  river  for  100  leajj;ues,  finding  more  cows  every 
day.  We  provided  ourselves  with  some  of  these,  althougli  at  first,  until 
we  had  had  experience,  at  the  risk  of  the  horses.  There  is  such  a  quan- 
tity of  them  that  I  do  not  know  what  to  compare  them  with,  except  with 
the  fish  in  the  sea,  because  on  this  journey,  as  also  on  that  which  the 
whole  army  afterward  made  when  it  was  going  to  Quivira,  there  were  so 
many  that  many  times  when  we  started  to  pass  through  the  midst  of 
them  and  wanted  to  go  through  to  the  other  side  of  them,  we  were 
not  able  to,  because  the  country  was  covered  with  them.  The  flesh  of 
these  is  as  good  as  that  of  Castile,  and  some  said  it  was  even  better. 

The  bulls  are  large  and  brave,  although  they  do  not  attack  very 
much;  but  they  have  wicked  horns,  and  in  a  fight  use  them  well, 
attacking  fiercely;  they  killed  several  of  our  horses  and  wounded 
many.  We  found  the  pike  to  be  the  best  weapon  to  use  against  them, 
and  the  musket  for  use  when  this  misses. 

When  Hernando  de  Alvarado  returned  from  these  plains  to  the  river 
which  was  called  Tiguex,  he  found  the  army-master  Don  Garcia  Lopez 
de  Cardenas  getting  ready  for  the  whole  army,  which  was  coming  there. 
When  it  arrived,  although  all  these  people  had  met  Hernando  de  Alva- 
rado peacefully,  part  of  them  rebelled  when  all  the  force  came.  There 
were  12  villages  near  together,  and  one  night  they  killed  40  of  our 
horses  and  mules  which  were  loose  in  the  camp.  They  fortified  them- 
selves in  their  villages,  and  war  was  then  declared  against  them.  Don 
Garcia  Lopez  went  to  the  first  and  took  it  and  executed  justice  on  many 
of  them.  When  the  rest  saw  this,  they  abandoned  all  except  two  of  the 
villages,  one  of  these  the  strongest  one  of  all,  around  which  the  army  was 
kept  for  two  months.  And  although  after  we  invested  it,  we  entered 
it  one  day  and  occupied  a  part  of  the  flat  roof,  we  were  forced  to  abandon 
this  on  account  of  the  many  wounds  that  were  received  and  because  it 
was  so  dangerous  to  maintain  ourselves  there,  and  although  we  again 
entered  it  soon  afterward,  in  the  end  it  was  not  possible  to  get  it  all, 
and  so  it  was  surrounded  all  this  time.  We  finally  captured  it  because 
of  their  thirst,  and  they  held  out  so  long  because  it  snowed  twice  when 
they  were  just  about  to  give  themselves  up.  In  the  end  we  captured  it, 
and  many  of  them  were  killed  because  they  tried  to  get  away  at  night. 

Francisco  Vazquez  obtained  an  account  from  some  Indians  who  were 
found  in  this  village  of  Cicuique,  which,  if  it  had  been  true,  was  of  the 
richest  thing  that  has  been  found  in  the  Indies.  The  Indian  who  gave 
the  news  and  the  account  came  from  a  village  called  Harale,  300  leagues 
east  of  this  river.  He  gave  such  a  clear  account  of  what  he  told,  as  if 
it  was  true  and  he  had  seen  it,  that  it  seemed  plain  afterward  that  it 
was  the  devil  who  was  speaking  in  him.     Francisco  Vazquez  and  all  of 


Bureau  of  fthnoiMy 


FdURTEENTH  ANNuAL  REPORT       PL.    LXXlV 


A   NAMBE   INDIAN    IN   WAR   COSTUME 


wixsHip]  RELACION   DEL    SUCESO  577 

US  placed  much  confidence  in  him,  although  he  was  advised  by  several 
gentlemen  not  to  move  the  whole  array,  but  rather  to  send  a  captain  to 
find  out  what  was  there.  He  did  not  wish  to  do  this,  but  wanted  to  take 
every  one,  and  even  to  send  Don  Ped^-o  de  Tobar  to  the  Hearts  for 
half  the  men  who  were  in  that  village.  So  he  started  with  the  whole 
army,  and  proceeded  150  leagues,  100  to  the  east  and  50  to  the  south,' 
and  the  Indian  failing  to  make  good  what  he  had  said  about  there  being 
a  settlement  there,  and  corn,  with  which  to  proceed  farther,  the  other 
two  guides  were  asked  how  that  was,  and  one  confessed  that  what  the 
Indian  said  was  a  lie,  except  that  there  was  a  province  which  was  called 
Quivira,  and  that  there  was  corn  and  houses  of  straw  there,  but  that 
they  were  very  far  off,  because  we  had  been  led  astray  a  distance  from 
the  road.  Considering  this,  and  the  small  supi)ly  of  food  that  was  left, 
Francisco  Vazquez,  after  consulting  with  the  captains,  determined  to 
proceed  with  30  of  the  best  men  who  were  well  equipped,  and  that  the 
army  should  return  to  the  river ;  and  this  was  done  at  once.  Two  days 
before  this,  Don  Garcia  Lopez'  horse  had  happened  to  fall  with  him, 
and  he  threw  his  arm  out  of  joint,  from  which  he  sufl'ered  much,  and 
so  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  returned  to  the  river  with  the  army.  On 
this  journey  they  had  a  very  hard  time,  because  almost  all  of  them  had 
nothing  to  eat  excejtt  meat,  and  many  sufl'ered  on  this  account.  They 
killed  a  world  of  bulls  and  cows,  for  there  were  days  when  they  brought 
liO  and  70  head  into  camp,  and  it  was  necessary  to  go  hunting  every  day, 
and  on  this  account,  and  from  not  eating  any  corn  during  all  this  time, 
the  horses  suffered  much. 

Francisco  Vazquez  set  out  across  these  plains  in  search  of  Quivira, 
more  on  account  of  the  story  which  had  been  told  us  at  the  river  than 
from  the  confidence  which  was  placed  in  the  guide  here,  and  after  pro- 
ceeding many  days  by  the  needle  (i.  e.,  to  the  north)  it  pleased  Godthat 
after  thirty  days'  march  we  found  the  river  Quivira,  which  is  30  leagues 
below  the  settlement.  While  going  up  the  valley,  we  found  people 
who  were  going  hunting,  who  were  natives  of  Quivira. 

All  that  there  is  at  Quivira  is  a  very  brutish  people,  without  any 
decency  whatever  in  their  houses  nor  in  anything.  These  are  of  straw, 
like  the  Tarascan  settlements;  in  some  villages  there  are  as  many  as 
200  houses;  they  have  corn  and  beans  and  melons;  they  do  not  have 
cotton  nor  fowls,  nor  do  they  make  bread  which  is  cooked,  except 
under  the  ashes.  Francisco  Vazquez  went  25  leagues  through  these 
settlements,  to  where  he  obtained  an  account  of  what  was  beyond,  and 
they  said  that  the  plains  come  to  an  end,  and  that  down  the  river  there 
are  people  who  do  not  plant,  but  live  wholly  by  hunting. 

They  also  gave  an  account  of -two  other  large  villages,  one  of  which 
was  called  Tareque^  and  the  other  Arae,  with  straw  houses  at  Tareque, 
and  at  Arae  some  of  straw  and  some  of  skins.    Copper  was  found  here, 

'  Southeast,  in  Buckiiigbani  Smith's  MuQoz  copy, 
^Tuxeque,  in  the  Muuoz  copy. 
14  ETH 37  ■ 


578  THE    COROXADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eih.ass.u 

aiul  tliey  said  it  came  from  a  distanee.  From  what  the  Indian  had  said, 
it  is  possible  that  this  village  of  Arac  i-ontains  more,'  from  the  clear 
description  of  it  which  he  gave.  We  did  not  find  any  trace  or  news  of 
it  here.  Francisco  Vazquez  returned  from  here  to  the  river  of  Tiguex, 
where  he  found  the  army.  We  went  back  by  a  more  direct  route, 
because  in  going  by  the  way  we  went  we  traveled  330  leagues,  and  it 
is  not  more  than  200  by  that  by  which  we  returned.  Quivira  is  in  the 
fortieth  degree  and  the  river  in  the  thirty-sixth.  It  was  so  daugerous 
to  travel  or  to  go  away  from  the  camp  in  these  plains,  that  it  is  as  if 
one  was  traveling  on  the  sea,  since  the  only  roads  are  those  of  the 
cows,  and  they  are  so  level  and  have  no  mountain  or  prominent  land- 
mark, that  if  one  went  out  of  sight  of  it,  he  was  lost,  and  in  this  way  we 
lost  one  man,  and  others  who  went  hunting  wandered  around  two  or 
three  days,  lost.  Two  kinds  of  people  travel  around  these  plains  with 
the  cows ;  one  is  called  Querechos  and  the  others  Teyas ;  they  are  very 
well  built,  and  painted,  and  are  enemies  of  each  other.  They  have  no 
other  settlement  or  location  than  comes  from  traveling  around  with  the 
cows.  They  kill  all  of  these  they  wish,  and  tan  the  hides,  with  which 
they  clothe  themselves  and  make  their  tents,  and  they  eat  the  flesh, 
sometimes  even  raw,  and  they  also  even  drink  the  blood  when  thirsty. 
The  tents  they  make  are  like  field  tents,  and  they  set  them  up  over 
some  poles  they  have  made  for  this  purpose,  which  come  together  and 
are  tied  at  the  top,  and  when  they  go  from  one  place  to  another  they 
carry  them  on  some  dogs  they  have,  of  which  they  have  many,  and 
they  load  them  with  the  tents  and  poles  and  other  things,  for  the 
country  is  so  level,  as  I  said,  that  they  can  make  use  of  these,  because 
they  carry  the  poles  dragging  along  on  the  ground.  The  sun  is  what 
they  M'orship  most.  The  skin  for  the  tents  is  cured  on  both  sides, 
without  the  hair,  and  they  have  the  skins  of  deer  and  cows  left  over.* 
They  exchange  some  cloaks  with  the  natives  of  the  river  for  corn. 

After  Francisco  Vazquez  reached  the  river,  where  he  found  the  army, 
Don  Pedro  de  Tobar  came  with  half  the  people  from  the  Hearts,  and 
Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  started  off  for  Mexico,  who,  besides  the 
fact  that  his  arm  was  very  bad,  had  permission  from  the  viceroj'  on 
account  of  the  death  of  his  brother.  Ten  or  twelve  who  were  sick  went 
with  him,  and  not  a  man  among  them  all  who  could  fight.  He  reached 
the  town  of  the  Spaniards  and  found  it  burned  and  two  Spaniards  and 
many  Indians  and  horses  dead,  and  he  returned  to  the  river  on  this 
account,  escaping  from  them  by  good  fortune  and  great  exertions.  The 
cause  of  this  misfortune  was  that  after  Don  Pedro  started  and  left  40 
men  there,  half  of  these  raised  a  mutiny  and  fled,  and  the  Indians,  who 
remembered  the  bad  treatment  they  had  received,  attacked  them  one 
night  and  overpowered  them  because  of  their  carelessness  and  weak 
ness,  and  they  fled  to  Culiacan.     Francisco  Vazquez  fell  while  running 

1  Or  mines,  as  Mufioz  guesses. 

'  Aiul  Jerked  beef  dried  iu  the  .sun.  in  t.lie  ^lanoz  cojiy  only. 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGY 


FOURrtENTH  ANNUAL    REPORT       PL.    LXXV 


A  NAMBE  WATER  CARRIER 


wiNsiiii.)  RELACION    DEL    SUCESO  579 

a  horse  about  this  time  and  was  sick  a  long  time,  and  after  the  winter 
was  over  he  determined  to  conu' bacik,  and  althougli  tbey  may  say  some- 
thing diflerent,  he  did  so,  because  he  wanted  to  do  this  more  thau  any- 
thing, and  so  we  all  came  together  as  far  as  Ouliacan,  and  each  one  went 
where  he  pleased  from  there,  and  Francisco  Vazquez  came  here  to  Mexico 
to  make  his  report  to  tlie  inceroy,  who  was  not  at  all  pleased  with  his 
coming,  although  lie  pretended  so  at  lirst.  He  was  pleased  that  Father 
Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  had  stayed  tliere,  who  went  to  Quivira,  and  a 
Sjianiard  and  a  negro  with  him,  and  Friar  Luis,  a  very  holy  lay  brother, 
stayed  in  Cicuique.  We  spent  two  very  cold  winters  at  this  river,  with 
much  snow  and  thick  ice.  The  river  froze  one  night  and  remained  so 
for  more  than  a  month,  so  that  loaded  horses  crossed  on  the  ice.  The 
reason  these  villages  are  settled  in  this  fashion  is  supposed  to  be  the 
great  cold,  although  it  is  also  partly  tlie  wars  which  they  have  with  one 
another.  And  this  is  all  that  was  seen  and  found  out  about  all  that 
country,  which  is  very  barren  of  fruits  and  groves.  Quivira  is  a  better 
country,  having  many  "huts  and  not  being  so  cold,  although  it  is  more 
to  the  north. 


TRANSLATION    OF  A  LETTER   FROM   CORONADO    TO    THE 
KING,  OCTOBER  20,  1541' 

Letter  from  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  to  His  Majesty, 
in  which  he  gives  an  account  of  the  discovery  of  the 
Province  of  Tiguex. 

Holy  Catholic  C^sarian  Majesty  :  Ou  April  20  of  this  year  I 
wrote  to  Your  Majesty  from  this  province  of  Tiguex,  in  reply  to  a  let- 
ter from  Your  Majesty  dated  in  Madrid,  June  11  a  year  ago.  I  gave 
a  detailed  account  of  this  expedition,  which  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain 
ordered  me  to  undertake  in  Your  Majesty's  name  to  this  country  which 
was  discovered  by  Friar  Marcos  of  Nice,  the  provincial  of  the  order  of 
Holy  Saint  Francis.  I  described  it  all,  and  the  sort  of  force  I  have,  as 
Your  Majesty  had  ordered  me  to  relate  in  my  letters;  and  stated  that 
while  I  was  engaged  in  the  conquest  and  pacification  of  the  natives 
of  this  province,  some  Indians  who  were  natives  of  other  provinces 
beyond  these  had  told  me  that  in  their  country  there  were  much  larger 
villages  and  better  houses  than  those  of  the  natives  of  this  country, 
and  that  they  had  lords  who  ruled  them,  who  were  served  with  dishes 
of  gold,  and  other  very  magnificent  things;  and  although,  as  I  wrote 
Your  Majesty,  I  did  not  believe  it  before  I  had  set  eyes  on  it,  because 
it  was  the  report  of  Indians  and  given  for  the  most  i)art  by  means  of 
signs,  yet  as  the  report  appeared  to  me  to  be  very  fine  and  that  it  was 
important  that  it  should  be  investigated  for  Your  Majesty's  service,  I 
determined  to  go  and  see  it  with  the  men  I  have  here.  I  started  from 
this  province  on  the  23d  of  last  April,  for  the  place  where  the  Indians 
wanted  to  guide  me.  After  nine  days'  march  I  reached  some  plains,  so 
vast  that  I  did  not  find  their  limit  anywhere  that  I  went,  although  I 
traveled  over  them  for  more  than  300  leagues.  And  I  found  such  a  quan- 
tity of  cows  in  these,  of  the  kind  that  I  wrote  Your  Majesty  about, 
which  they  have  in  this  country,  that  it  is  impossible  to  number  them, 
for  while  I  was  journeying  through  these  plains,  until  I  returned  to 
where  I  first  found  them,  there  was  not  a  day  that  I  lost  sight  of  them. 
And  after  seventeen  days'  march  I  came  to  a  settlement  of  Indians 
who  are  called  Querechos,  who  travel  around  with  these  cows,  who  do 
not  plant,  and  who  eat  the  raw  tlesh  and  drink  the  blood  of  the  cows 
they  kill,  and  they  tan  the  skins  of  the  cows,  with  which  all  the  people 

'  The  text  of  this  letter  is  printed  iu  Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Documentos  de  ludia-s,  vol.  iii,  p.  363,  from 
a  copy  made  by  Mufioz,  and  also  in  the  same  collection,  vol.  xiii,  p.  261,  from  a  copy  in  the  Archives 
of  the  Indies  at  Seville.    There  is  a  French  translation  in  Ternanx,  Cibola  volume,  p.  355.    See  the 
footnote  to  the  preceding  document. 
580 


wuNSHip]  CORONADO    TO    THE    KING,   OCTOBER    20,  1541  581 

of  this  country  dress  themselves  here.  They  have  little  field  tents  made 
of  the  hides  of  the  cows,  tanned  and  greased,  very  well  made,  in  which 
they  live  while  they  travel  around  near  the  cows,  moving  with  these. 
They  have  dogs  which  they  load,  which  carry  their  tents  and  poles  and 
belongings.  These  people  have  the  best  figures  of  any  that  I  have  seen 
iu  the  Indies.  They  could  not  give  me  any  account  of  the  country 
wliere  the  guides  were  taking  me.  I  traveled  five  days  more  as  the 
guides  wished  to  lead  me,  until  I  reached  some  plains,  with  no  more 
landmarks  than  as  if  we  had  been  swallowed  up  in  the  sea,  where  they 
strayed  about,  because  there  was  not  a  stone,  nor  a  bit  of  rising  ground, 
nor  a  tree,  nor  a  shrub,  nor  anything  to  go  by.  There  is  much  very  fine 
pasture  land,  with  good  grass.  And  while  we  were  lost  iu  these  plains, 
some  horsemen  who  went  off  to  hunt  cows  fell  in  with  some  Indians  who 
also  were  out  hunting,  who  are  enemies  of  those  that  I  had  seen  in 
the  last  settlement,  and  of  another  sort  of  people  who  are  called  Teyas; 
they  have  their  bodies  and  faces  all  painted,  are  a  large  people  like  the 
others,  of  a  very  good  build ;  they  eat  the  raw  flesli  just  like  the  Quere- 
chos,  and  live  and  travel  round  with  the  cows  in  the  same  way  as  these. 
I  obtained  from  these  an  account  of  the  country  where  the  guides  were 
taking  me,  which  was  not  like  what  they  had  told  me,  because  these  made 
out  that  the  houses  there  were  not  built  of  stones,  with  stories,  as  my 
guides  had  described  it,  but  of  straw  and  skins,  and  a  small  supply  of 
corn  there.  This  news  troubled  me  greatly,  to  find  myself  on  these  lim- 
itless plains,  where  I  was  in  great  need  of  water,  and  often  had  to  drink 
'it  so  poor  that  it  was  more  mud  than  water.  Here  the  guides  confessed 
to  me  that  they  had  not  told  the  truth  in  regard  to  the  size  of  the  houses, 
because  these  were  of  straw,  but  that  they  had  done  so  regarding  the 
large  number  of  inhabitants  and  the  other  things  about  their  habits. 
The  Teyas  disagreed  with  this,  and  on  account  of  this  division  between 
some  of  the  Indians  and  the  others,  and  also  because  many  of  the  men 
I  had  with  me  had  not  eaten  anything  except  meat  for  some  daj's, 
because  we  had  reached  the  eud  of  the  corn  which  we  carried  from  this 
province,  and  because  they  made  it  out  more  than  forty  days' journey 
from  where  I  fell  in  with  the  Teyas  to  the  country  where  the  guides  were 
taking  me,  although  I  appreciated  the  trouble  and  danger  there  would 
be  in  the  journey  owing  to  the  lack  of  water  and  corn,  it  seemed  to  me 
best,  in  order  to  see  if  there  was  anything  there  of  service  to  Your  Maj- 
esty, to  go  forward  with  only  30  horsemen  until  I  should  be  able  to  see 
the  country,  so  as  to  give  Your  Majesty  a  true  account  of  what  was  to 
be  found  in  it.  I  sent  all  the  rest  of  tlie  force  I  had  with  me  to  this 
province,  with  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano  in  command,  because  it  would 
have  been  impossible  to  prevent  the  loss  of  many  men,  if  all  had  gone 
on,  owing  to  the  lack  of  water  and  because  they  also  had  to  kill  bulls 
and  cows  on  which  to  sustain  themselves.  And  with  only  the  30  horse- 
men whom  I  took  for  my  escort,  I  traveled  forty-two  days  after  I  left 
the  force,  living  all  this  while  solely  on  the  Hesh  of  the  bulls  and  cows 
which  we  killed,  at  the  cost  of  several  of  our  horses  which  they  killed, 


582  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,   1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

because,  as  I  wrote  Your  Majesty,  tbey  are  very  brave  and  fierce  ani- 
mals: aud  going  many  days  without  water,  and  cooking  the  food  with 
cow  dung,  because  there  is  not  any  kind  of  wood  in  all  these  jjlains, 
away  from  the  gullies  and  rivers,  which  are  very  few. 

It  was  the  Lord's  pleasure  that,  after  having  journeyed  across  these 
deserts  seventy-seven  days,  I  arrived  at  the  province  they  call  Quivira, 
to  which  the  guides  were  conducting  me,  and  where  they  had  described 
to  me  houses  of  stone,  with  many  stories;  and  not  only  are  they  not  of 
stone,  but  of  straw,  but  the  people  in  them  are  as  barbarous  as  all  those 
whom  I  have  seen  and  passed  before  this;  they  do  not  have  cloaks,  nor 
cotton  of  which  to  make  these,  but  use  the  skins  of  the  cattle  they  kill, 
which  they  tan,  because  they  are  settled  among  these  on  a  very  large 
river.  Thej'  eat  the  raw  flesh  like  the  Querechos  and  Teyas;  they  are 
enemies  of  one  another,  but  are  all  of  the  same  sort  of  people,  and  these 
at  Quivira  have  the  advantage  in  the  houses  they  build  and  in  planting 
corn.  In  this  province  of  which  the  guides  who  brought  me  are  natives, 
they  received  me  peaceably,  and  although  they  told  me  when  I  set  out 
for  it  that  I  could  not  succeed  in  seeing  it  all  m  two  months,  there  are 
not  more  than  25  villages  of  straw  houses  there  and  in  all  the  rest  of  the 
country  that  I  saw  and  learned  about,  which  gave  their  obedience  to  Your 
Majesty  and  placed  themselves  under  your  royal  overlordship.  The  peo- 
ple here  are  large.  I  had  several  Indians  measured,  and  found  that  they 
were  10  palms  in  height;  the  women  are  well  proportioned  and  their  fea- 
tures are  more  like  Moorish  women  than  Indians.  The  natives  here  gave 
me  a  piece  of  copper  which  a  chief  Indian  wore  hung  around  his  neck; 
I  sent  it  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  because  I  have  not  seen  any  other 
metal  in  these  parts  except  this  and  some  little  copper  bells  which  I 
sent  him,  and  a  bit  of  metal  which  looks  like  gold.  I  do  not  know 
where  this  came  from,  although  I  believe  that  the  Indians  who  gave  it 
to  me  obtained  it  from  those  whom  I  brought  here  in  my  service,  because 
I  can  not  find  any  other  origin  for  it  nor  where  it  came  from.  The 
diversity  of  languages  which  exists  in  this  country  and  my  not  having 
anyone  who  understood  them,  because  they  speak  their  own  language  in 
each  village,  has  hindered  me,  because  I  have  been  forced  to  send  cap- 
tains and  men  in  many  directions  to  find  out  whether  there  was  any- 
thing in  this  country  which  could  be  of  service  to  Your  Majesty.  Aud 
although  I  have  searched  with  all  diligence  I  have  not  found  or  heard 
of  anything,  unless  it  be  these  provinces,  which  are  a  very  small  affair. 
The  province  of  Quivira  is  950  leagues  from  Mexico.  Where  I  reached 
it,  it  is  in  the  fortieth  degree.  The  country  itself  is  the  best  I  have  ever 
seen  for  producing  all  the  jiroducts  of  Spain,  for  besides  the  land  itself 
being  very  fat  and  black  and  being  very  well  watered  by  the  rivulets 
and  springs  and  rivers,  I  found  prunes  like  those  of  Spain  [or  I  found 
everything  tliey-have  in  Spain]  and  nuts  and  very  good  sweet  grapes 
and  mulberries.  I  have  treated  the  natives  of  this  province,  and  all 
the  others  whom  I  found  wherever  I  went,  as  well  as  was  possible, 


r..>  ffl'1 


wiNsHip]  CORONADO    TO   THE    KING,  OCTOBER    20,  15H  583 

agreeably  to  what  Your  Majesty  had  coiniuanded,  and  they  have  received 
no  liarm  in  anj-  way  from  me  or  from  those  wlio  went  in  my  company.'  I 
remained  twenty-five  days  in  this  province  of  Quivira,  so  as  to  see  and 
explore  the  countrj'  and  also  to  find  out  whether  there  was  anything 
beyond  which  could  be  of  service  to  Your  Majesty,  because  the  guides 
who  had  brought  me  had  given  me  an  account  of  other  provinces  beyond 
this.  And  what  1  am  sure  of  is  that  tiiere  is  not  any  gold  nor  any  other 
metal  in  all  that  country,  and  the  other  things  of  which  they  had  told 
me  are  nothing  but  little  villages,  and  in  many  of  these  they  do  not 
plant  anything  and  do  not  have  any  houses  except  of  skins  and  sticks, 
and  they  wander  around  with  the  cows ;  so  that  the  account  they  gave  me 
was  false,  because  they  wanted  to  persuade  nie  to  go  therewith  the  whole 
force,  believing  that  as  the  way  was  through  such  uninhabited  deserts, 
and  from  the  lack  of  water,  they  would  get  us  where  we  and  our  horses 
would  die  of  hunger.  And  the  guides  confessed  this,  and  said  they  had 
done  it  by  the  advice  and  orders  of  the  natives  of  these  provinces.  At 
this,  after  having  heard  the  account  of  what  was  beyond,  whicli  I  have 
given  above,  I  returned  to  these  iirovinces  to  provide  for  the  force  I 
had  sent  back  here  and  to  give  Your  Majesty  an  account  of  what  this 
country  amounts  to,  because  I  wrote  Your  Majesty  that  I  would  do  so 
when  1  went  there.  I  have  done  all  that  I  possibly  could  to  serve 
Your  Majesty  and  to  discover  a  country  where  God  Our  Lord  might  be 
served  and  the  royal  patrimony  of  Your  ^Majesty  increased,  as  your 
loyal  servant  and  vassal.  For  since  I  reached  the  province  of  Cibola, 
to  which  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  sent  nie  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty, 
seeing  that  there  were  none  of  the  things  there  of  which  Friar  Marcos 
had  told,  1  have  managed  to  exjilore  this  country  for  200  leagues  and 
more  around  Cibola,  and  the  best  iilace  I  have  found  is  this  river  of 
Tiguex  where  I  am  now,  and  the  settlements  here.  It  would  not  be 
possible  to  establish  a  settlement  liei-e,  for  besides  being  400  leagues 
from  the  North  sea  and  more  than  200  from  the  South  sea,  \<^ith  which 
it  is  impossible  to  have  any  sort  of  communication,  the  country  is  so 
cold,  as  I  have  written  to  Your  Majesty,  that  apparently  the  winter 
could  not  possibly  be  spent  here,  because  there  is  no  wood,  nor  cloth 
with  which  to  i)rotect  the  men,  except  the  skins  whicli  the  natives  wear 
and  some  small  amount  of  cotton  cloaks.  1  send  the  viceroy  of  New 
Spain  an  account  of  everything  I  have  seen  in  the  countries  whei-e  I 
have  been,  and  as  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas  is  going  to  kiss  Your 
Majesty's  hands,  who  has  done  much  and  has  served  Your  Majesty  very 
well  on  this  expedition,  and  he  will  give  Your  Majesty  an  account  of 
everything  here,  as  one  who  has  seen  it  himself,  I  give  M'ay  to  him. 
And  may  Our  Lord  protect  the  Holy  Imperial  Catholic  person  of  Your 
Majesty,  with  increase  of  greater  kingdoms  and  powers,  as  your  loyal 
servants  and  vassals  desire.  From  this  province  of  Tiguex,  Octo- 

ber 20,  in  the  year  1541.      Your  jSIajesty's  humble  servant  and  vassal, 
who  would  kiss  the  royal  feet  and  hands : 

Prancisoo  Vazquez  Coronado. 


'  Coronado  liad  ajjpareutly  forgotten  the  atrocities  committed  by  the  Spaniards  at  Tiguex. 


TRANSLATION  OF  THE  NARRATIVE  OF  JARAMILLO 
Account  given  by  Captain  Juan  Jabamillo  of  the  Journey 

WHICH  HE   MADE   TO   THE   NEW   COUNTRY,    ON   WHICH   PRANCISCO 

Vazquez  Cobonado  was  the  General.' 

We  started  from  Mexico,  going  directly  to  Compostela,  the  whole  way 
pojjnlated  and  at  peace,  the  direction  being  west,  and  the  distance  112 
leagues.  From  there  we  went  to  Culiacau,  perhaps  about  80  leagues; 
the  road  is  well  known  and  much  used,  because  there  is  a  town  inhab- 
ited by  Spaniards  in  the  said  valley  of  Culiacau,  under  the  government 
of  Compostela.  The  70  horsemen  who  went  with  the  general  went  in 
a  northwesterly  direction  from  this  town.  He  left  his  army  here,  because 
information  had  been  obtained  that  the  way  was  uninhabited  and 
almost  the  whole  of  it  without  food.  He  went  with  the  said  horsemen 
to  explore  the  route  and  prepare  the  way  for  those  who  were  to  follow. 
He  pursued  this  direction,  though  with  some  twisting,  until  we  crossed 
a  mountain  chain,  where  they  knew  about  New  Spain,  more  than  300 
leagues  distant.  To  this  pass  we  gave  the  name  of  Chichilte  Calli, 
because  we  learned  that  this  was  what  it  was  called,  from  some  Indians 
whom  we  left  behind. 

Leaving  the  said  valley  of  Culiacau,  he  crossed  a  river  called  Pateat- 
lan  {or  Peteatlan),  which  was  about  four  days  distant.  We  found  these 
Indians  i)eaceful,  and  they  gave  us  some  few  things  to  eat.  From 
here  we  went  to  another  river  called  Cinaloa,  which  was  about  three 
days  from  the  other.  From  here  the  general  ordered  ten  of  us  horse- 
men to  make  double  marches,  lightly  equipped,  until  we  reached  the 
stream  of  the  Cedars  (arroyo  de  los  Cedros),  and  from  there  we  were  to 
euter  a  break  in  the  mountains  on  the  right  of  the  road  and  see  what 
there  was  in  and  about  this.  If  more  time  should  be  needed  for  this 
than  we  gained  on  him,  he  would  wait  for  us  at  the  said  Cedros  stream. 
This  was  done,  and  all  that  we  saw  there  was  a  few  poor  Indians  in 
some  settled  valleys  like  farms  or  estates,  with  sterile  soil.  It  was 
about  five  more  days  from  the  river  to  this  stream.  From  there  we 
went  to  the  river  called  Yaquemi,  which  took  about  three  days.  We 
proceeded  along  a  dry  stream,  and  after  three  days  more  of  marching, 
although  the  dry  stream  lasted  only  for  a  league,  we  reached  another 
stream  where  there  were  some  settled  Indians,  who  had  straw  huts  and 
storehouses  of  corn  and  beans  and  melons.    Leaving  here,  we  went  to 


'The  toxt  of  this  narrative  is  found  in  Btickin^hani  Smith's  Florida,  p.  154,  from  a  copy  made  hy 
lliifioz,  and  in  Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Documentos  do  Indias,  vol.  xiv,  p.  304,  from  the  copy  in  the 
Archives  of  the  Indies.     A  French  translation  is  given  in  Ternaux-Compans'  Cibola  volume,  p.  364. 

584 


X 

1- 


wiNSHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    JARAMILLO  585 

the  stream  and  village  which  is  called  Hearts  (Corazones),  the  name 
which  was  given  it  by  Dorantes  and  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  Castillo  and 
the  negro  Estebanillo,  because  they  gave  them  a  present  of  the  hearts 
of  animals  and  birds  to  eat. 

About  two  days  were  spent  in  this  village  of  the  Hearts.  There  is  an 
irrigation  stream,  and  the  country  is  warm.  Their  dwellings  are  huts 
made  of  a  frame  of  poles,  almost  lilie  an  oven,  only  very  much  better, 
which  they  cover  with  mats.  They  have  corn  and  beans  and  melons 
for  food,  which  I  believe  never  fail  them.  They  dress  in  deerskins. 
This  appeared  to  be  a  good  place,  and  so  orders  were  given  the 
Spaniards  who  were  behind  to  establish  a  village  here,  where  they 
lived  until  almost  the  failure  of  the  expedition.  There  was  a  i)oisou 
here,  the  effect  of  which  is,  according  to  what  was  seen  of  it,  the  worst 
that  could  possibly  be  found  ;  and  from  what  we  learned  about  it,  it  is 
the  sap  of  a  small  tree  like  the  mastick  tree,  or  lentisk,  and  it  grows  in 
gravelly  and  sterile  land.'  We  went  on  from  here,  passing  through 
a  sort  of  gateway,  to'  another  valley  very  near  tliis  stream,  which 
opens  off  from  this  same  stream,  which  is  called  Senora.  It  is  also 
irrigated,  and  the  Indians  are  like  the  others  and  have  the  same 
sort  of  settlements  and  food.  This  valley  continues  for  (5  or  7  leagues, 
a  little  more  or  less.  At  first  these  Indians  were  peaceful;  and  after- 
ward not,  but  instead  they  and  those  whom  they  were  able  to 
summon  thitlier  were  our  worst  enemies.  They  have  a  poisou  with 
wiiich  they  killed  several  Christians.  There  are  mountains  on  both 
sides  of  them,  which  are  not  very  fertile.  From  here  we  went  along 
near  this  said  stream,  crossing  it  where  it  makes  a  bend,  to  another 
Indian  settlement  called  Isi^a.*  It  takes  one  day  from  the  last  of 
these  others  to  this  place.  It  is  of  the  same  sort  as  those  we  had 
passed.  From  here  we  went  through  deserted  country  for  about  four 
days  to  another  river,  which  we  heard  called  Xexpa,  where  some  poor 
Indians  came  out  to  see  the  general,  with  presents  of  little  value,  with 
some  stalks  of  roasted  maguey  and  pitahayas.  We  went  down  this 
stream  two  days,  and  then  left  the  stream,  going  toward  the  right  to  the 
foot  of  the  mountain  chain  in  two  days'  iourney,  where  we  heard  news 
of  what  is  called  Chichiltic  Calli.  Crossing  the  mountains,  we  came  to  a 
deep  and  reedy  river,  where  we  found  water  and  forage  for  the  horses. 

'The  Sjianish  text  reads :  "  Habrl  conio  dos  Jomadna  ( :)  en  este  pueblo  do  his  Corazoues.  (es)  Es  nn 
an"oyo  de  riego  y  de  tierra  caliente,  y  tienen  siis  viviendas  de  unos  ranchoa  que  despues  de  armados 
lo8  palos,  casi  il  luauera  de  hornos,  aunque  muy  inayoreM,  loa  cubreu  cou  »mo9  petates.  Tienen  maizy 
lriH<»le8  y  calabazas  para  pu  comer,  que  ereo  que  no  le  falta.  Vifttense  de  cueros  de  venados,  y  aqui 
por  ser  eflto  pueHto  al  parecer  cosa  decente,  so  niand6  jjoblar  aqui  una  villa  de  los  espauoles  quo  iban 
traseros  donde  vivieron  basta  caai  (jue  la  Jornada  peresei6.  Aqui  liay  yerba  y  scguro  (segund)  lo  que 
della  BO  vi6,  y  la  operacion  que  liace  es  la  mas  mala  que  se  puede  hallar,  y  delo  que  tuviraoa  entcndido 
eer,  era'de  la  lecbe  de  un  lirbol  pequefio,  ii  manera  de  lantisco  en  cuaaci,  (,  E  Nasce)  en  pizarrillas  y 
tierra  eateril."  This  quotation  follows  the  Pachcro  y  Cardenas  text.  The  important  variations  of 
Buckingham  Smitli's  copy  are  inclosed  within  parenthcsex.  The  spelling  of  the  two,  in  such  mat- 
ters as  the  use  of  b  and  v,  x  and  j,  and  the  punctuation,  ditfer  greatly. 

*Sce  Bandelier's Gilded  Man,  p.  175.  This  is  Castafieda's  "  Gmigarispa"  as  mistakenly  interpreted 
by  Ternaux-Compans,  the  present  Arispo,  or,  in  the  Indian  dialect,  Hnc-aritz-pa.  The  words  "Ispa, 
que"  are  not  in  the  Pachecu  y  Cardenas  copy. 


586  THE   CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [kth.ann.u 

From  this  river  back  at  Nexpa,  as  I  Lave  said,  it  seems  to  me  tliat  the 
direction  was  nearly  northeast.  From  here,  I  believe  that  we  went  in 
the  same  direction  for  three  days  to  a  river  which  we  called  Saint  John 
(San  Jnan),  because  we  reached  it  on  his  day.  Leaving  here,  we  went 
to  another  river,  through  a  somewhat  rough  country,  more  toward  the 
north,  to  a  river  wliieh  we  called  the  Eafts  (de  his  Balsas),  because 
we  had  to  cross  on  these,  as  it  was  rising.  It  seems  to  me  that  we 
spent  two  days  between  one  river  and  the  other,  and  I  say  this  because 
it  is  so  long  since  we  went  there  that  I  may  be  wrong  in  some  days, 
though  not  in  the  rest.  From  here  we  went  to  another  river,  which  we 
called  the  Slough  (de  la  Barranca.)  It  is  two  short  days  from  one  to 
the  other,  and  the  directioi)  almost  northeast.  From  here  we  went  to 
another  river,  which  we  called  the  Cold  river  (el  rio  Frio),  on  account 
of  its  water  being  so,  in  one  day's  Journey,  and  from  here  we  went  by 
a  i)ine  mountain,  where  we  found,  almost  at  the  top  of  it,  a  cool  spring 
and  streamlet,  wliich  was  another  day's  march.  In  the  neighborhood 
of  this  stream  a  Spaniard,  who  was  called  Espinosa,  died,  besides  two 
other  persons,  on  account  of  poisonous  i)lants  which  they  ate,  owing  to 
the  great  need  in  which  they  were.  From  here  we  went  to  anotlier  river, 
which  we  called  the  Red  river  (Bermejo),  two  days'  journey  in  the 
same  direction,  but  less  toward  the  northeast.  Here  we  saw  an  Indian 
or  two,  who  afterward  appeared  to  belong  to  the  first  settlement  of 
Cibola.  From  here  we  came  in  two  days'  journey  to  the  said  village, 
the  first  of  Cibola.  The  houses  have  Hat  roofs  and  walls  of  stone  and 
mud,  and  this  was  where  they  killed  Steve  (Estebanillo),  the  negro 
who  had  come  with  Dorantes  from  Florida  and  returned  with  Friar 
Marcos  de  Niza.  In  this  province  of  Cibola  there  are  five  little  villages 
besides  this,  all  with  fiat  roofs  and  of  stone  and  nnul,  as  I  said.  The 
country  is  cold,  as  is  shown  by  their  houses  and  hothouses  (estufas). 
They  have  food  enough  for  themselves,  of  corn  and  beans  and  melons. 
These  villages  are  about  a  league  or  more  apart  from  each  other, 
within  a  circuit  of  perhaps  C  leagues.  The  country  is  somewhat  sandy 
and  not  very  saltj'  (or  barren  of  vegetation'),  and  on  the  mountains  the 
trees  are  for  the  most  part  evergreen.  The  clothing  of  the  Indians  is 
of  deerskins,  very  carefully  tanned,  and  they  also  prepare  some  tanned 
cowhides,  with  which  they  cover  themselves,  which  are  like  shawls, 
and  a  great  protection.  They  have  square  cloaks  of  cotton,  some 
larger  than  others,  about  a  yard  and  a  half  long.  The  Indians  wear 
them  thrown  over  the  shoulder  like  a  gipsy,  and  fastened  with  one  end 
over  the  other,  with  a  girdle,  also  of  cotton.  From  this  first  village  of 
Cibola,  looking  toward  the  northeast  and  a  little  less,  on  the  left  hand, 
there  is  a  province  called  Tucayan,  about  five  days  ott',  which  has  seven 
flat-roof  villages,  with  a  food  supply  as  good  as  or  better  than  these,  and 


•  The  Spniiish  text  is  either  "  ino  niui  Halnda  tie  yerva "'  <B.  Smith),  <»r  "  y  no  miiy  solada  de  yerva" 
(Pacheco  y  Cat-denaa).    Doubtless  the  reference  is  to  the  alkali  soil  and  vegetation. 


o 
•o 


wiNsHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    JARAMILLO  587 

an  even  larger  populatiou;  and  they  also  liave  the  skins  of  cows  and 
of  deer,  and  cloaks  of  cotton,  as  I  described.' 

All  the  waterways  we  found  as  far  as  I'lis  one  at  Cibola—  and  I  do  not 
know  but  what  for  a  day  or  two  beyond — the  rivers  and  streams  run 
into  the  South  sea,  and  those  from  hero  on  into  the  Xorth  sea. 

Prom  this  flrst  village  of  (Jibola,  as  I  have  said,  we  went  to  another 
in  the  same  province,  which  was  about  a  short  day's  Journey  off,  on 
the  way  to  Tihuex.  It  is  nine  days,  of  such  marches  as  we  made,  from 
this  settlement  of  Cibola  to  the  river  of  Tihuex.  Halfway  between,  I  do 
not  know  but  it  may  be  a  day  more  or  less,  there  is  a  village  of  earth  and 
dressed  stone,  in  a  very  strong  position,  which  is  called  Tutahaco.-  All 
these  Indians,  except  the  first  in  the  flrst  village  of  Cibola,  received  us 
well.  At  the  river  of  Tiliuex  there  are  15  villages  within  a  distance 
of  about  20  leagues,  all  with  flat-roof  houses  of  earth,  instead  of  stone, 
after  the  fashion  of  mud  walls.  There  are  other  villages  besides  these 
on  other  streams  which  flow  into  this,  and  three  of  these  are,  for 
Indians,  well  worth  seeing,  especially  one  that  is  called  Chia,^  and  an- 
other Uraba,*  and  another  Cicuique.^  Uraba  and  Cicuique  have  many 
houses  two  stories  high.  All  the  rest,  and  these  also,  have  corn  and 
beans  and  melons,  skins,  and  some  long  robes  of  feathers  which  they 
braid, joining  the  feathers  with  a  sort  of  thread;  and  they  also  make 
them  of  a  sort  of  plain  weaving  with  which  they  make  the  cloaks  with 
which  they  protect  themselves.  They  all  have  hot  rooms  underground, 
•which,  although  not  very  clean,  are  very  warm."  They  raise  aud  have 
a  very  little  cotton,  of  which  they  make  the  cloaks  which  I  have 
spoken  of  above.  This  river  comes  from  the  northwest  and  flows  about 
southeast,  which  shows  that  it  certainly  flows  into  the  North  sea. 
Leaving  this  settlement"  and  the  said  river,  we  passed  two  other  vil- 
lages whose  names  I  do  not  know,"  and  in  four  days  came  to  Cicui(iue, 
which  I  have  already  mentioned.  The  direction  of  this  is  toward  the 
northeast.  From  tliere  we  came  to  anotlier  river,  which  the  Spaii- 
lards  named  after  Cicaique,  in  three  days;  if  I  remember  rightly,  it 
seems  to  me  that  we  went  rather  toward  the  northeast  to  rea(-h  this 
river  where  we  crossed  it,  aud  after  crossing  this,  we  turned  more  to 

'The  Sjtanish  text  (p.  308)  is :  "el  vestido  de  loa  iitdios  es  He  cueros  de  veuados,  estreniadisimo  ol 
(wlobo,  nlcanzan  ya  alguuos  cueros  de  vacas  adobado  con  que  Re  cobijan,  que  son  il  niancra  de  bernias  y 
de  mucbo  abrigo ;  tienen  mantas  do  algodon  (uiadradas ;  nnas  niayores  quo  otras,  coino  de  vara  y  media 
en  birfjo;  las  indias  las  traeu  uneatus  per  el  hom'bro  a  niancra  do  gitanas  y  cefiidas  una  vuelta  sobro 
otra  por  su  cintura  c<in  una  cinta  del  misino  algodon ;  estando  en  oste  pueblo  primero  de  Cibola,  el 
rostro  el  Nordeste :  un  poquito  lu^nos  estA  li  la  mano  izquierda  de  61,  ciuco  joruadas,  una  provincia 
que  se  dice  Tucayan.'" 

•Acoma.     See  note  on  ])age  492. 

-Sia. 

^Identical  with  Taos — llio  Braba  of  Castaneda  and  tbo  Yuraba  of  the  Kelacion  del  Suceso. 

^Pecos.    In  Pacheco  y  Cardenas  this  is  spelled  Ticnique. 

'All  references  to  hot  rooms  or  eetnfas  are  of  course  lo  be  construed  to  mean  llie  kivas  or  ceremo- 
nial chambers. 

'Tiguex  is  here  doubtless  referred  to. 

*One  of  tlio  villages  whose  names  Jaramillo  did  not  know  was  probaldy  tlie  Xinienu  {(ialisteo)  of 
Castaneda. 


588  THK  CORONADO  EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ans.u 

the  left  hand,  which  would  be  more  to  the  northeast,  and  began  to 
enter  the  plains  where  the  cows  are,  although  we  did  not  find  them  for 
some  four  or  five  days,  after  which  we  began  to  come  across  bulls,  of 
which  there  are  great  numbers,  and  after  going  on  in  the  same  direc- 
tion and  meeting  the  bnlls  for  two  or  three  days,  we  began  to  find 
ourselves  in  the  midst  of  very  great  numbers  of  cows,  yearlings  and 
bulls  all  in  together.  We  found  Indians  among  these  first  cows,  who 
were,  on  this  account,  called  Querechos  by  those  in  the  fiat  roof 
houses.  They  do  not  live  in  houses,  but  have  some  sets  of  poles 
which  they  carry  with  them  to  make  some  huts  at  the  places  where 
they  stop,  which  serve  them  for  houses.  They  tie  these  poles  together 
at  the  top  and  stick  the  bottoms  into  the  grotmd,  covering  them  with 
some  cowskins  which  thsy  carry  around,  and  which,  as  I  have  said, 
serve  them  for  houses.  From  what  was  learned  of  these  Indians,  all 
their  human  needs  are  supplied  by  these  cows,  for  they  are  fed  and 
clothed  and  shod  from  these.  They  are  a  people  who  wander  around 
here  and  there,  wherever  seems  to  them  best.  We  went  on  for  eight 
or  ten  days  in  the  same  direction,  along  those  streams  which  are 
among  the  cows.  The  Indian  who  guided  us  from  here  was  the  one 
that  had  given  us  the  news  about  Quevira  and  Arache  {or  Arahui)  and 
about  its  being  a  very  rich  country  with  much  gold  and  other  things, 
and  he  and  the  other  one  were  from  that  country  I  mentioned,  to 
which  we  were  going,  and  we  found  these  two  Indians  in  the  flat-roof 
villages.  It  seems  that,  as  the  said  Indian  wanted  to  go  to  his  own 
country,  he  proceeded  to  tell  us  what  we  found  was  not  true,  and  I  do 
not  know  whether  it  was  on  this  account  or  because  he  was  counseled 
to  take  us  into  other  regions  by  confusing  us  on  the  road,  although 
there  are  none  in  all  this  region  except  those  of  the  cows.  We  under- 
stood, however,  that  he  was  leading  us  away  from  the  route  we  ought 
to  follow  and  that  he  wanted  to  lead  us  on  to  those  plains  where  he 
had  led  us,  so  that  we  would  eat  up  the  food,  and  both  ourselves  and 
our  horses  would  become  weak  from  the  lack  of  this,  because  if  we 
should  go  either  backward  or  forward  in  this  condition  we  could  not 
make  any  resistance  to  whatever  they  might  wish  to  do  to  us.  From 
the  time  when,  as  I  said,  we  entered  the  plains  and  from  this  settlement 
of  Querechos,  he  led  us  off  more  to  the  east,  until  we  came  to  be  in 
extreme  need  from  the  lack  of  food,  and  as  the  other  Indian,  who  was 
his  companion  and  also  from  his  country,  saw  that  he  was  not  taking 
us  where  we  ought  to  go,  since  we  had  always  followed  the  guidance 
of  the  Turk,  for  so  he  was  called,  instead  of  his,  he  threw  himself 
down  in  the  way,  making  a  sign  that  although  we  cut  off  his  head  he 
ought  not  to  go  that  way,  nor  was  that  our  direction.  I  believe  we 
had  been  traveling  twenty  days  or  more  in  this  direction,  at  the  end 
of  which  we  found  another  settlement  of  Indians  of  the  same  sort  and 
way  of  living  as  those  behind,  among  whom  there  was  an  old  blind 
man  with  a  beard,  who  gave  us  to  understand,  by  signs  which  he  made, 


WI.NS11IP]  NARRATIVE    OF    JARAMILLO     '  589 

that  lie  bad  seen  four  omeis  like  iis  lilaSy  days  before,  whom  Le  bad 
seen  near  there  and  ratber  more  toward  New  Spain,  and  we  so  under- 
stood bini,  and  presumed  that  it  was  Porantes  and  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  those  whom  I  have  mentioned.  At  this  settlement  tbo  general, 
seeing-  our  difficulties,  ordere<l  the  captains,  and  the  i)ersons  whose 
advice  he  was  accustomed  to  take,  to  assemble,  so  that  we  might 
discuss  with  bim  what  was  best  for  all.'  It  seemed  to  us  that  all  the 
torce  should  go  back  to  the  region  we  had  come  from,  in  search  of  food, 
so  that  they  could  regain  their  strength,  and  that  30  picked  horsemen 
should  go  in  search  of  what  the  liidiaji  had  told  about;  and  we  decided 
to  do  this.  We  all  went  forward  one  day  to  a  stream  Mbicb  was  down 
in  a  ravine  in  the  midst  of  good  meadows,  to  agree  on  who  should  go 
ahead  and  how  the  rest  should  rC^urn.  Here  the  Indian  Isopete,  as 
we  had  called  the  companion  of  the  said  Turk,  was  asked  to  tell  us 
the  trnth,  and  to  lead  us  to  that  country  which  we  had  come  in  search 
of.  He  said  be  would  do  it,  and  that  it  was  not  as  the  Turk  had  said, 
because  those  were  certainly  fine  things  which  he  had  said  and  had  given 
us  to  understand  at  Tiliue^,  about  gold  and  how  it  was  obtained,  and 
the  buildings,  and  tiie  style  of  them,  and  their  trade,  and  many  other 
things  told  for  the  sake  of  in-olixity,  which  had  led  us  to  go  in  search  of 
them,  with  the  advice  of  all  who  gave  it  and  of  the  priests.  He  asked 
us  to  leave  him  afterward  in  that  country,  because  it  was  his  native 
country,  as  a  reward  for  guiding  us,  and  also,  that  the  Turk  might 
not  go  along  with  him,  because  be  would  quarrel  and  try  to  restrain 
him  in  everything  that  he  wanted  to  do  for  our  advantage;  and  the 
general  promised  him  this,  and  said  he  would  be  with  one  of  the  thirty, 
and  he  went  in  this  way.  And  when  everything  was  ready  for  us  to 
set  out  and  for  the  others  to  remain,  we  pursued  our  way,  the  direction 
all  the  time  after  this  being  toward  the  north,  for  more  than  thirty 
days'  march,  although  not  long  marches,  not  having  to  go  without  water 
on  any  one  of  them,  and  among  cows  all  the  time,  some  days  in  larger 
numbers  than  others,  according  to  the  water  which  we  came  across, 
so  that  on  Saint  Peter  and  Paul's  day  we  reached  a  river  which  we 
found  to  be  there  below  Quibira.  When  we  reached  the  said  river,  the 
Indian  recognized  it  and  said  that  was  it,  and  that  it  was  below  the 
settlements.  We  crossed  it  there  and  went  up  the  other  side  on  the 
north,  the  direction  turning  toward  the  northeast,  and  after  marching 
three  days  we  found  some  Indians  who  were  going  bunting,  killing  the 
cows  to  take  the  meat  to  their  village,  which  was  about  three  or  four 
days  still  farther  away  from  us.  Here  where  we  found  the  Indians 
and  they  saw  us,  they  began  to  utter  yells  and  appeared  to  fly,  and 
some  even  bad  their  wives  there  with  them.  The  Indian  Isopete 
began  to  call  them  in  his  language,  and  so  they  came  to  us  without 
any  signs  of  fear.  When  we  and  these  Indians  had  halted  here,  the 
general  made  an  example  of  the  Indian  Turk,  whom  we  had  brought 
along,  keeping  him  all  the  time  out  of  sight  among  the  rear  guard,  and 


590  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.  ax.n-.  u 

liaviiig  arrived  where  tbe  place  was  prepared,  it  was  done  in  such  a 
way  that  the  other  Indian,  who  was  called  Isopete,  should  not  see  it, 
so  as  to  give  him  the  satisfaction  he  had  asked.  Some  satisfaction 
was  experienced  here  on  seeing  the  good  appearance  of  the  earth,  and 
it  is  certainly  such  among  the  cows,  and  from  there  on.  The  general 
wrote  a  letter  here  to  the  governor  of  Harahey  and  Quibira,  having 
understood  that  he  was  a  Christian  from  the  lost  army  of  Florida, 
because  what  the  Indian  had  said  of  their  manner  of  government 
and  their  general  character  had  made  us  believe  this.  So  the  Indians 
went  to  their  lio'uses,  which  were  at  the  distance  mentioned,  and  we 
also  proceeded  at  our  rate  of  marching  until  we  reached  the  settle- 
ments, which  we  found  along  good  river  bottoms,  although  without 
much  water,  and  good  streams  which  flow  into  another,  larger  than 
the  one  I  liave  mentioned.  There  were,  if  I  recall  correctly,  six  or 
seven  settlements,  at  quite  a  distance  from  one  another,  among  which 
we  traveled  for  four  or  live  days,  since  it  was  understood  to  be  unin- 
habited between  one  stream  and  the  other.  We  reached  what  they  said 
was  the  end  of  Quibira,  to  which  they  t(yk  us,  saying  that  the  things 
there  were  of  great  importance.'  Here  there  was  a  river,  with  more 
water  and  more  inhabitants  than  the  others.  Being  asked  if  there 
was  anything  beyond,  they  said  that  there  was  nothing  more  of  Quibira, 
but  that  there  was  Harahey,  and  that  it  was  the  same  sort  of  a  place, 
with  settlements  like  these,  and  of  about  the  same  size.  The  general 
sent  to  summon  the  lord  of  those  parts  and  the  other  Indians  who 
they  said  resided  in  Harahey,  and  he  came  with  about  200  men — all 
naked — with  bows,  and  some  sort  of  things  on  their  heads,  and  their 
privy  i)arts  slightly  covered.  He  was  a  big  Indian,  with  a  large  body 
and  limbs,  and  well  proportioned.  After  he  had  heard  the  opinion  of 
one  and  another  about  it,  the  general  asked  them  what  we  ought  to  do, 
reminding  us  of  how  the  army  had  been  left  and  that  the  rest  of  us 
were  tliere,  so  that  it  seemed  to  all  of  us  that  as  it  was  already  almost 
the  opening  of  winter,  for,  if  I  I'emember  rightly,  it  was  after  the  middle 
of  August,  and  because  there  was  little  to  winter  there  for,  and  we  were 
but  very  little  prepared  for  it,  and  the  uncertainty  as  to  the  success  of 
the  array  that  had  been  left,  and  because  the  winter  might  close  the 
roads  with  snow  and  rivers  which  we  could  not  cross,  and  also  in  order 
to  see  what  had  happened  to  the  rest  of  the  force  left  behind,  it  seemed 
to  us  all  that  his  grace  ought  to  go  back  in  search  of  them,  and  when  he 
had  found  out  for  certain  how  they  were,  to  winter  there  and  return  to 
that  country  at  the  opening  of  spring,  to  conquer  and  cultivate  it.  Since, 
as  I  said,  this  was  the  last  point  which  we  reached,  here  the  Turk  saw 
that  he  had  lied  to  us,  and  one  night  he  called  on  all  these  people  to 
attack  ns  and  kill  us.  We  learned  of  it,  and  pnt  him  under  guard  and 
strangled  him  that  night  so  that  he  never  waked  up.     With  the  plan 


1  In  Buckin<:liani  Smitli's  copy  occurs  the  phrase,  "  que  deeian  ellos  para  siguificamoslo  Teiicarea." 
This  is  not  in  Pacheoo  v  Cardenas. 


wixsHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    JARAMILLO    Qgncrnft  I  'U^^^ 

nieiitioued,  we  turned  back  it  may  have  been  two  or  three  days,  where 
we  provided  ourselves  with  picked  frnit  and  dried  corn  for  our  return. 
The  general  raised  a  cross  at  this  place,  ict  the  foot  of  which  he  made 
some  letters  with  a  chisel,  which  said  that  Francisco  Vazquez  de 
Coronado,  general  of  that  army,  had  arrived  here. 

This  country  presents  a  very  fine  appearance,  than  which  I  have 
not  seen  a  better  in  all  our  Spain  nor  Italy  nor  a  part  of  France,  nor, 
indeed,  in  the  other  countries  where  I  have  traveled  in  His  3IaJesty"s 
service,  for  it  is  not  a  very  rough  countrj ,  but  is  made  up  of  hillocks 
and  plains,  and  very  fine  appearing  rivers  and  streams,  which  cer- 
tainly satisfied  me  and  made  me  sure  that  it  will  be  very  fruitful  in 
all  sorts  of  products.  Indeed,  there  is  profit  in  the  cattle  ready  to  the 
hand,  from  the  quantity  of  them,  which  is  as  great  as  one  could  imag- 
ine. We  found  a  variety  of  Castilian  prunes  which  are  not  all  red, 
but  some  of  them  black  and  green ;  the  ti  ee  and  fruit  is  certainly  like 
that  of  Castile,  with  a  very  excellent  fiavor.  Amoug  the  cows  we 
found  flax,  which  springs  up  from  the  earth  iu  clumps  apart  from  one 
another,  which  are  noticeable,  as  the  cattle  do  not  eat  it,  with  their  tops 
and  blue  flow-ers,  and  very  jierfect  although  small,  resembling  that  of 
our  own  Spain  {or  and  sumach  like  ours  in  Spain).  There  are  grapes 
along  some  streams,  of  a  fair  flavor,  not  to  be  improved  upon.  The 
houses  which  these  Indians  have  were  of  straw,  and  most  of  them  round, 
and  the  straw  reached  down  to  the  ground  like  a  wall,  so  that  they  did 
not  have  the  symmetry  or  the  style  of  these  here ;  they  have  something 
like  a  chapel  or  sentry  box  outside  and  around  these,  with  an  entry, 
where  the  Indians  appear  seated  or  reclining.'  The  Iiulian  Isopete 
was  left  here  where  the  cross  was  erected,  and  we  took  five  or  six  of 
the  Indians  from  these  villages  to  lead  and  guide  us  to  the  flat-roof 
houses.^  Thus  they  brought  lis  back  by  the  same  road  as  far  as  where 
I  said  before  that  we  came  to  a  river  called  Saint  Peter  and  Paul's, 
and  here  we  left  that  by  which  we  had  come,  and,  taking  the  right 
hand,  they  led  us  along  bj''  watering  places  and  among  cows  and  by 
a  good  road,  although  there  are  none  either  one  way  or  the  other 
except  those  of  the  cows,  as  1  have  said.  At  last  we  came  to  where 
we  recognized  the  country,  where  I  said  we  found  the  first  settlement, 

'The  Spanisli  text  (p.  315)  of  this  description  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  plains  is:  " Eata  tierra  tiene 
niiiy  linda  la  apariencia,  tal  que  no  la  he  visto  yo  mejor  .  .  .  porquo  no  es  tierrji  muy  doblada  sine 
de  lo  mils  (do  lomaa)  y  llanos,  y  rios  de  muy  linda  aparienc-ia  y  aguas,  quo  cierto  ine  contento  y  tengo 
preauncion  que  serd  nuiy  fructlfera  y  de  todos  frutoa.  En  los  ganadoa  ya  estil  la  esperencia  (inspi- 
riencia)  en  la  niano  por  laninchedunihrequehay,  quoestauta  cnantoquieran  penaar:  .jallanios  t-irguelas 
de  Castilla,  nn  gC-nero  dellas  que  ni  son  del  todo  coloradas,  aino  entre  coloradas  y  algo  negras  y  ver- 
dea.  (,)  EI  Arbol  y  el  fruto  ea  cierto  de  Castilla,  de  niuy  gentil  aahor;  jallainos  entre  las  vacas,  lino,  que 
pntduce  la  tierra,  6  brecitaa  (hebrecitas)  arredradaa  unaa  do  otras,  que  comoel  ganado  no  las  corae  se 
qnedan  por  alii  con  sus  cabezuelas  y  lior  az\il,  y  aunqiie  pequefio  muy  perlecto,  natural  del  do  nuestra 
Eapana  (perfecto;  zumaque  natural  .  .  .  ).  En  algunoa  arroyoa,  uvas  de  razonable  sabor  jiara  no 
beneHciadas:  las  casas  (jue  estos  indioa  tenian,  eran  de  pasa  y  muchas  dellaa  redondas,  y  la  paxa 
Uegaba  hasta  el  suelo  oomo  pared  que  no  tenia  la  proporcion  y  manera  de  las  do  ac.l ;  por  de  f  uera  y 
encnua  deato,  tenian  una  manera  como  caplllao  garita,  con  una  entrada  donde  se  asomaljan  los  indios 
sentados  6  echadoa." 

^The  pueblos  of  the  Kio  Grande. 


592  THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [eth.ann.14 

where  the  Turk  led  us  astray  from  the  route  we  should  liave  followed. 
Thus,  leaving  theTest  aside,  we  reached  Tiguex,  where  we  found  the 
rest  of  the  army,  and  here  the  general  fell  while  running  his  horse, 
by  which  he  received  a  wound  on  his  head  which  gave  symptoms  of 
turning  out  badly,  and  he  conceived  the  idea  of  returning,  which  ten 
or  twelve  of  us  were  unable  to  prevent  by  dissuading  him  from  it. 
"When  this  return  had  been  ordered,  the  Franciscan  iriars  who  were 
with  us — one  of  them  a  regular  and  the  other  a  lay  brother — who 
were  called,  the  regular  one  Friar  Juan  de  Padilla  and  the  lay  one 
Friar  Luis  de  Escalona,  were  told  to  get  ready,  although  they  had  per- 
mission from  their  provincial  so  that  they  could  remain.  Friar  Luis 
wished  to  remain  iu  these  flat-roof  houses,  saying  that  he  would  raise 
crosses  for  those  villagers  with  a  chisel  and  adze  they  left  him,  and  would 
baptize  several  poor  creatures  who  could  be  led,  on  the  point  of  death, 
so  as  to  send  them  to  heaven,  for  which  he  did  not  desire  any  other  com. 
pauy  than  a  little  slave  of  miue  who  was  called  Christopher,  to  be  his 
consolation,  and  who  ho  said  would  learn  the  language  there  quickly 
so  as  to  help  him;  and  he  brought  up  so  many  things  in  favor  of  this 
that  he  could  not  be  denied,  and  so  nothing  more  has  been  heard  from 
him.  The  knowledge  that  this  friar  would  remain  there  was  the  reason 
that  many  Indians  from  hereabouts  stayed  there,  and  also  two  negroes, 
one  of  them  mine,  who  was  called  Sebastian,  and  the  other  one  of  Mel- 
chor  Perez,  the  son  of  the  licentiate  La  Torre.  This  negro  was  married 
and  had  his  wife  and  children.  I  also  recall  that  several  Indians 
remained  behind  in  the  Quivira  region,  besides  a  Tarascan  belonging  to 
my  company,  who  was  named  Andrew.  Friar  Juau  de  Padilla  preferred 
to  return  to  Quivira,  and  persuaded,  them  to  give  him  those  Indians 
whom  I  said  we  had  brought  as  guides.  They  gave  him  these,  and  he 
also  took  a  Portuguese  and  a  free  Spanish-speaking  Indian,  who  was 
the  interpreter,  and  who  passed  as  a  Franciscan  friar,  and  a  half-blood 
and  two  Indians  from  Capottan  {or  Capotean)  or  thereabouts,  I  believe. 
He  had  brought  these  up  and  took  them  in  the  habits  of  friars,  and  he 
took  some  sheep  and  mules  and  a  horse  and  ornaments  and  other 
trifles.  I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  for  the  sake  of  these  or  for  what 
reason,  but  it  seems  that  they  killed  him,  and  those  who  did  it  were  the 
lay  servants,  or  these  same  Indians  whom  he  took  back  from  Tiguex, 
in  return  for  the  good  deeds  which  he  had  done.  When  he  was  dead, 
the  Portuguese  whom  I  mentioned  fled,  and  also  one  of  the  Indians 
that  I  said  he  took  iu  the  habits  of  friars,  or  both  of  them,  I  believe. 
I  mention  this  because  they  came  back  to  this  country  of  New  Spain 
by  another  way  and  a  shorter  route  than  the  one  of  which  I  have  told, 
and  they  came  out  in  the  valley  of  Panico.'  I  have  given  Gonzalo 
Solis  de  Meras  and  Isidoro  de  Soils  an  account  of  this,  because  it  seemed 
to  me  important,  according  to  what  I  say  I  have  understood,  that 


1  Thi8  ia  the  Bpelliug  of  PoQuco  in  both  texts. 


Bureau  of  ethnology 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL.   LXXX 


A   NATIVE   OF  SAN  JUAN 


WKBHip]  NARRATIVE    OF    JARAMILLO  593 

His  Majesty  ordered  Your  Lordship  to  find  or  discover  a  way  so  as  to 
unite  tbat  laud  to  this.  It  is  perhaps  also  very  likely  that  this  ludian 
Sebastian,  during  the  time  he  was  in  Quivira,  learned  about  its  terri- 
tory and  the  country  round  about  it,  and  also  of  the  sea,  and  the  road 
by  which  he  came,  and  what  there  is  to  it,  and  how  many  days' journey 
before  arriving  there.  So  that  I  am  sure  that  if  Your  Lordship  acquires 
this  Quivira  ou  this  account,  I  am  certain  that  he  can  confidently  bring 
many  people  from  Spain  to  settle  it  according  to  the  appearance  and 
the  character  of  the  land. 
U  ETH 38 


TKANSLATIOX  OF  THE  REPORT  OF  HERNANDO  DE 

ALVARADO 

Account  of  what  Hernando  de  Alvauado  and  Friak  Juan  de 
Padilla  Discovered  going  in  Search  of  the  South  Sea.' 

We  set  out  from  Granada  on  Sunday,  the  day  of  the  beheading  of 
Saint  John  the  Baptist,  the  liOth  of  August,  in  the  year  1540,  on  the 
way  to  Coco.^  After  ^ye  had  gone  2  leagues,  we  came  to  an  ancient 
building  like  a  fortress,  and  a  league  beyond  this  we  found  another,  and 
yet  another  a  little  farther  on,  and  beyond  these  we  found  an  ancient 
city,  very  large,  entirely  destroyed,  although  a  large  part  of  the  wall 
was  standing,  which  Avas  six  times  as  tall  as  a  man,  the  wall  well  made 
of  good  worked  stone,  with  gates  and  gutters  like  a  city  in  Castile. 
Half  a  league  or  more  beyond  this,  we  found  another  ruined  city,  the 
walls  of  which  mu8t  have  been  very  fine,  built  of  very  large  granite 
blocks,  as  high  as  a  man  and  from  there  up  of  very  good  quar- 
ried stone.  Here  two  roads  separate,  one  to  Chia  and  the  other  to 
Coco;  we  took  this  latter,  and  i-eached  that  place,  which  is  one  of  the 
strongest  places  that  we  liave  seen,  because  the  city  is  on  a  very  high 
rock,  with  such  a  rough  ascent  that  we  repented  having  gone  up  to 
the  place.  The  houses  have  three  or  four  stories;  the  people  are  the 
same  sort  as  those  of  the  i)rovince  of  Cibola;  they  have  plenty  of 
food,  of  corn  and  beans  and  fowls  like  those  of  New  Spain.  From 
here  we  went  to  a  very  good  lake  or  marsh,  where  there  are  trees  like 
those  of  Castile,  and  from  there  we  went  to  a  river,  which  we  named 
Our  Lady  (Nuestra  Sefiora),  because  we  reached  it  the  evening  before 
her  day  in  the  month  of  September.^  We  sent  the  cross  by  a  guide  to 
the  villages  in  advance,  and  the  next  day  peojde  came  from  twelve  vil- 
lages, the  chief  men  and  the  people  in  order,  those  of  one  village  behind 
those  of  another,  and  they  approached  the  tent  to  the  sound  of  a  pipe, 
and  with  an  old  man  for  spokesman.  In  this  fashion  they  came  into 
the  tent  and  gave  me  the  food  and  clothes  and  skins  they  had  brought, 
and  I  gave  them  some  trinkets,  and  with  this  they  went  off. 

This  river  of  Our  Lady  flows  through  a  very  wide  open  plain  sowed 
with  corn  plants;  tliere  are  several  groves,  and  there  are  twelve  vil- 

'The  text  of  this  report  is  printed  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Florida,  p.  65,  from  the  Mnfioz  copy,  and 
in  Paclieco  y  Cardenas,  Documontos  de  Indias,  vol.  iii.  p.  511,  See  note  on  page  391.  A  translation 
of  this  document  was  printed  in  the  Boston  Transcript  for  October  14,  189li. 

^Acuco  or  Aconia.  The  route  taken  hy  Alvarado  -was  not  the  same  as  that  followed  by  Coronado, 
"who  went  by  way  of  ^latsaki.  Alvarado's  course  was  the  old  Acoma  trail  which  led  directly  east- 
ward from  Hawikuh  or  Ojo  Calieute. 

^Day  of  tlje  nativity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  September  8.  This  was  the  Tiguex  or  present  Kio 
Grande. 

594 


WIN8H1P)  REPORT    OF    ALVARADO  695 

lages.  The  houses  are  of  earth,  two  stories  high;  the  people  have  a 
good  appearance,  more  like  laborers  than  a  warlike  race;  they  have  a 
large  food  supply  of  coru,  beans,  melons,  and  fowl  in  great  plenty ;  they 
clothe  themselves  with  cotton  and  the  skins  of  cows  and  dresses  of  the 
feathers  of  the  fowls;  they  wear  their  hair  short.  Those  who  have  the 
most  authority  among  them  are  the  old  men;  we  regarded  them  as 
witches,  because  they  say  that  they  go  up  into  the  sky  and  other  things 
of  the  same  sort.  In  this  province  there  are  seven  other  villages, 
depopulated  and  destroyed  by  those  Indians  who  paint  their  eyes,  of 
whom  the  guides  will  tell  Your  Grace;  they  say  that  these  live  in  the 
same  region  as  the  cows,  and  that  they  have  corn  and  houses  of  straw. 

Here  the  people  from  the  outlying  provinces  came  to  make  peace 
with  me,  and  as  Your  Grace  may  see  in  this  memorandum,  there  are 
80  villages  there  of  the  same  sort  as  I  have  described,  and  among  them 
one  which  is  located  on  some  streams;  it  is  divided  into  twenty  divi- 
sions, which  is  something  remarkable;  the  houses  have  three  stories 
of  mud  walls  and  three  others  made  of  small  wooden  boards,  and  on 
the  outside  of  the  three  stories  with  the  mud  wall  they  have  three  bal- 
conies; it  seemed  to  us  that  there  were  nearly  15,000  persons  in  this 
village.  The  country  is  very  cold;  they  do  not  raise  fowls  nor  cotton; 
they  worship  the  sun  .and  water.  We  found  mounds  of  dirt  outside  of 
the  place,  where  they  are  buried. 

In  the  places  where  crosses  were  raised,  we  saw  them  worship  these. 
They  made  otferings  to  these  of  their  powder  and  feathers,  and  some 
left  the  blankets  they  had  on.  They  showed  so  much  zeal  that  some 
climbed  up  on  the  others  to  grasp  the  arms  of  the  cross,  to  place 
feathers  and  flowers  there;  and  others  bringing  ladders,  while  some 
held  them,  went  up  to  tie  strings,  so  as  to  fasten  the  flowers  and  the 
feathers. 


TESTIMONY    CONCEENING    THOSE    WHO  WENT    ON    THE 
EXPEDITION  WITH  FRANCISCO  VAZQUEZ  CORONADO' 

At  Compostela,  on  February  21, 1540,  Coronado  presented  a  petition 
to  the  viceroy  Mendoza,  declaring  that  he  had  observed  that  certain 
persons  who  were  not  well  disposed  toward  the  expedition  which  was 
about  to  start  for  the  newly  discovered  country  had  said  that  many  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Mexico  and  of  the  other  cities  and  towns 
of  New  Spain,  and  also  of  Compostela  and  other  places  in  this  province  of 
New  Galicia  were  going  on  the  expedition  at  his  request  or  because 
of  inducements  ottered  by  him,  as  a  result  of  which  the  City  of  Mexico 
and  New  Spain  were  left  deserted,  or  almost  so.  Therefore,  he  asked 
the  viceroy  to  order  that  information  be  obtained,  in  order  that  the 
truth  might  be  known  about  the  citizens  of  New  Spain  and  of  this 
province  who  were  going  to  accompany  him.  He  declared  that  there 
were  very  few  of  these,  and  that  they  were  not  going  on  account  of 
any  attraction  or  inducement  offered  by  him,  but  of  their  own  free  will, 
and  as  there  were  few  of  them,  there  would  not  be  any  lack  of  people 
in  New  Spain.  And  as  Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  the  factor  or  royal  agent, 
and  Pero  Almidez  Cherino,  the  veedor  or  royal  inspector  of  His  Majesty 
for  New  Spain,  and  other  citizens  of  Mexico  who  knew  all  the  facts  and 
had  the  necessary  information,  were  present  there,  Coronado  asked  His 
Grace  to  provide  and  order  that  which  would  best  serve  His  Majesty's 
interests  and  the  welfare  and  security  of  New  Spain. 

The  viceroy  instructed  the  licenciate  Maldonado,  oidor  of  the  royal 
audiencia,^  to  procure  this  information.  To  facilitate  the  hearing  he 
provided  that  the  said  factor  and  veedor  and  the  regidores,  and  others 
who  were  there,  should  attend  the  review  of  the  army,  which  was  to  be 
held  on  the  following  day.  Nine  of  the  desired  witnesses  were  also 
commanded  by  Maldonado  to  attend  the  review  and  observe  those 
whom  they  knew  in  the  army. 

On  February  2G^  the  licentiate  Maldonado  took  the  oaths  of  the  wit- 
nesses in  proper  form,  and  they  testified  to  the  following  efi'ect: 

Hernand  Perez  de  Bocanegra,  a  citizen  of  Mexico,  stated  that  he  had 
been  present  on  the  preceding  Sunday,  at  the  review  of  the  force  which 
the  viceroy  was  sending  for  the  pacification  of  the  country  recently 
discovered  by  the  father  provincial,  Fray  Marcos  de  Niza,  and  that  he 

'Translated  freely  and  abridged  from  the  deposittona  as  printed  in  Pacheco  y  Cardenas,  Docu- 
mentos  de  Indiaa,  vol.  xiv,  p.  373.  See  note  on  page  377.  Tlie  stati'inents  of  the  preceding  witnesaea 
are  usually  relocated,  in  effect,  in  the  testimony  of  those  who  follow. 

*Judge  of  the  highest  court  of  the  province. 

^Thursday. 
596 


BUREAU  OF  ETHNOLOGV 


FOURTEENTH  ANNUAL  REPORT      PL.    LXXXI 


A   NATIVE  OF   PECOS 


WIN8HIP]  TESTIMONY   CONCERNING   THE   EXPEDITION  597 

had  taken  note  of  the  force  as  the  men  passed  before  him  ;  and  at  his 
request  he  had  also  been  allowed  to  see  the  list  of  names  of  those  who 
were  enrolled  in  the  army;  and  he  declared  that  in  all  the  said  force  he 
did  not  recognize  any  other  citizens  of  Mexico  who  were  going  except 
Domingo  Martin,  a  married  man,  whom  he  had  sometimes  seen  living 
in  Mexico,  and  provided  him  witli  messengers;  and  one  Alonso  Sanchez, 
who  was  going  with  his  wife  and  a  son,  and  who  was  formerly  a  shoe- 
maker; and  a  young  man,  son  of  the  bachiller  Alonso  Perez,  who  had 
come  only  a  few  days  before  from  Salamanca,  and  who  had  been  sent  to 
the  war  by  his  father  on  account  of  his  restlessness;  and  two  or  three 
other  workmen  or  tradespeople  whom  he  had  seen  at  work  in  ^Mexico, 
although  he  did  not  know  whether  they  were  citizens  there;  and  on  his 
oath  he  did  not  see  in  the  whole  army  anyone  else  who  was  a  citizen  of 
Mexico,  although  for  about  fourteen  years  he  had  been  a  citizen  and 
inhabitant  of  that  city,  unless  it  was  the  captain-general,  Francisco 
Vazquez  de  Coronado,  and  Lopez  de  Samaniego  the  army-master;  and, 
moreover,  he  declared  that  he  felt  certain  that  those  above  mentioned 
were  going  of  their  own  free  will,  like  all  the  rest. 

Antonio  Serrano  de  Cardona,  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Mexico,  who 
was  present  from  beginning  to  end  of  the  review  of  the  preceding 
Sunday,  testified  in  similar  form.  He  said  that  Alonso  Sanchez  had 
formerly  been  a  citizen  of  Mexico,  but  that  for  a  long  time  his  house 
had  been  empty  and  he  had  traveled  as  a  trader,  and  that  he  was  going 
in  search  of  something  to  live  «n;  and  one  Domingo  Martin  was  also 
going,  who  formerly  lived  in  Mexico,  and  whose  residence  he  had  not 
known  likewise  for  a  long  time,  nor  did  he  think  that  he  had  one, 
because  he  had  not  seen  him  living  in  Mexico.  He  did  not  think  it 
would  have  been  possible  for  any  citizens  of  Mexico  to  have  been  there 
whom  he  did  not  know,  because  he  had  lived  in  Mexico  during  the 
twenty  years  since  he  came  to  Mexico,  and  ever  since  the  city  was 
established  by  Christians,  and  besides,  he  had  been  a  magistrate  for 
fifteen  j-ears.  And  besides,  all  those  whom  he  did  see  who  were  going, 
were  the  most  contented  of  any  men  he  had  ever  seen  in  this  country 
starting  off  for  conquests.  After  the  force  left  the  City  of  Mexico,  he 
had  been  there,  and  had  noticed  that  it  was  full  of  i>eople  and  that 
there  did  not  seem  to  be  any  scarcity  on  account  of  those  who  had 
started  on  this  expedition. 

Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  His  Majesty's  factor  for  Kew  Spain,  and  also  a 
magistrate  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  declared  that  the  only  person  on  the 
expedition  who  possessed  a  repartimiento  or  estate  in  Xew  Spain  was 
the  captain-general,  Vazquez  de  Coronado,  and  that  he  had  noticed 
one  other  citizen  who  did  not  have  a  repartimiento.  He  had  not  seen 
any  other  citizen  of  Mexico,  nor  of  New  Spain,  although  one  of  the 
greatest  benefits  that  could  have  been  done  New  Spain  would  have 
l)een  to  draw  off  the  young  and  vicious  people  who  were  in  that  city 
and  all  over  New  Spain. 


598  THE    CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542  [etii.ank.U 

Pedro  Almidez  Cherino,  His  Majesty's  veedor  in  New  Spain,  had, 
among  other  things,  noted  the  horses  and  arms  of  those  who  were 
going,  during  the  review.  He  had  noticed  Coronado  and  Sanianiego, 
and  Alonso  Saiichez  and  his  wife,  whom  he  did  not  liuow  to  be  a 
citizen,  and  Domingo  Martin,  who  was  away  from  Mexico  during  most 
of  the  year.  All  the  rest  of  the  force  were  people  without  settled 
residences,  who  had  recently  come  to  the  country  in  search  of  a  living. 
It  seemed  to  him  that  it  was  a  very  fortunate  thing  for  Mexico  that  the 
people  who  were  going  were  about  to  do  so  because  they  had  been 
injuring  the  citizens  there.  They  had  been  for  the  most  part  vicious 
young  gentlemen,  who  did  not  have  anything  to  do  in  the  city  nor  in 
the  country.  They  were  all  going  of  their  own  free  will,  and  were  very 
ready  to  help  pacify  the  new  country,  and  it  seemed  to  him  that  if  the 
said  country  had  not  been  discovered,  almost  all  of  these  people  would 
have  gone  back  to  Castile,  or  would  have  gone  to  Peru  or  other  places 
in  search  of  a  living. 

Servan  Bejarano,  who  had  been  in  business  among  the  inhabitants 
of  Mexico  ever  since  he  came  to  that  city,  added  the  information  that 
he  knew  Alonso  Sanchez  to  be  a  j^rovisiou  dealer,  buying  at  wholesale 
and  selling  at  retail,  and  that  he  was  in  very  great  need,  having  noth- 
ing on  which  to  live,  and  that  he  was  going  to  that  country  in  search  of 
a  living.  He  was  also  very  sure  that  it  was  a  great  advantage  to  Mex- 
ico and  to  its  citizens  to  have  many  of  the  unmarried  men  go  away, 
because  they  had  uo  occupation  there  and  were  bad  characters,  and 
were  for  the  most  part  gentlemen  and  persons  who  did  not  hold  any 
property,  nor  any  repartimientos  of  Indians,  without  anj'  income,  and 
lazy,  and  who  would  have  been  obliged  to  go  to  Peru  or  some  other 
region. 

Cristobal  de  Onate  had  been  in  the  country  about  sixteen  years,  a 
trifle  more  or  less,  and  was  now  His  Majesty's  veedor  for  New  Galicia. 
He  knew  the  citizens  of  Mexico,  and  also  declared  that  not  a  citizen  of 
Comi>ostela  was  going  on  the  expedition.  Two  citizens  of  Guadalajara 
were  going,  one  of  whom  was  married  to  an  Indian,  and  the  other  was 
single.  As  for  the  many  young  gentlemen  and  the  others  who  were 
going,  who  lived  in  Mexico  and  in  other  parts  of  New  Spain,  it  seemed 
to  him  that  their  dejiarture  was  a  benetit  rather  than  a  disadvantage, 
because  they  were  leading  vicious  lives  and  had  nothing  with  which  to 
support  themselves. 

When  these  statements  and  depositions  had  all  been  duly  received, 
signed,  and  attested,  and  had  been  shown  to  his  most  illustrious  lord- 
ship, the  viceroy,  he  ordered  an  authorized  copy  to  be  taken,  which 
was  made  by  Joan  de  Leon,  clerk  of  Their  Majesties'  court  and  of  the 
royal  audiencia  of  New  Spain,  the  27th  of  February,  1540,  witnessed 
by  the  secretary,  Antonio  de  Almaguer,  and  sent  to  His  Majesty,  to  be 
laid  before  the  lords  of  the  council,  that  they  might  provide  and  order 
that  which  should  be  most  serviceable  to  their  interests. 


A  LIST  OK  WORKS 

USEFUL  TO  THE  STUDENT  OF  THE  CORONADO  EXPEDITION 

The  following  list  contains  the  titles  of  the  books  and  documents  which  have  been 
found  useful  during  the  preparation  of  the  preceding  memoir  on  the  Coronado 
expedition  of  1540-1542.  The  works  cited  have  helped,  in  one  way  or  another, 
toward  the  formation  of  the  opinions  expressed  in  the  Historical  Introduction,  and 
in  them  may  be  found  the  authority  for  the  statements  made  in  the  introduction 
and  in  the  notes  to  the  translations  of  the  Spanish  narratives.  It  is  hoped  that  no 
source  of  information  of  prime  importance  has  been  overlooked.  The  comments  on 
the  various  books,  essays,  and  documents  are  such  as  suggested  themselves  in  the 
course  of  the  examination  of  the  works  in  question. 

References  are  given  to  the  location  of  the  more  important  documents,  so  far  as 
these  are  available  in  the  various  collections  of  ])rinted  documents.  The  value  of 
these  sources  has  been  discussed  in  the  preceding  pages,  and  these  opinions  are  not 
repeated  in  this  list.  The  titles  of  the  printed  books  are  quoted  from  the  editions 
which  came  nearest  to  the  authors'  manuscripts,  so  far  as  these  editions  could  be  con- 
sulted. Reference  is  made  also  to  the  most  available  later  editions,  and  to  the  English 
and  French  translations  of  Spanish,  Italiau,  and  Latin  works.  With  hardly  an  excep- 
tion, the  titles  are  quoted  from  the  volumes  themselves,  as  they  were  found  in  the 
Harvard  College  Library  or  in  the  John  Carter  Brown  Library  of  Providence.  The 
Lenox  Library  of  New  York  sujiplied  such  volumes  as  were  not  to  ho  found  in  Cam- 
bridge, Hoston,  or  Providence. 

Dr  Justin  Winsor  and  Mr  F.  W.  Hoilge  have  rendered  very  material  assistance 
in  giving  this  list  such  completeness  as  it  possesses.  To  Mr  Hodge  especially  are 
due  many  of  the  titles  which  relate  to  the  ethnological  and  Jircheological  aspects  of 
the  subject. 


Abelin,  Johann    Phillip;  pseud.    Johann 
Ludwig  Gottfried t. 
Newe  Welt  vnd  Americanische  Histo- 
rien. — Franckfurt,  M.  DC.  LV. 

Page56().  Beschroibungdergrosaen  Land- 
Sfhnlit  Cibola. 

Alarcon,  Hernando. 
De  lo  que  hizo  por  la  mar  Hernando  de 
Alarcon,  que  con  dos  naiiios  andaua 
por  la  costa  por  orden  del  Visorrey 
don  Antonio  de  Mendo^a. 

Herrera,  Due.  VI,  lib.  ix,  cap.  xlii. 

—  Relatione  della  Navigatione  &  sco- 
perta  che  fece  il  Capitano  Fernando 
Alarcone  per  ordine  dello  Illustris- 
simo  Signor  Don  Antonio  di  Meu- 
dozza  Vice  Re  della  nuona  Spagna. 

UaiauitiQ,  III,  fol.  363-370.  tMlition  of  1556; 
ni,  fol.  303  verso,  edition  of  1608. 

—  The  relation  of  the  nauigation  and 
discouery  which  Captaine  Fernando 
Alarchon  made  by  the  order  of  the 
right  honourable  Lord  Don  Antonio 
de  Mendofa  vizerov  of  New  Spaine. 

Uakluyt,  III,  425-439,  edition  of  1600.    This 
translation  is  made  from  Kamuaio's  text. 

—  Relation  de  la  navigation  et  de  la 
dccouverte  faite  par  le  capitaiue  Fer- 
nando Alarcon.  Parl'ordrede  .  .  . 
don  Antonio  de  Mendoza. 

Temaux.    IX    (Cibola    volume),    299-348. 
From  Kamnsio'a  text. 


Alarcon,  Hernando — Continued. 

—  Relacion  del  armada  del  Marques  del 
Valle,  capitaneada  dc  Francisco  de 
Ulloa  .  .  .  y  de  la  que  el  virey  de 
NuevaEspana  euvio  con  un  Alarcon. 

Doc.  de  EspaHa,  iv,  218-219.  A  very 
brief,  probably  fonteniporary,  mention  of 
the  discovery  of  Colorado  river. 

Alvarado,  Hernando  de. 
Relacion  do  lo  que  Hernando  de  Alva- 
rado y  Fray  Joan  de  liadilla  descu- 
brieron   en  demanda  de  la  mar  del 
Sur. — Agosto  de  1540. 

Doc.  de  Indian,  III,  511-513.  B.  Smitli'a 
Florida,  65-60.  Translated  in  the  Boston 
Transcript,  14  Oct.,  1893,  and  on  page  594 
ante 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de. 
Asieuto  y  caiiitulaoiones,  entre  el  virey 
de  Nueva  Espana,  D.  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza, y  el  a<lelantado,  D.  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  para  la  prosecuciou  del  des- 
cubrimiento  de  tierra  nueva,  hecho 
por  Fr.  Marcos  de  Niza. — Pueblo  de 
Tiripitio  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  29  No- 
viembre,  1540. 

Doc.  de  luiKas,  III,  351-362.  Also  in  the 
same  collection,  xvi,  342-355.  See  page  353 
ante. 

—  Prooeso  de  residencia  contra  Pedro 
de  Alvarado,  .  .  .  sacadas  do  los 
antiguos  codices  mexicanos,  y  notas  y 
noticiaa   .    .    .   por  D.  Jose  Fernando 

599 


600 


THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETH.  ANN.  14 


Alvarado,  Pedro  de — Continued. 

Ramirez.  Lo  publica  paleografiado 
del  MS.  original  el  Lie.  Ignacfo  L. 
Rayon. — Mexico,  1847. 

A  collection  of  documents  of  considerable 
interest;  "with  facsimile  illustrations  and 
portrait. 

—  See  Carta  del  Obispo  de  Guatemala. 

Ardoino,  Antonio. 

Examen  apologetico  de  la  liistorica 
narraciou  de  los  naufragios,  peregri- 
naciones,  i  niilagros  do  Alvar  Nunez 
Cabeza  de  IJaca,  en  las  tierras  de  la 
Florida,  i  del  Nuevo  Mexico. — Mad- 
rid, 1736. 

Barcia,  Hi»ioriadore»  Primitivos.  I  (vi), 
pp.  50.  .See  note  under  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
Jielacioii . 

Ayllon,  Lucas  Vazquez  de. 
Testimonio  de  la  capitulacion  que  hizo 
con  el  Key,  el  Licenciado  Lucas  Vaz- 
quez de  Ayllon,  para  descubrir  la 
tierra  quo  estii  it  la  parte  del  Norte 
Sur,  de  la  Isla  Espanola,  35  &  37  gra- 
des.—Valladolid,  12  .lunio,  1523.— 
Pre8eut(5  en  Madrid,  31  Marzo,  1541. 
Doc.  de  Indias,  xrv,  503-515. 

Bancroft,  George. 

History  of  the  United  States.    Author's 
latest  revision. — New  York,  1883. 
For  Coronado  sec  Vol.  I,  32-37.     Written 
from  the  documents  translated  in  Temaux, 
Cibola. 

Bancroft,  Hubert  Howe. 
History  of  the  Pacific  states  of  North 
America. — San  Francisco,  1882-1890. 
34  volumes.  Vol.  y,  Mexico,  ll,  1521-1600. 
Vol.  X,  North  llexicau  States,  1531-1800. 
Vol.  xn,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  1530- 
1888;  paces  1-73  are  devoted  to  Cabeza  de 
A'aca  and  Coronado.  Tlie  range  of  Mr  H. 
II.  Bancroft's  extensive  literary  labors  has 
seriously  interfered  with  the  accuracy  in 
fitatement  and  the  soundness  of  judgment 
which  are  so  essential  to  satisfactory  his- 
torical writing.  His  volumes,  however,  con- 
tain an  immense  number  of  references,  often 
mentioning  dtx'umentary  sources  and  manu- 
script materials  wliich  a're  as  yet  practically 
beyond  the  reach  of  other  students. 

Bandelier,  Adolph  Francis  (Alphonse). 
Historical     introduction     to     studies 
among  the  sedentary  Indians  of  New 
Mexico.— Santa  Fd,  N.  M.,  Sept.  19, 
1880. 

Papert  of  the  Archfeologieal  Institute  of 
America,  American  series,  1,  Boston,  1881. 
2d  edition,  1883,  i]p.  1-33.  Relates  e.specially 
to  the  Coronado  expedition.  Cited  in  the 
preceding  pages  as  Bandolier's  Introduc. 
tion. 

—  A  visit  to  the  aboriginal  ruins  in  the 
valley  of  the  Kio  Pecos. 

Papers  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of 
Ainetica,  American  series,  1. 1881,  pp.  37-133. 
In  the  same  volume  as  the  preceding  entry. 

—  Ein  Brief  iiber  Akoma. 

Das  Ausland,  1884,  No.  xui,  pp.  241-243. 

—  Report  of  an  archajological  tour  in 
Mexico  in  1881. 

Papers  of  the  Archceolofjical  Institute  of 
America,  American  series,  n,  Boston,  1884. 

—  Report  by  A.  F.  Handelier  on  his  in- 
vestigations in  New  Mexico  in  the 


Bandelier,  Adolph  Francis  (Alphonse) — 
Continued, 
spring  and  summer  of  1882.— High- 
land, 111.,  Aug.  15,  1882. 

liuUetin  of  the  Archwotogical  Institute  of 
America,  I,  Boston.  Jan.,  1883,  ])p.  13-33. 

—  The  historical  archives  of  the  Hem- 
enway  southwestern  archieological 
expedition. 

Congr^t  International  des  Ainericanistes, 
1888,  pp.  450-459.— Berlin,  1890. 

—  Contributions  to  the  history  of  the 
southwestern  portion  of  the  United 
States. 

Papers  of  the  Archieological  Institute  of 
America,  Am.  series,  v,  and  The  Hemen- 
way  Southwestern  Archmological  Expedi- 
tion, Cambridge.  1890.  Cited  in  tlie  preced- 
ing pages  as  Bandolier's  Contributions.  An 
invaluable  work,  the  result  of  careful  docu- 
mentary study  and  of  much  experience  in 
field  work  iu  the  southwest.  It  will  always 
serve  as  the  foundation  of  all  satisfactory 
study  (tf  the  history  of  the  Spaniards  in 
that  portion  of  the  L'nited  States. 

—  Quivira. 

Nation,  N.  T.,  31  Oct.  and  7  Nov.,  1889. 
(Nos.  1270,  1271.)  Letters  dated  Santa  Fe, 
October  15,  1889. 

—  The  ruins  of  Casas  Grandes. 

Kation,  N.  T.,  28  Aug.  and  4  Sept.,  1890 
(Nos.  1313, 1314).  Letters  dated  Santa  F6, 
Aug.  1,  11,  1890. 

—  The  Delight  Makers.^New  York, 
1890. 

A  story,  in  Avhich  Mr  Bandelier  has  por- 
traved,  with  considerable  success,  the  ways 
of  life  and  of  thinking  among  the  Indians 
of  the  New  Mexican  pueblos,  before  the  ad- 
vent of  Europeans. 

—  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  the  first  Cath- 
olic missionary  and  martyr  in  east- 
ern Kansas.     1542. 

American  Catholic  Quarterly  Eeview^ 
Philadelphia,  July,  1890,  xv,  551-565. 

—  An  outline  of  the  documentary  his- 
tory of  the  Zuni  tribe. 

journal  American  J^thnology  and  Archceol- 
0(7j/,  ni,  Boston,  18913,  pp.  1-115.  Thisworkre- 
mained  iu  manuscript  for  some  years  before 
it  was  printed.  It  contains  many  extracts 
from  the  contemporary  narratives,  iu  trans- 
lation :  tliat  of  Castaueda  being  taken  from 
Temaux'a  version.    See  note  on  page  389. 

—  Final'report  of  investigations  among 
the  Indiana  of  the  southwestern 
United  States,  carried  on  mainly  in 
the  years  from  1880  to  1885. 

Papers  of  the  Archceological  Institute  of 
America.  Cambridge;  Part  I,  1890;  Part 
II.  1892. 

The  most  valuable  of  all  of  Bandolier's 
memoirs  on  southwesteru  history  and  eth- 
nology. It  bears  the  same  relatiou  to  the 
work  of  the  American  ethnologist  as  his 
Contributions  du  to  that  of  the  historical 
student. 

—  The  * '  Montezuma  "  of  the  pueblo  In- 
dians. 

American  Anthropologist,  Washington, 
Oct.,  1892,  V,  319. 

—  The  Gilded  Man.— New  York,  1893, 

This  work  contjiins  much  valuable  mate- 
rial concerning  the  early  history  of  the 
southwest,  but  should  be  used  witli  rare,  as 
it  was  edited  and  published  during  the 
author's  absence  iu  Peru. 


WINSHIP] 


LIST    OF    WORKS 


601 


Bandelier,  Adolph  Francis  (Alphonse) — 
Continued. 

—  La  d<;converte  Au  Nouveau-Mexiqne 
par  le  moine  franciscain  frfere  Marcos 
de  Nice  en  1539. 

lievued'Ethnographie,v  (1886),  31,  117,193 
{50  pages) . 

—  The  discovery  of  New  Mexico  by 
Fray  Marcos  of  Nizza. 

Magazine  of  \Vestprii  History,  IV,  Cleve- 
land, Sept.,  1886,  pp.  659-670.  Tlie  same  ma- 
terial was  uswl  lu  the  articles  in  the  lievue 
d  Ethnographic. 

—  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  the 
first  overland  traveler  of  European 
descent,  and  his  journey  from  Florida 
to  the  Pacific  coast— 1528-1536. 

Magazine  of  Western  History,  IV,  Cleve- 
land, July,  1886,  pp.  327-336. 

Barcia,  Andres  Gonzales. 
Historiadores  primitivos  de  las  Indias 
Occidentales,  que  juntrt,  traduxo  en 
parte,  y  Bac6  &  luz,  ilustrados  con 
eruditas  notas,  y  copiosos  indices,  el 
ilustrissimo  Senor  D.  Andres  Gonzalez 
Barcia,  del  Consejo,  y  Camara  de  S.  M. 
Divididosen  trestomos. — Madrid,auo 
MDCCXLIX. 

These  three  folio  volumes  are  made  Tip  of 
very  satisfactory  reprints  of  a  number  of 
the  narratives  of  the  early  Spanish  con- 
mierors  of  America.  The  Naufragios  and 
Comentarios  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  are  in  the 
first  volume. 

—  Ensayo  cronologico,  para  la  historia 
gt^neral  de  la  F]ori<la  .  .  .  desde 
1512  hasta  1722,  escrito  por  Don  (ia- 
briel  de  Cardenas  z  Cano. — Madrid, 
CIOIOCCXXIII. 

Tlio  name  on  the  title  page  is  an  anagram 
for  that  of  Sr  Gonzalez  Barcia.  Florida,  in 
this  work,  comprises  all  of  America  nortli  of 
Mexico.  The  Ensayo  was  jtublished  with 
the  Florida  del  Tnca  of  1723. 

Baxter,  Sylvester. 
The  father  of  the  pueblos. 

Harper's  Magazine,  LXV,  June,  1882,  pp. 
72-91. 

—  An  aboriginal  pilgrimage. 

Century  Magazine,  ii  (xxiv),  August,  1882, 
pn.  526-536. 

— The  old  new  world.  An  account  of 
the  explorations  of  the  Hemenway 
southwestern  archieological  expedi- 
tion.—Salem,  Mass.,  1888. 

Keprinted  from  the  Booton  Herald,  April 
15,  1888. 

Begert,  or  Baegert,  Jacob. 
Nachrichten  von  der  Amerikanischen 
Halbinscl  Californien:  mit  einem 
zweyfachen  Anhang  falscher  Nacli- 
ri<diten.  Geschrieben  von  eiuera 
Priester  der  Gesellsehaft  Jesu,  wel- 
cher  laug  darinn  diese  l(>tztere  Jahr 
gelebet  hat.  Mit  Erlaubnuss  der 
Oberen. — Mannheim,  1773. 

Translat^'d  and  arranged  for  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  by  Charles  Ran,  of  New 
York  City,  in  tlio  Smithsanian  Heporls.  1863, 
pp.  352-369 ;  1861,  pp.  378-399.  Keprinted  by 
Kau  in  i*ai;er«  on  Atithropotogieal  Subjects^ 
pp.  1-40. 


Benavides,  Alonso  de. 
Memorial  qve  Fray  Ivan  de  Santander 
de  la  Orden  de  san  Francisco,  prcsenta 
S,  Felipe  Qvarto,  hecho  por  el  Padre 
Fray  Alonso  de  Benanides,  Custodio 
qve  ha  sido  de  las  piouincias,  y  con- 
uersiones  del  Nueuo-Mexico,  —  Mad- 
rid, M.  DC.  XXX. 

Translations  of  this  valuable  work  were 

£abli8hed  in  French  at  liruielles,  1631,  In 
atin  at  Salzburg,  1634,  and  in  German  at 
Salzburg,  iirobably  also  in  1634. 

Benzoni,  Girolamo. 
La  historia  del  Mondo  Nvovo. — (Colo- 
Iihon)  Venetia,  MDLXV. 

Besides  early  Latin,  Butcli,  and  German 
translations  of  Benzoni,  there  is  an  old 
Frenchedition  (Geneva,  1579).  An  English 
translation  was  published  by  the  Hakluyt 
Society  in  1857. 

Blackmar,  Frank  Wilson. 
Spanish  institutions  of  the  southwest. — 
Baltimore,  1891. 

Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies  in  His- 
torical and  I'olitical  Science,  extra  volume.  X. 

—  Spanish  colonization  in  the  south- 
west. 

Johns  Hopkins  Vniversity  Studies,  vm, 
April,  1890,  pp.  121-193. 

—  The  conquest  of  New  Spain. 

Agora,  Lawrence.  Kans.,  beginning  Jan., 
1896.  This  series  of  jiapers  is  not  yet  com- 
pleted. 

Botero,  Giovanni. 
La  prima  parte  dellerelationivniversali 
di  Giovanni  Botero  Benese. — Berga- 
mo, MDXCIIII. 

For  Ceuola  and  Quiuira,  libro  quarto  (p. 
277) .  The  text  was  considerably  altered  and 
amplified  in  the  successive  early  editions. 
In  the  1003  Spanish  edition,  fol.  141. 

Bourke,  John  Gregory. 
Snake  dance  of  the  Moquis  of  Arizona. — 
New  York  and  London,  1884. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Alvar  Nuilez. 
La  relaciou  que  dio  Aluar  nunez  cabefa 
de  vaca  de  lo  acaescido  .  .  eu  la 
armada  donde  yua  por  gouernador 
Paphilo  do  narbaez. — (Colophon) 
Zamora,  6  Octubre,  1.542. 

This  was  reprinted,  with  the  addition  of 
the  Comentarios  .  .  .  del  Rio  dela  I'lata, 
at  Valladolid  in  1555.  It  was  translated  by 
Ramusio,  ill,  fol.  310-330  (ed.  1556).  and  was 
paraphrased  into  English,  from  Ilaniusio, 
by  Purchaa,  nigrimes,  I'art  iv,  lib.  "Mil, 
chap.  I,  pp.  1499-1528.  There  is  a  useful 
note  regarding  tiie  first  edition  of  the 
Naufragios  and  its  author,  in  Harrisso, 
Bihliotheca  Americana  Vetustissinia,  p.  382. 
The  Xaitfragtos  and  Comentarios  were  re- 
printed at  Madrid  in  1736,  preceded  by  the 
Examen  Apologetico  of  Ardoino  (see  entry 
under  liis  name),  and  it  is  this  edition  which 
was  included  in  Barcia's  collection  of  1749, 
the  1736  title  pages  being  preserved. 

—  Relacion  drl  viaje  de  Piinfilo  de 
Narvai'z  al  Rio  de  las  Palmas  hasta 
la  ptinta  de  la  Florida,  heclia  por  el 
tesorero  Cabeza  de  V'aca. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  XIV,  265-279.  Instruccion 
para  el  factor,  por  el  Key,  pp.  205-269.  Ap- 
parently an  early  copy  of  a  fragment  of  the 
Naufragios. 


602 


THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETIl,  ANX.  H 


Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Alvar  NuHez — Cont'd. 

—  Relation  et  uaufrages  d'Alvar  Nufiez 
Cabeza  de  Vaca — Paris,  1837. 

This  French  translation  of  t  he  Natl/ragtot 
forms  volume  vil  of  Temanx's  Voyages,  Tlie 
Commentaireg  are  contained  in  volume  vi. 
The  translation  is  from  the  1555  edition. 

—  Relation  of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabe? a  de 
Vaca,  translated  from  the  Spanish  by 
BuckiuehamSmith. — New  York, 1871. 

This  Knglish  translation  was  printed  at 
■Washington  in  1851,  and  was  reprinted  at 
New  York,  with  considerable  additions  and 
a  short  sketch  -of  the  translator,  shortly 
after  Mr  Smith's  death.  (Chapters  XXX- 
xxx\T  were  reprinted  in  an  Old  Houth  Lea/- 
let,  general  series.  No.  39,  Boston. 

—  Relation  of  what  befel  the  persons 
who  escaped  from  the  disasters  that 
attended  the  anuanieut  of  Captain 
Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  on  the  shores 
and  in  the  countrips  of  the  North. 

Hiitoriral Mag.  (Sept.-Dec,  1867),  xii,  141, 
204,  267,  347.  Translated  and  condensed 
from  an  account  printed  in  Oviedo's  Ilia- 
toria  General,  Lib.  XXXV.  cap.  i-vi,  which 
was  sent  to  tlie  Keal  Audiencia  of  Sancto 
Domingo  by  the  four  survivors  of  the  expe- 
dition.   See  Introduction,  p.  349  ante. 

—  Capitulacion  qne  se  torao  con  Alvar 
Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca. — Madrid,  18 
Marzo,  1540. 

Doc.  de  Indiaa,  xxni,  8-33. 

Cabrillo,  Juan  Rodriguez.   See  Paez,  Juan. 

Camus,  Armand  Gaston. 
Memoire  sur  la  collection  des  grands 
et  petits  voyages  (de  Thi^odore   do 
Bry).— Paris,  Frimaire  an  XI  (1802). 
For  "Cornado,"  see  p.  176. 

Cartas  de  Indias.  Publicalaspor])rimeia 
vez  el  Ministerio  de  Pomeuto. — Ma- 
drid, 1877. 

This  8i)Iendid  volume  contains  108  letters, 
29  of  wliich  are  reproduced  in  facsimile, 
written  from  various  portions  of  Spanish 
America  during  the  XVI  century.  The  in- 
dices contain  a  large  amount  of  informa- 
tion concerning  the  people  and  places  men- 
tioned. 

Cartas  de  Religiosos  de  Nueva  Espaua. 
15.S9-1594.— Mi^xico,  1886. 

Volume  I  of  Icazbalceta's  Nueva  Ctilec- 
Hon.  The  26  letters  which  make  up  this 
volume  throw  much  light  on  the  early  civil 
and  economical  as  well  as  on  the  ecclesias- 
tical history  of  New  Sjiain.  The  second 
volume  of  tho  Nueva  Colecdon,  entitled 
Codice  FrancUcano  Siglo  XVI,  contains  14 
additional  letters. 

Castafieda,  Pedro  de. 
Kelacion  do  la  .Jornada  de  Cibola  con- 
puesta  por  Ptdro  de  Castaneda  de 
Nafera  don,do  setrata  de  todosaque- 
llos  poblados  y  ritbs,  y  costnmbres, 
la  dial  fiie  el  ano  do  1540. 

Printed  for  the  first  time  in  the  Four- 
teenth Annual  Heport  of  the  Bureau  of  Eth- 
nology, pp.  414-460,  from  the  manuscript  in 
the  Lenox  Library  in  New  York.  This 
narrative  has  been  known  chiefly  through 
the  French  translation  printed  in  1838  bv 
Henri  Ternaux-Compana,  the  title  of  which 
follows. 


Castaneda,  Pedro  de — Continued. 

—  Relation  du  voyage  dc  Cibola  entre- 
pris  eu  1540;  ou  I'on  traite  do  toutes 
les  penpladcs  qui  habitout  cette  con- 
tr^e,  de  leurs  nni'iirs  et  coutumes,  par 
P6dro  de  Castaneda  de  Nagera. 

Ternaux,  Vibola,  1-246. 

Castatio  de  Sosa,  Gaspar. 
Memoria  del  descubriniiento  que  Gas- 
par  Castafio  do  Sosa,  liizo  en  el  Nnevo 
Mexico,  siendo  teniente  de  goberna- 
dor  y  capitan  general  del  Nuevo  Reino 
de  Leon. 

Doc.  de  India;  vol.  XV.  pp.  191-261.  The 
exploring  party  started  27th  July,  1590,  and 
this  rep^irt  was  presented  to  the  Gonncil 
10th  November.  1592. 

Cervantes  Salazar,  Francisco. 
Mdxico  eu  15.54:  Tres  diiilogos  latinos 
que  Francisco  Cerviintes  Salazur 
escribirt  6  inipriniio  eu  M(5xioo  eu 
dicho  ano.  Los  rt'irapriine,  con  tra- 
duccion  castellana  y  notas,  .loaquin 
Garcia  loazbalceta — Mexico,  1875. 

Invaluable  for  anyone  who  wishes  to 
understand  the  earl,-  social  and  economic 
conditions  of  Spanish  America.  The  bibli- 
ography at  the  end  of  the  volume  is  not 
only  of  great  value  as  a  guide  to  tho  study 
of  this  history,  but  it  is  of  interest  as  a 

fartial  catalog  of  the  library  of  Sr  Garcia 
cazbalceta. 

Chapin,  Frederick  Hastings. 

The  land  of  tho  clirt'-dwellers  — ISoston, 
1892. 

Congres  International  des  Americanistes. 
Compte-roudii  de  la  preiniiro  session. — 
Naucv,1875;.  .  .  ActasdelaKovena 
Reiiuuiu,   Huelva,  1892-Madrid,  1894. 
Many  of  the   papers    presented   at  the 
meetings  of  the  Congres  ae9  Ajnericanistes, 
have  been  of  the  very  greatest  interest  to 
the  American  ethnologist  and  to  tho  histo- 
rian of  e.'irly  .Spanish  America.    .Several  of 
the  papers  presented  at  Berlin  in  1888  are 
entered  under  tho  authors'  names  in  the 
present  list. 

Coronado,  Francisco  "Vazquez. 

Svmmariodl  letteredol  Capitano  Fran- 
cesco Vazquez  di  coroundo,  scritte 
ad  vu  Sccrotario  del  Illustriss.  Don 
Antonio  di  Mendozza  Aicere  della 
nuoua  Spau;na,  Date  it  Culuacan, 
MDXXXIX,  alii  otto  di  Marzo. 

Kamtino,  in,  fol.  354,  ed.  15.'>6.  Translated 
in  Ternaux,  Cibola,  app.  v.  pp.  349-351. 
The  special  value  of  these  Italian  transla- 
tions of  Spanish  documents,  to  which  ref- 
erence is  made  in  the  present  list,  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  in  very  many  cases  where 
Ramusio  usee!  original  documents  for  hia 
work  laterstudentshave  been  unable  todis- 
cover  any  trace  of  the  manuscriitt  sources. 

—  Copia  dcllo  lettcro  di  Francesco  Vaz- 
quez di  Coiouiido,  goueinatoro  della 
nnona  Galitia,  al  Signer  Antonio  di 
Mendozza,  Vicere  della  nuoua  Spagna, 
date  in  san  Michiel  di  Culnacan,  alll 
otto  di  Marzo,  MDXXXIX. 

liamnffio,  ni,  fol.  354  verso,  ed  15.'i6. 
Translated  in  Ternaux,  Cibola,  app.  v,  pp. 
352-354. 


LIST   OF    WORKS 


603 


Coronado,  Francisco  Vazquez — ContM. 

—  Relatione  the  iiiandi)  Francesco  Vaz- 
quez <li  Coronado,  t'apitano  Generalo 
(iella  geiite  clio  fii  maudata  in  nomt' 
di  Sua  Maesta  al  paese  nouaniente 
8Coperto,(|neliln;  sneccsseiielviaggio 
dalii  ventidua  d'  Aprile  di  tuiesto 
anno  MDXL,  ihe  parti  da  Culiacan 
per  inuanzi,  &,  di  quel  clie  trouo  nel 
])aeso  doue  andaua. — Dalla  prouineia 
di  Cenola  &  da  ((uesta  cittA  di  Gra- 
nata  il  terzo  di  Agosto,  1540. 

Uamutio.  in,  fol.  359  (vers())-363,  6(1.1556. 
This  letter  18  translated  on  pages  552-5ti:i  of 
the  iiresent  volunie.  See  note  on  pape  386. 
An  earlier  EneliHli  tran-slation  by  Hakluyt 
lias  tlie  following  title: 

—  Tlie  relation  of  Franei.s  Vazquez  de 
Coronado,  Captaiiie  generall  of  the 
people  whieli  were  sent  to  the  Coun- 
trey  of  Cibola  newly  discouered, 
which  ho  sent  to  Don  Antonio  de 
Meudo^'a  viceroy  of  Mexico,  of  . 
his  voyage  from  the  22.  of  A)>rill  in 
the  yeere  1540.  which  departed  from 
Culiacan  forward,  and  of  such  things 
as  hee  found  in  the  Countrey  which 
he  passed.     (.Augusts,  1540.) 

Hakluyt,  ni,  37:!-380  (cd.  1600),  or  UI,  446 
(e<1.1800).  Reprinted  in  Old  SoutU  Leaflet, 
gen.  series,  No.  20.    Boston. 

—  Carta  de  Francisco  Vazquez  Corona- 
do al  Emperador,  dandole  cucnt.-i  de 
la  espedicion  a  la  provincia  do  Qni- 
vira,  y  de  la  inexactitud  de  lo  referido 
^  Fr.  Miircos  de  Niza,  acerca  de  aquel 
pais. — Desta  provincia  de  Tiguex,  20 
Octubre,  1541. 

Doc.  de  Indian,  nr,  363-369,  and  also  xiu. 
261-268.  Translated  on  pages  580-583  of  tlio 
present  volume,  and  also  in  American  Hi.i- 
tory  Leajfet,  No.  13.  There  isaFreneh  trans- 
lation in  Ternaux,  Cihola,  app.  v,  p.  355-363. 
See  note  on  page  580  ante. 

—  Traslado  de  las  nuevas  y  noticias 
quo  dieron  sobre  el  descobrimiento  de 
una  cilidad,  quo  llamarou  de  Cibola, 
sitnada  en  la  tierra  uueva. — Ano  de 
1531  [1541]. 

Doc.  de  Indian.  XIX,  pp.  529-532.  Trans- 
lated on  pages  564-565  of  the  present  volume. 

—  Relacion  del  suceso  de  la  Jornada  quo 
Francisco  Vazquez  hizo  en  el  descu- 
brimiento  de  Cibola. — Ano  de  1531 
[1541]. 

B.  Smith,  .Fiorida,  147-154;  Doc.de  India.i. 
XIV,  318-329.  Translated  on  pages  572-579  of 
the  present  volume.  S*-e  the  notes  to  that 
translation.  Also  translated  in  American 
History  Leajlet,  No.  13. 

Cortes,  Hernan. 

Coi)ia  y  relacion  de  los  gastos  y  es- 
pensas  ijuo  .  .  .  Fernando  Cortes 
hizo  en  el  armada  de  qu(!  fu6  por  cap- 
itan  Crist6hal  IJolid  al  Cabo  de  las 
Higueras  .  .  .  Se  hizo  a  primero 
de  Agosto  de  1523. — Fecho  en  Mdxico, 
9  llcbrero  1529. 

Doc.  de  Indiat,  XII,  386-403.  This  docu- 
ment is  i>rinted  again  in  the  same  volume, 
pp.  497-510. 


Cortes,  Hernan — Continued. 

—  Titulo  do  capitan  general  de  la 
Nueva-Espana  y  Costa  del  Sur,  expe- 
dido  a  favor  do  Hcrnan-('ort<?s  por  el 
Emperador  Carlos  V.— Dada  en  Bar- 
celona, aO.Iulio,  1.529. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  iv,  572-574,  and  also  XII, 
384-386. 

—  Titnlo   de  marques  del   Valle    (de 
Guaxaca).  olorgado  {i  Hernando  Cor- 
t(Ss. — Barcelona,  6  .lulio,  1529. 
Doc.  de  Indias,  XII,  381-383. 

—  Merced  do  eiertas  tiorras  y  solares  en 
la Nniiva Espana,  hechaii  Fernan  Cor- 
tds,  marquf's  del  Valle,  por  el  Empe- 
rador.— Barcelona,  27  Jnlio,  1.529. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  xii,  376-378.    It  is  printed 
also  in  Icazbalceta"s  Mexico,  ii.  28-29. 

—  Testimonio  dc  una  informacion  hecha 
en  Mexico  x>or  cl  prcsidente  y  oydores 
de  aquella  audicucia,  sobre  el  modo 
de  contar  los  23.000  indios,  vasallos 
del  Marques  del  Valle,  do  quo  el  Rcy 
le  habia  hocho  uierced. — Teinixtitan, 
23  Febrero,  1531. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  xvi,  548-555. 

—  Real  provision  sobre  dcscubrimicn- 
to8  en  el  mar  del  Sur,  y  respuest.a  do 
Cortes  a  la  notificacion  que  sele  hizo 
de  ella. — Mexico,  19  Agosto,  1534;  y 
respuesta,  Mexico,  26  Setiembre,  1534. 

leazbalceta'a  Jfcartco,  ii,  31-40. 

—  Traslado  de  una  provision  de  la  Aii- 
dienciado  M<?xico,  dirigidadHernan- 
Cort(^8,  mandiindolo  quo  no  vaya  ii 
pacificar  y  poblar  cierta  isla  del  mar 
del  Sur,  insertando  otra  provision 
quo  con  igual  fecha  se  envio  &  Nuno 
de  Guzman,  gobcrnador  do  la  Nucva 
Galicia,  par.a  el  mJsmo  efocto,  y  dili- 
gencias  hcchas  en  apelacion  do  la 
misma. — Fecho  en  M<5xico,  2-26  Se- 
tiembre, 1534. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  XII,  417-429. 

—  Carta  de  Hernan  Cortes  al  emperador. 
enviando  un  hijo  suyo  para  8ervi<io 
del  principe. — Desta  Nueva  Spana, 
diez  de  Hebrero,  1537. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  ll,  568-569. 

—  Carta  de  Hernan  Cortes,  al  Consejo 
de  Indias,  pidiendo  ayuda  para  cou- 
tinuar  sus  armadas,  y  recompen.''a 
para  sus  servicios,  y  dando  algiiuas 
noticias  sobre  la  constitucion  <le  la 
propiedad  de  las  tierras  eiitre  los  in- 
dios.— Mexico,  20  Setiembre,  1538. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  lll  535-543. 

—  Carta  de  Hernan  Cortes  al  Empera- 
dor.— De  Madrid  a  xxvi  dejuuiode 
1540. 

Doc.  Ined.  Etpana,  civ,  401-492. 

—  Memorial  quo  did  al  Rey  el  Marquds 
del  Valle  en  Madrid  a  25  de  junio  de 
1540  sobre  agravios  q  ue  le  habia  hecho 
el  Virey  de  Nueva  Es]>ana  D.  Antonio 
do  Mendoza,  estorbiindolo  la  prosecu- 
eion  del  descubriiuiento  do  las  costas 
d  islas  del  mar  del  Sur  que  le  ])ertene- 


604 


THE    COKONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[KTH.  AN'N.  14 


Cortes,  Heman — Continued. 

ciiv  al  iiiismo  Marquds  segun  la  ca- 
pitnlaciou  heclia  coii  S.  M.  el  ano  He 
1529, 11  cuyo  et'ecto  habia  despacliado 
ya  cuatro  armadas,  y  descubierto  con 
ellas  por  si  y  por  siis  capitanes  mn- 
clias  tierras  6  islas,  de  cuyos  viajes  j' 
el  Buceso  que  tuvo  hace  una  relaciou 
sncinta. 

Doc.  Inid.  Expana,  IV,  209-217. 

—  Slemorial  dado  a  la  Magestad  del 
Cesar  D.  Carlos  Quinto,  rrimcro  de 
Esparia,  por  el  Sr.  1).  Hernando  Cor- 
tes, Manpids  del  Valle,  hallilndose  en 
estos  reinos,  en  que  hace  prcsentes 
BUS  dilatados  BiTvicios  en  la  con- 
quista  de  Nueva  Espana  por  los  que 
pide  las  luercedes  que  contiene  el 
mismo. 

Doc.  Inid.  Espana.  IV,  219-232.  "Xo  tiene 
fecha.    .    .    .    despues  do  1541." 

—  Peticion  que  di6  Don  Hernando  Cor- 
ti's  contra  Don  Antonio  de  Meudoza, 
Virey,  pidiendo  residencia  centre  ^1. 

Icazbalceta,  Mexico,  II,  62-71 .  About  1542- 
43. 

—  Historia  de  Nueva- Espana,  escrita 
por  Hernan  Cortes,  aumentada  con 
otros  docunientos,  y  notas,  por  Don 
Francisco  Antonio  Lorenzana. — Me- 
xico, 1770. 

See  pape 325  and  the  map ;  "Domingo  del 
Castillo  Piloto  nie  Fecit  en  Mexico  auo  .  .  . 
M.  D.  XLl."  This  volume  contains  the  let- 
ters of  Cortes  to  the  Spanish  King,  for  a  bib- 
liographic account  of  which  see  Sabin's 
IHctionary  of  Auierican  Bool's.  These  dis- 
patches may  also  be  conveniently  consulted 
in  volume  i  of  Barcia,  Historiadores. 

The  above  entries  are  chiefly  such  as  are 
of  interest  for  tlieir  hearing  on  the  troubles 
between  Cortes  and  llendoza,  which  were 
very  closely  connected  with  tlio  history  of 
the  Coronado  expedition.  Tlie  best  guide 
to  tbestudy  of  tliepersoual  history  and  the 
conquests  of  Cortes  is  found  in  AVinsor's 
Avierica,  ll.  pages  397-430. 

Gushing,  Frank  Hamilton. 
Zuui  fetiches. 

Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  iSm-Sl,  pp.  9-45. 

—  A  study  of  j)ueblo  pottery  as  illus- 
trative of  Zuni  culture  growth. 

Fourth  Annual  lieport  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  1882-83,  pp.  467-521. 

—  Preliminary  notes  on  the  origin, 
working  hypothesis  and  primary 
researches  of  the  Hemeuway  south- 
western archa-ological  expedition. 

Congr^s  International  des  Ainericanistes, 
T""  session,  1888,  pp.  151-194.     Berlin,  1890. 

—  Zuni  breadstufl". 

The  MillsUyne,  ludianapolts,  Jan.,  1884,  to 
Aug.,  1885. 

^  Outlines  of  Zuni  creation  myths. 

Thirteenth  Annual  Heport  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  1891-92,  pp.  321-447. 

Davila,  Gil  Gonzalez. 

Teatro  eclesiastico  de  la  primitiva  igle- 
siade  las  Indias  Occidentales,  vidas 
de  svs  arzobispos,  obiapos,  y  cosas 


Davila,  Gil  Gonzalez — Continued. 

memorables  de  svs  sedes. — Madrid, 
M.DC.XLIX. 

These  two  volunies  are  a  valuable  source 
of  biographical  and  other  ecclesiastical  in- 
formation,  for  much  of  which  this  is  perhaps 
the  only  authority. 

Davis,  William  AVatts  Hart. 
The  Spanish  conquest  of  New  Mexico. — 
Doylestown,  Pa.,  1869. 

The  lirst  230  pages  of  this  volume  contain 
a  very  good  outline  of  the  narratives  of  the 
explorations  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Fray  Mar- 
cos, and  Coronado. 

—  The  Spaniard  in  New  Mexico. 

Papers  of  the  .Aj/iericnn  Historical  Asso- 
ciation, III,  1889,  pp.  164-176.  A  paper  read 
before  the  association,  at  Boston,  May  24, 

1887. 

De  Bry,  Theodore.     See  Abelin. 

Diaz  del  Castillo,  Bemal. 
Historia  verdadera  do  la  couqvista  de 
la  Nveva  Espana,  escri;a  por    .    .    . 
vno  de  sua  conquistadorea. — Madrid, 
1632. 

This  interesting  work,  which  counteracts 
many  of  the  inipresHions  given  by  tlie  dis- 
patcne*-  of  Cortes,  was  reprinted  in  1032  aud 
again  in  1785, 1837, 1854,  aud  in  volume  xxvi 
(Madrid,  1853)  of  the  Bibl.  de  Autores  Espa- 
noles.  It  was  translated  into  English  by 
Keating,  London,  1800,  reprinted  at  Salem, 
Mass.,  1803  i  and  by  Lockhart.  London,  1844. 

Discurso  y  proposicion  que  se  hace  & 
Vuestra  Magestad  de  lo  tocante  ii  los 
descubrimientos  del  Nuevo  Mexico 
por  sns  capi'tuloa  de  puntos  difer- 

eutes. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  xvi.  38-66. 

Documentos  de  Espaiia. 
Coleccion  de  documentos  iht^ditos  para 
la     historia     de     Espana. — Madrid, 
1842  (-1895). 

There  are  now  (1895)  112  volumes  in  tliis 
series,  andtwo  or  three  volumes  are  usually 
added  each  year.  A  finding  list  of  the 
titles  relating  to  America,  in  volumes  I-cx, 
prepared  by  G.  V.  AVinship,  was  printed  in 
the  Bulletin  of  the  Boston  I'ublic  Literary  for 
October,  1894.  Asimilarlist  of  titlesiu  the 
Facheco  y  Cardena.s  Coleccion  is  in  prepa- 
ration.   Cited  as  Doc.  Ined.  Espaila. 

Documentos  de   Indias.    See  Pacheco- 
Cardenas. 

Donaldson,  Thomas. 
iIo<iui  Pueblo  Indians  of  Arizona  and 
Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico. 

Extra  Censtis  Bulletin,  Washington,  1893. 
This  "special  expert"  report  on  the  numbers 
and  the  life  of  the  southwestern  village  In- 
dians contains  a  large  number  of  reproduc- 
tions from  photographs  siiowlng  the  people 
and  their  houu's.  whicli  renderitof  very  con- 
-  Kideralde interestand usefulness.  Thetext 
is  not  reliable. 

Drake,  Francis.     See  Fletcher,  Francis. 

Emory,  William  Hemsley. 
Notes  of  a  military  reconnoissance  from 
Fort  Leavenworth,  in  Missouri,  to 
San  Diego,  in  California. — Washing- 
ton, 1848. 

Ex.  Doc.  41,  Thirtieth  Congress,  first  sea- 


WINSHIP] 


LIST   OF   WORKS 


605 


Espejo,  Antonio  de. 
Expedleiite  y  relacion  del  viaje  que 
hizo  Antonio  do  Espejo  con  catorce 
soldados  y  uu  religioso  de  la  6rrteu  de 
San  Francisco,  llamado  Fray  An 
gnstin  Kodrigiiez ;  el  cual  debia  de 
eutenderen  lapredicacion  deaquella 
geute. 

Doc.  de  India*,  xv,  151-191.  See  also  page 
101  of  the  aume  volume. 

—  El  viaie  qve  liizo  Antonio  de  Espeio 
en  cl  anno  de  ochenta  y  tree :  el  qiial 
con  sns  companueros  descubrieron 
vna  tiena  en  qne  hallaron  quiuze 
Prouincias  todas  llenas  de  pueblos, 
y  de  casas  de  quatro  y  cinco  altos,  a 
quien  pusieron  jjor  nombre  El  niieuo 
Mexico. 

Haklui/t,  III.  38S-389  (ed.  1600).  The  Span- 
ish text  )8  followed  by  an  English  transla- 
tion, pp.  390-396.  A  satiBf'actory  monograph 
on  the  expedition  of  Espejo,  with  annotated 
translations  of  the  original  narratives, 
would  be  a  most  desirable  addition  to  the 
literature  of  the  southwest. 

Evans,  S.  B. 
Observations  on  the  Aztecs  and  their 
probable  relations  to  the  Pneblo  In- 
dians of  New  Mexico. 

Congr^s  International  deit  Americaniftteg, 
?»•  session,  1888,  pp.  226-230.    Berlin,  1890. 

Fernandez  Dure,  Cesareo. 
Don  Diego  de  Penalosa  y  sn  descnbri- 
miento  delreino  deQuivira.  Informe 
presentado  a  la  Keal  Academia  de  la 
Historia.— Madrid,  1882. 

On  page  123  the  author  accepts  the  date 
1531  as  that  of  an  expedition  under  Cor- 
onado,  from  the  title  of  the.  lielacion  del 
Suceso,  misprinted  in  volume  xiv,  318,  of 
the  JJoc.  de  Indiag. 

Ferrelo,  Bartolome.     See  Paez,  Juan. 

Fewkes,  Jesse  Walter. 
A  few   summer   ceremonials   at    Zuul 
pueblo. 

Journal  American  Ethnology  and  Archte- 
olvgy,  I,  Boston.  1891,  pp.  1-61. 

—  A  few  summer  ceremonials  at  the 
Tusayan  pueblos. 

Ibid.,  II,  Boston,  1892,  pp.  1-159. 

—  Reconnoissance  of  ruins  in  or  near 
the  ZuFii  reservation. 

Ibid.,  I,  pp.  95-132;  with  map  and  plan. 

—  A  report  on  tlio  pnsont  condition 
of  a  ruin  in  Arizona  called  Casa 
Grande. 

Ibid,  11,  pp.  179-193. 

—  The  snake  ceremonials  at  Walpl. 

Journal  American  Ethnology  and  Archce- 
ology,  IV,  1894. 

With  map,  illustrations,  apd  an  excellent 
bibliography  of  this  peculiar  ceremonial, 
which  Dr  Fewkes  has  studied  with  much 
care,  under  most  favorable  circumstances. 

The  four  volumes  of  the  Jauniai  of  Amer- 
ican Ethnology  and  Arehatolofjy  represent 
the  nuiin  results  of  I)r  Fewkes'  studies  at 
Zufii  and  Tusayan,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Ilemenway  Southwestern  Archaeolog- 
ical Expedition,  of  which  he  was  the  head 
from  1889  to  1895.  Besides  the  Journal,  the 
Hemeiiway  expedition  resulted  in  a  large 
collection  "of  Pueblo  pottery  and  ceremonial 


Fewkes,  Jesse  Walter — Continued. 

articles,  which  are,  in  part,  now  disjtlaved 
in  the  Peabody  Museum  at  Cambricfge, 
Massachusetts. 

—  The  Wa-wac-ka-tcj-na.  A  Tusayau 
foot  race. 

Ultlletin  Essex  Institute,  xxiv,  Nos.  7-9, 
Salem,  July-Sept.,  1892,  pp.  113-133. 

—  A-wii-to-bi :  An  arch.Tological  veri- 
fication of  a  Tusayan  legend. 

American  Anthropologist,  Oct.,  1893. 

—  The  prehistoric  culture  of  Tusayan. 

American  Anthropologist,  May,  1890. 

—  A  Study  of  summer  ceremonials  a1> 
Znni  and  Moqui  pueblos. 

Bulletin  Essex  Institute,  xxil,  Kos.  7-9, 
Salem,  July-.Sept.,  1890,  pp.  89-113. 

Consult,  also,  many  other  papers  by  thia 
authority  on  all  that  pertains  to  the  cere- 
monial life  of  the  Pueblo  Indians,  in  th© 
American  Anthropologist,  Washington,  and 
Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  Boston. 

Fiske,  John. 
The  discovery  of  America,  with  some 
account  of  ancient  America  and  the 
Spanish   conquest. — Cambridge, 
1892. 

Cormiado  and  Cibola,  ll,  500-510. 

Fletcher,  Francis. 
The  world  encompassed  by  Sir  Francis 
Drake.  .  .  .  Carefullj'  collecteVl 
out  of  the  notes  of  Master  Francis 
Fletcher  preacher  in  tliis  iniploy- 
ment. — London,  1628. 

Rejirinted  in  1635  and  1652,  and  in  1854  by 
the  Uakluyt  Society,  edited  by  W.  S.  W. 
Vaux. 

Gallatin,  Albert. 
Ancient  semi-civilization  of  New  Mex- 
ico, Rio  Gil.i,  and  its  vicinity. 

Transactions  American  Ethnological  So- 
ciety, 11,  New  York,  1848,  pp.  liii-xcvii. 

Galvano,  Antonio. 
Tratado   .    .   dos  diuersos  &  desuayra- 
dos  caminlio.s,    ...    &  assi  de  todos 

05  descobrimentos  .antigos  &  iiioder- 
nos,  i|ue  Sao  feitos  ate  a  era  de  mil 

6  quiiiheutos  &.  cincoenta. — (Colo- 
phon, 1.563.) 

This  work  was  reprinted  at  Lisboa  in  1731. 
An  Knglish  translation  was  published  by 
Eakluyt,  London,  1601.  The  Portuguese 
and  English  texts  were  reprinted  by  the 
Uakluyt  Society,  edited  by  vice-jidniiral  Be- 
thune,  London.  1862.  For  Coronado's  expe- 
dition, see  pages  226-229  of  the  1862  edition. 

Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  el  Ynca. 
La    Florida    del    Ynca.     Historia   del 
Adelantado  de    Soto    .     .     .     y    de 
otros  heroicos  caualloros   Espanoles 
h  Indios. — Lisliona,  1605. 

For  an  English  \'er8ion.  8eA3  Barnard 
Shipp's  Histoiy  of  Ilernando  de  Soto  and 
Florida,  Philadelphia,  1881.  There  were 
several  early  French  editions.  The  Span- 
ish was  reprinted  at  Madrid  in  1723,  and 
again  iu  1803 

—  Primera  parte  de  los  commentarios 
realcs,  qve  tratan  dcT  origen  de  los 
Yncas,  reyes  (|ve  fveron  del  Perv,  do 
sv  idolatria,  leyes,  y  gouierno  en  paz 


606 


THE    CORONAUO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETH.  ANN.  14 


Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  el  Ynca^Cont'd. 
y  en  giiiTia:  de  sii8  vidas  y  conquis- 
tas,  y  de  todo  lo  que  fiie  aquel  Iiupe- 
rio  y  8U  Republica,  antes  que  los 
Espauolfs  passaran  a  el. — Lisboa, 
M.DCIX. 

—  Historia  general  del  Perv.  Trata 
el  desevbriniieuto  del,  y  como  lo 
ganaron  los  EspiMioles.  Las  guerras 
ciuUes  (|Uo  huuo  outre  IMvarros,  y 
AhnagroH,  sobre  la  parti.ja  de  la 
tierra.  Castigo  y  leuautamiento  de 
tiranos :  y  otros  sucessos  particulares 
quo  en  la  historia  se  contienen. — Cor- 
doua,  1616. 

La  II  part«de  los  commentarioarealesdel 
Peni.  Si'irnndrt  impresion ;  Madr'd,  1721- 
23.  The  two  parts  were  "rendred  ititoEng- 
lisli.  by  Sir  l*avl  Rycavt,  Kt."  London, 
1688.  A  new  translation,  wHh  notes  by 
Clements  11.  Markbani,  was  pul>lished  by 
tbe  Hakluyt  Society,  London.  1869  and  1871. 

Gatschet,  Albert  Samuel. 
Classification  into  seven  linguistic 
stocks  of  western  Indian  dialects  con- 
tained in  forty  vocabularies. 

r.  S.  Oeol.  Survey  West  of  the  100th  Me- 
ridian, VII,  399-485,  Washington,  1879. 

—  Zwolf  spraeheu  aus  dem  siidwestea 
Nordamerikas. — Weimar,  1876. 

Cirava,  Hieronymo. 
Dos  libros  de  cosinographia  compaestos 
nueuamente  por  Hieronymo  Giraua 
Tarragones,  —en  Milan,  M.  D.  LVI. 

See  p.  230  for  i'iuola. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de. 
Primera  y  segunda  parte  do  la  historia 
general  de  las  ludias  con  todo  eldes- 
cubriuiieuto  y  cosas  notables  ijuo  han 
acaecido  dende  que  se  ganaron  ata  el 
ano  de  15ol.  Con  la  coquista  de  Me- 
xico yde  la  nneuaEspafia. — En  Cara- 
gova,  1553  (1552). 

There  were  at  least  fifteen  editions  of  G-o- 
roara's  three  works  printed  <Uinng  the  years 
1552  to  1555.  Before  the  end  of  the  century 
tran.slations  into  Frencli  and  Italian  ha<l 
been  reprinted  a  score  of  times.  Knglisli 
translations  of  the  Conquest  of  the  Indies 
were  printed  in  1578  and  1596.  For  Coro- 
Mrtrfo.  seecap.  ccxn-cc.w  of  the  Historia  de 
las  Indias.  Chapters  214-215  were  trans- 
lated br  irakluyl,  lll,  380-382  (ed.  1600),  or 
III,  454 '(ed.  1810). 

Gottfriedt,  Johann  Ludwig.     See  Abelin, 
Johann  Phillip. 

Guatemala,  Obispo  de. 
Cart/i  del  Obispo  de  Guatemala  (i  Su 
Magestad,  en  que  se  retiere  a  lo  que 
de  Mexico  eseribirfin  sobre  la  muerte 
del  adelantado  Alvarado,  y  habla  de 
la  gobernacion  que  se  le  encomendo 
y  de  los  cargos  de  su  iiiitra. — lie  San- 
tiago de  Guatemala  20  Febrero,  1542. 
Due.  <le  Indias,  XIII,  268-280. 

Guzman,  Diego. 

Kelacion  de  lo  que  yo  Diego  de  Gnzman 

he  descobierto  en  la  costa  de  la  mar 

del  Sur,  porSii  Magestad  y  porelilus- 

tre  seuor  Jvufio  de  Guzman,  goberna- 


Guzman,  Diego — Continued. 

dor  de  la  Nneva   Galicia. — Present*} 
en  el  Consejo  de  Indias,  16  Marzo  1540. 
Doc.  de  Indias,  XV,  325-340.    Tliij  expedi- 
tion was  made  during  the  autumn  of  1533. 

Guzman,  Nufio  de. 
Provanza  ad  perpetuan,  sobre  lo  de  la 
villa  de  la  Purificacion,  de  la  gente 
que  alii  vino  con  mano  armada. — En 
Madrid  &  16  de  Marzo  de  1540  la  pre- 
sento  en  el  Consejo  de  las  Indias  de  Su 
Magestad,  Nuno  de  Guzman. 
Doc.  de  Indias,  xvi,  539-547. 

—  Fragmentos  del  proceso  de  residen- 
ciainstruido  contra  Nuno  de  Guzman, 
en  averiguacioii  del  tormento  y  muer- 
te que  niiindii  dar  a  Caltzontzin,  rey 
de  Mechoacan. 

In  Proceso.  .  .  Alvarado  (ed.  Kamirez  y 
Eavon)  ])p.  185-276.  The  full  title  is  entered 
under  Alvarado. 

Hakluyt,  Richard. 

The   principal    navigations,    voiages, 

trattiqves    and     disooueries    of    the 

■   English  nation   .    .    .    Deuided  into 

three     seuerall     volumes. — Loudon, 

1598. 

The  third  volume  (1600)  contains  the  narra- 
tives whicli  relate  to  (Cibola,  as  well  as  those 
which  refer  to  other  portions  of  New  Spain. 
There  was  an  excellent  reprint,  London, 
1809-1812,  which  contained  all  the  jiieces 
which  were  omitted  in  stmie  of  the  earlier 
editions,  with  a  fifth  volume  containing  a 
number  of  rare  pieces  not  easily  available 
elsewhere.  The  changes  made  bythoeditor 
of  the  1890  edition  render  it  almost  a  new 
work.     The  title  is  as  follows: 

—  The  principal  navigations,  voyages, 
traflSques,  and  discoveries  of  the 
English  nation.  Collected  by  Rich- 
ard Hakluyt,  preacher,  and  edited  by 
Edmund  Goldsmid. — Ediuburg,  1885- 
1890. 

Sixteen  volumes.  Vol.  XIV;  America, 
])art  iii,  pp.  59-137,  coutalDS  the  Cibola  nar- 
ratives. 

Hakluyt  Society,  London. 

This  most  useful  society  began  in  1847  the 
publication  of  a  series  of  volumes  contain- 
ing careful,  annotated  translations  or  re- 
prints of  works  relating  to  the  "naviga- 
tions, voyages,  tratlics,  and  discoveries"'of 
Europeans  during  the  period  of  colonial 
ex))ansiou.  The  work  has  been  continued 
without  serious  interruptioTl  since  that 
date.  Ninety-seven  volumes  have  been 
issued  with  the  society's  imprint,  .includ- 
ing the  issues  for  1895.  Several  of  the.se 
are  entered  in  the  present  list  under  the 
names  of  t  he  respective  authors. 

Hale,  Edward  Everett. 

Corouado'sdiscovery  of  the  seven  cities. 
Proceedings  American  Antiquarian  So- 
ciety, Worcester,  new  series  i,  236-245. 
(April,  1881.)  Includes  a  letter  from  Lieut. 
John  G.  Bourke,  arguing  that  the  Citiola 
jiuehlos  were  the  Moki  villages  of  Tusayan, 
in  Arizona. 

Haynes,  Henry  Williamson. 
Early  explorations  of  New  Mexico. 

Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History 
of  America,  II,47'i-503. 


WINKHIP] 


LIST   OF   WORKS 


607 


Haynes,  Henry  Williamson — Continued. 

—  What  is  the  true  site  of  "the  seven 
cities  of  Cil>ola"'  visited  by  Corouado 
in  1540f 

Proceedings  American  Antiquarian  So- 
ciHy,  Worceater,  new  series,  1,421-435  (Oct., 
1881). 

The  revival  of  interest  in  the  early  his- 
tory of  the  southwestern  Tniti'd  States  has 
l>een,  in  nosli^rht  measure,  due  to  tlioira- 

iietus  given  by  I'roiesnor  Haynes  ofBoston. 
lewas  mbst  active  in  furtlierinj^  the  re- 
searches of  Mr  liandelier,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  llie  ArcliaHdojrical  Institute  of 
America,  aiul  to  liis  careful  editorial  super- 
yision  a  larjre  jiart  of  the  accuracy  and  the 
value  of  Mr  Bandelier's  printed  reports  and 
comuiunicutioiis  are  due. 

Herrera,  Antonio  de. 
Historia  general  do  los  hechos  do  los 
Castellanos  en  las  islas  y  tierra  firme 
del  mar  oceano. — Madrid,  1601-1615. 
There  is  a  French  ti*auslation  of  three 
Decades  of  Herrera.  printed  l)etween  1659 
and  1G7I,  and  an  English  trannlation  of  the 
same  tliree  decades.  l)y  Taptain  John  Ste- 
vens. London,  1725-*26,  and  reissued  in  1740, 
in  which  the  arrangetnent  Ijf  the  work  is 
altered.    Tlie  most  available  and  also  the 
best  edition  of  the  Spanish  is  the  admira- 
ble reprint  issued  at  Madrid  by  Barcia,  in 
1730.     Some  titles  are  dated   as  early  as' 
1726,   being   altered  as  euecessive   delays 
liindered  the  completion  of  the  work.    For 
Coronado,  see  decada  VI,  libro  v,  cap.  ix,  and 
dec.  VI,  lib.  ix.  cap.  xi-xv. 

Hodge,  Frederick  Webb. 
A  ZuiTl  foot  race. 

Am.  Anthropologist,  lit,  "Washington, ,Tulv, 
1890. 

■ —  Prehistoric  irrigation  in  Arizona. 
Ibid.,  VI.  July,  1893. 

—  The  first  discovered  city  of  Cihola. 

Jbid.,  Vlll,  April,  1895. 

—  The  early  Navajo  anil  Apaclie. 

Ibid.,  VIII,  July,  1895. 

—  Pueblo  snake  ceremonialH. 

Ibid.,  IX,  April,  1890. 

Holmes,  William  Henry. 
Report  on  tlie  ancient  ruins  of  south- 
western Colorado. 

Tenth  Annual  lieport  of  the  (llayden)  V.  S. 
Geol.  Survey,    AV'ashington,  1S76. 

—  Illustrateil  catalogue  of  a  portion  of 
the  collections  made  .  .  .  during 
the  field  season  of  1881. 

Third  Annual  lieport  of  the  liureau  of 
Ethnology,  1881-82,  pp.  427-510. 

—  Pottery  of  the  ancient  Pueblos. 

Fourth  Annual  lieport  of  the  liureau  of 
Ethnology,  1882-83.  pp.  265-300. 

Icazbalceta,  Joaquin  Garcia, 
Coleccioii  do  documcntos  para  la  his- 
toria de  Mexico.    (2  tomoa). — M<5xico> 
1858-1866. 

Cited  in  the  preceding  pages  as  Icazbal- 
ceta's  Mexico. 

—  Nueva  coleccion  de  documentospara 
la  historia  de  Mi^xico.  (5  tomos). — 
Mexico,  1886-1892. 

Cited  as  JcazbaUeta'a  Kueva  coleccion.    • 


Icazbalceta,  Joaquin  Garcia — Continued. 
—  Don  Fray  Juan  do  Zuiuurraga  primer 
obispo  y  arzobispo  do  Mexico.  F.8- 
tudio  biografico  y  bibligriilico.  Con 
un  api'-ndioe  do  documeutos  ini^ditos 
6  raros. — Mexico,  1881. 

See  also  tiie  entries  under  Cervantes  de 
Salazar,  Mendieta,  Mota  FadlUa,  for  works 
edited  l)y  Scuor  Icazlialceta.  I'ossesaed  of 
am]>le  means  and  scholarly  tastes,  nntiring 
industry  and  great  Iiistorieal  and  literary 
ability,  SefMirGarcia  Icazbalceta  willal  ways 
be  one  of  the  masters  of  Spanish-American 
history.  The  extent  of  his  researches,  the 
accuracy  and  care  ^vhich  characterize  all 
of  his  ^vork,  ami  the  breadth  and  insight 
with  "which  lie  treated  whatever  subject 
attracted  him.  leave  little  for  future  stu- 
dents to  desire.  The  more  intimate  the 
student  becomes  w-ith  the  first  century  of 
the  history  of  New  Spain,  the  greater  is  his 
appreiriation  of  t  he  lo.ss  caused  by  the  death 
of  Senor  (larcia  Icazbalceta. 

Informacion  del  virrcy  de  Nueva  EspaSla, 
D.  Antonio  de  Wendoza,  do  la  gento 
quo  v,a  (i  polilar  la  Nueva  Oalieia  con 
Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado,  Gober- 
nador  do  clla. —  Compostella,  21-26 
Febrero  1540. 

Doc.  de  Indias.  XIV,  373-384.  Tartly  trans- 
lated on  pp.  596-597  ante. 

Informacion  h.abid.a  ante  Lajusticia  de  la 
villa  do  Sau  Cri.stobal  de  la  llabnna, 
por  do  consta,  el  visorcy  (Mciuloza) 
haber  maudado  6  personado  quo  na- 
vies algunosdelostiueleiiibiaba  fno] 
toeasen  en  la  diclia  villa,  (t  liii  6 
causa  quo  no  diesen  noticiadelnuevo 
descobrimiento  al  Adelantado  (de 
Soto). — 12  Noviembre,  1539  en  Ha- 
bana.  Presento  cu  Madrid,  23  Di- 
cienibre,  1540. 

T>oc.  de  Indias,  XV,  392-198.  See  page  370 
ante. 

Jaramillo,  Juan. 

Kelacion  hecha  por  el  capitan  .Inan 
Jaramillo,  do  la  Jornada  que  liabia 
hecho  a  la  tierra  nueva  en  Nueva  Es- 
pana  y  al  descubriiiiiento  de  Cibola, 
yendo  jior  general  Francisco  Vazquez 
Corouado. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  xiv,  304-317.  I?.  Smith's 
Jlon'da.  154-163.  Translateil  on  pages  584- 
593  ante.  There  is  a  French  translation  in 
Temaux,  Cibola,  app.  vi,  364-382. 

King,  Edward;  Viscount  I^ord  Kings- 
borough. 
Antiquities  of  Mexico :  comprising  fac- 
similes of  ancient  Mexican  paintings 
and  hieroglyphics  .  .  .  illustrated 
by  many  valuable  inediteil  manu- 
scripts.-^Mexico  and  Loudon,  1830- 
1848. 

Nine  vols.  Besides  the  reproductions  of 
Mexican  hieroglyphic  writings,  for  which 
this  magnificent  work  is  best  known,  the 
later  voluiues  contain  a  number  of  works 
printed  from  Spanish  manuscripts.  De- 
spite thestatemeiiton  the  last  paj;6  of  many 
copies.the  work  wasnevercompleted,  ^(oto- 
linia'a  Historia  breakingoff  abruptly  in  the 
midst  of  the  text.  See  the  note  under  King, 
in  Sabin's  JHctionary  of  American  Hooks. 


608 


THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[etii.  aks.  U 


Kretschmer,  Konrad. 
Die  Entdeckung  Amorika's  in  ilirer  Be- 
deutungfiirdie  Geschichte  des  Welt- 
bildes.— Berlin,  1892. 

Festschrift  der  Gesellschaft  fur  Erdkundo 
zn  Berlin  zur  vierhundert.jahrieen  Feier 
der  Eutdeckunff  Anierika's.  The  atlaa 
"which  accompanies  this  vaUiahle  fltndy  is 
made  npof  a  lartienumberof  admirablofac- 
similes  and  copies  of  early  maps,  some  of 
which  are  reprmiuced  iu  flie  present  me- 
moir. It  is  certainly  the  best  single  book 
for  the  student  of  early  American  carto- 
graphy. 

Ladd,  Horatio  Oliver. 
Tlie    story   of   New   Mexico. — Boston, 

(1892).  ' 

For  Xii^-a  and  Coronado,  see  pp.  19-72. 

Leyes  y  ordenanfa.s  nueuamfte  heclias 
por  su  niagestadpalagoiiernacion  de 
las  Indias  y  buen  trataniieuto  y  con- 
seruacion  ae  los  Indios:  que  so 
lian  do  gnardar  en  el  consejo  y  an- 
diecias  reales  i\  en  ellas  residen :  y  por 
todos  los  otros  gonernadores,  .iuezes 
y  personas  particnlares  dellas. — 
(Colopbou)  Alcala  de  Henares,  M.  D. 
XLIII. 

These  "New  Laws"  were  reprinted  in 
t585and  again  in  16U3.  A  new  edition,  with 
English  translation  and  an  introduction  liy 
Henry  Stevens  and  F.  "W". Lucas,  was  iwsued 
in  London,  1893.  The  Laws  are  printed  iu 
Icazbalceta,  Mexico,  II,  204-227. 
— See  Recopilacion. 

Lummis,  Charles  F. 

—  Some  strange  comers  of  our  country. 
—New  York,  1892. 

—  The  land  of  poco  tiempo. — NeAv  York, 
1893. 


—  The      Spanish 
1893. 


pioneers.— Chicago, 


—  The  ni.an  who  married  the  moon  and 
other  I'ueblo  Indian  folk-stories. — 
New  York,  1894. 

Mallery,  Garrick. 
Sign  language  among  North  American 
Indians  compared  with  that  among 
other  peoples  au<l  deaf  mntes. 

Firxt  Animal  Jieport  Bureau  o/  Etimol- 
ogy,  1879-80,  pp.  203-552.    Fully  illustrated. 

Matthews,  Washington. 

Human  bones  of  the  Hemenway  collec- 
tion in  tlie  United  States  Army  Med- 
ical Museum. 

Jfcmoirf  National  Academy  of  ScUncex, 
vol.  VI.  pp.  139-286,  Lix  plates.  AV ashing, 
ton,  1893. 

Mendieta,  Fray  Gerdnimo  de. 
Hlstoria  eclesiiJstlca  Indiana;  obra  es- 
crita  it  fines  del  siglo  XVI,    ...    la 
publiea    por    primera    vez    Joaquin 
(jarcia  Icazbalceta. — Mexico,  1870. 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de. 

—  Lo  que  D.  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  vi- 
rey  y  gobernador  de  la  Nueva  Spafia 
y  presidente  en  la  nneva  audiencia 
y  chancilleria  real  quo  en  ella  resi- 
de, demas  de  lo  que  iior  otra  instruc- 


Mendoza,  Antonio  de — Continued. 

cion  se  le  ha  mandado  hacer  por 
mandado  de  .S.  M. — Barcelona,  17 
Abril,  1535. 

Doe.  de  Indiat,  xxiii,  423-425. 

—  Lo  que  D.  Antonio  de  Mendoza  vi- 
sorey  y  gobernador  de  la  provincia 
de  la  Nuevii  Siiana,  ha  de  hacer  en 
servicio  de  Dios  y  de  esta  republica, 
demas  do  lo  contenido  en  suspoderes 
y  comisioncs,  por  mandado  de  S.  M.^- 
Barcelona,  25  Abril,  1.535. 

Doc.  de  Indian,  .\XIII,  426-445. 

—  Lo  que  don  Antonio  do  Mendoza 
virey  <5  gobernador  <Ie  la  Nueva 
Spafia  ypresidcnte  do  la  real  audien- 
cia, ha  de  liacer  en  la  dicha  tierra, 
por  mandado  de  S.  M. — Madrid,  14 
Julio,  1536. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  xxill,  454-4C7. 

— Carta  de  D.  Antonio  de  Mendoza  a  la 
emperatriz,  partieipando  que  vienen 
aEspafiaCabezade  Vaca  y  Francisco 
Dorantes,  que  se  esoaparou  de  la  ar- 
mada de  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  a  hacer 
rebuioii  de  lo  que  en  ella  sucodio. — 
M(?,iico,  11  Hebrero  1537. 
boc.  de  Indiat,  xiv,  235-230. 

—  Provision  dada  por  el  virey  don  An- 
tonio de  Mendoza  al  reverendo  y 
magnifico  senor  Don  Vasoo  de  Qniro- 
ga,  Obispo  electo  de  Meohoacan  y 
oidor  de  M^.jico,  para  contar  los 
vasallos  del  marques  del  Valle,  Don 
Hernando  Cortes. — M<5jico,  ii  30  No- 
viembre,  1537. 

Doc.  dc  Indiaa,  XII,  314-318. 

—  Carta  de  D.  Antonio  do  Mendoza, 
virey  de  Nueva  Espaua,  al  Empera- 
dor,  diindole  cuenta  do  varios  asun- 
tos  de  su  gobieiuo. — De  Mdxico,  10 
Diciembre,  1537. 

Doe.  de  Indias,  n,  179-211.  B.  Smith,  Flori- 
da, 119-139,  with  facsimile  of  Mendoza's  sig- 
nature. 

—  Instruccion  de  don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza, visorey  de  Nueva  Espana,  (al 
Fray  Marcos  do  Niza). 

boc.  de  Indiat,  III,  325-.323,  written  previ- 
ous to  December,  1538.  There  is  a  French 
translation  iu  Ternaux.  Cibola.  249-2.13.  A 
modern  English  translation  is  in  Bandelier, 
Contributions,  109-112. 

—  Lettere  scritte  dal  illvstrissimo  si- 
gner don  Antonio  diMendozza,  vice  re 
Sella nuouaSpagua,  alia  maestadell' 
Imperadore.  DcUi  cauallieri  quali 
con  lor  gran  daniio  si  sono  art'aticati 
per  scoprire  il  capo  della  terra  ferma 
dellanuouaSpagna  verso  tramont.ana, 
il  gionger  del  Vaz<iuez  con  fra  Marco 
k  san  Michiel  di  Culnacan  con  com- 
missiono  i\  quelli  regent!  di  assicurare 
&  non  far  piu  schiaui  gli  ludiani. 

Ila7iiu.tio,w,M.  355  (1556  ed.).  There  is 
n  French  tram^latiou  in  Ternaux.  Cihola, 
285-290.  This  appears  to hetheletter  which 
Mendoza  sent  to  the  king  to  .iccumpany  the 
report  of  Fray  ilarcoa  do  >'iza. 


WINBHIP] 


LIST   OP   WORKS 


609 


Mendoza,  Antonio  de — Continued. 

—  Carta  del  virey  Uou  Antouio  do 
Mendoza  al  Emporador. — De  Jaoona, 
17  Abril,  1540. 

JJoc.  de  Indian,  ll,  35&-362.  A  Freuch 
transLition  is  in  Ternaai,  Vibola,  290-298. 
For  au  KDjilisli  translation,  aeo  pp.  547-551 
ante. 

—  Instriiccion  que  debia  observar  el 
capitan  Hernando  de  Alarcon  eu  la 
expediiion  ii  la  California  que  iba  ;i 
emprender  de  6rden  del  virey  D. 
Antonio  do  Mendoza. — Mexico,  po«- 
trero  dia  del  raes  de  mayo  de  luyll  y 
quiuiontos  v  quareuta  c  uno. 

B,  Smith,  Florida,  1-6. 

—  Carta  de  D.  Antonio  de  Mendoza  a 
Juan  de  Aguilar.  pidiendo  se  la  aiito- 
rizase  para  avenirso  con  los  Portu- 
gueses, sobre  la  posesion  do  territo- 
rios  conquistados  .  .  .  para  que  dello 
haga  relaciou  ii  S.  A.  y  a  los  seuores 
de  sn  consejo. 

Doc.  de  Indias.  m,  506-511.  B.  Smith, 
Florida.  7-10.  "AccTca  del  de.seabrimieuto 
de  las  siete  ciudades  de  ronieiite."  Circa 
1543. 

—  Carta  de  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza 
virey  delaNuevaEsparia,alconienda- 
dor  mayor  de  Leon,  participandole  la 
muerte  del  adelantado  do 'Guatemala 
y  Honduras,  y  el  estadode  otros  varios 
asuntos. — Mexico,  10  marzo,  1542. 

Cartas  de  Indias,  pp.  253-255,  and  iu  fac- 
simile. 

—  Carta  del  virey  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza, dando  cuenta  al  principe  Don 
Felipe  do  lialier  li('(ho  el  reparto  de  la 
tierra  de  Nue  va  Espana,  y  exponiendo 
la  necesidad  que  tenia  depasar  ^Cas- 
tilla,  iiara  tratar  verlialmeute  eon  S. 
M.  de  ciertos  negocios  de  goiternacion 
y  hacienda. — Mexico, SOoctubre,  1548. 

Cartas  de  Indias,  jjp.  256-257. 

—  Carta  del  virey  Don  Antonio  de 
Mendoza  al  Emperador  Don  Carlos, 
contestando  it  un  niandato  de  S.  M. 
relativo  al  repartimiento  delosservi- 
cios  persoualeseu  la  Nueva Espana. — 
Guastepeque,  10,junio,  1549. 

Cartas  de  Indies,  pp.  258-259. 

—  Fragniento  de  la  visita  hetba  it  don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza.  Interrogatorio 
por  el  cual  ban  de  serexaniinados  los 
testigos  que  presente  por  su  parte 
don  Antonio  de  Mendoza. — 8  Enero, 
1547. 

XLIV  cargos,  303  i)arasraf08.  Icazbalce. 
ta's  Mexico,   n,  72-140. 

—  See  the  Asienlo  y  Capitulaciones  con 
Alvarado  above. 

Mindeleff,  Cosmos. 
Casa  grande  ruin. 

Hldrteenth  Annval  Report  of  the  Bureau 
of  Ethnology.  J891-92,  pp.  295-319. 

—  Aboriginal  remains  in  Verde  valley, 
Arizona. 

Ibid,  pp.  179-261. 

14  ETH 39 


Mindeleff,  Victor. 
A  study  of  pueblo  architecture:   Ttt- 
sayan  and  Cibola. 

^Eighth  Annual  lieport  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology.  1886-87,  pp.  1-228,  CXI  plates. 
The  textand  illustrationsottliis  admirable 

Saper  convey  a  very  clear  idea  of  thopueblo 
welliiigs  of  New  ile.'cico  and  Arizona,  and 
make  it,  on  this  account,  of  great  value  to 
students  who  have  never  visited  these 
regions. 

Molina,  Alonso  de. 
Aqui  coniienf,a  vn  vocabulario  en  lalen- 
gna  Castellana  y  Mexicanu — (Colo- 
phon)    Mexico,  1555. 

Father  ^lolina  prepared  .a  Vocah^ilario, 
Arte,  and  Confessiimario  iu  the  ilexican 
languages,  which  are  very  valnaljle  as  a 
means  of  interpreting  the  native  words 
adopted  by  tlie  conquistadores.  Tho  origi- 
nals, and  the  later  editions  as  well,  of  all 
three  works  .arc  of  very  considerable  rarity. 

Morgan,  Lewis  Henry. 
Houses  and  house  life  of  tho  American 
aborigines. — Washington,  1881. 

Contributions  to  Xorth  American  Kthnol- 
oqy.  vol.  IV.  Houses  of  the  Sedentary  In- 
dians of  New  Mexico,  cap.  vi-vni,  pp".  132- 
197. 

—  On  the  ruins  of  a  stone  pueblo  on  the 
Animas  river,  in  New  Mexico,  with  a 
ground  plan. 

lieport  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  xir,  Cam- 
bridge, 1880,  pp.  536-556. 

—  The  seven  cities  of  Cibola. 

Xorth  American  Beview,  April,  1869,  cviii, 
457-498. 

Moses,  Bernard. 
The  Casa  de  Contratacion  of  Seville. 

Report  of  the  American  Historical  Associa- 
tion for  1894,  Washington,  1895,  pp.  93-12:). 
Thispaperisaveryusefnloutlineof  thelegal 
constitution  and  functions  of  the  Casa  de 
Contratacion,  derived  fortlie  mostpart  from 
Capt.  tlolm  Stevens'  Englisii  version  (Lon- 
don, 1702)  of  Don  Joseph  de  Veitia  Linage's 
Norte  de  la  Contratacion  de  las  Indias  Occi- 
denlales.     (Seville,  1672.) 

There  is  an  JKlniirablo  account  of  the 
form  of  government  adopted  by  the  Span- 
iards for  New  Spain,  by  Professor  Jlosea, 
in  the  Yale  Review,  vol.  iv,  numbers  3  and 
4  (November,  1895,  and  Febuary,  1896). 

Mota  Padilla,  Matias  de  la. 
Historia  do  la  conquista  de  la  provin- 
cia  de  la  Xueva-Galicia,  escrita  en 
1742.— Mexico,  1870. 

Published  in  the  Jioletin  of  tho  Sociedad 
iiexicana  de  Geografia  y  EstadLstica,  and 
also  issued  separately  with  Xoticias  Bio- 
graficas  liy  Seflor  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  dated 
Marzo  12  de  1872.  It  is  an  ext^-nsive  work 
of  the  greatest  value,  although  there  are  rea- 
sons for  fearing  that  the  jirinted  text  is  not 
an  accurate  copy  of  t  he  original  manuscript. 
Cited  as  Mota  Padilla. 


Motolinia,  Fray  Toribio  de  Benavente  <S. 
Historia  de  los  Indies  de  la  Nueva  Es- 
paiia. 

Icazbalceta's  Mexico,  i,  pp.  249,  with  an 
introduction  of  100  )ip.  bv  Sr  Josi5  Fernando 
Ramirez;  in  Doc.  de  Es'pafia.  LUI,  297-574; 
and  also  printed  iu  Lord  Kingsborough's 
Antiquities  of  Mexico,  vol.  IX.  See  note 
under  King. 


610 


THE    CORONADO    EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETH.  ANN.  14 


Motolinia,  Fray  Toribio  de  Benavente  6 — 
Continued. 

—  Estaesla  relacion  postrera  de  Sivola, 
y  de  mas  de  cuatrocientas  leguas  ade- 
lante. 

A  manuscript  fouud  among  the  "Memo- 
rialea"  de  Alotolinia,  now  in  the  archives 
of  the  late  Sr  Icazbalccta.  J*rinted  for  the 
£r»t  time  in  tlio  ]>reseut  volume.  See  pages 
5G(>-571  anU: 

Muriel,  Domingo. 
Fasti  Novi  Orbis  et  ordinationum  ajios- 
tolicarum,     .     .     .     opera  D.  Cyriaci 
Morelli.— Veuetii.s,  MDCCLXXVI. 

See  page  23  for  a  meutiou  of  events  in  1539- 
1542. 

Niza,  Fray  Marcos  de. 
Relaciou  del  descubriraiento  de  las  siete 
ciudades,  per  cl  P.   Fr.  Marcos  de 
Niza. — 2  Setiembre  1539. 

Doc.  de  Indian,  nr,  325-351.  Translated 
into  Italian  by  Ramuaio,  ni,  fol.  356  359 
(1550  ed.).  and  thence  into  English  by  llaV- 
luyt.  Ill,  365-373  (1601)  ed.).  A  French  trans- 
lation is  inTernaux,  Cibola,  app.  i  and  ii, 
219-284. 

Nordenskiold,  Gustav. 
The  cliff  dwellers  of  the  Mesa  Verde, 
southwestern  Colorado,  their  pottery 
and  implements.     Translated  by  li. 
Lloyd  Morgan.— Stockholm,  1894. 
Chapter  xiv,  "The  Pueblo  tribes  in  the 
sixteenth  century,"  pp.  144-16ti,  contains  a 
translatiim  of  portions  of  Castafieda,  from 
the  French  version. 

Oviedo  y  Valdes,  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de. 
La   historia    general  de  las  Indias. — 
(Colophon)  Seuilla,  1535. 

Keprinteil  at  Salamanca  in  1547,  and  at 
Madrid  iu  1851,  as  follows: 

— Historia  general  y  nattiral  de  las  In- 
dias, por  cl  Capitau  Gonzalo  Fernan- 
dez de  Oviedo  y  Vald<?s,  primer  cro- 
nistadel  NuevoMundo.  Publicalala 
Real  Academiii  de  la  Historia,  con 
las  enmiendas  y  adiciones  del  autor, 
^ilustrada  .  .  por  D.  Jose  Amador 
de  los  Kios. — Madrid,  1851-1855. 

These  four  volunu'S  form  the  definitive 
edition  of  Oviedo.  They  were  printed  from 
the  author's  mannscript,  and  include  the 
fourth  volume,  which  liad  not  hitherto 
been  printed. 

Owens,  John  G. 
Natal  ceremonies  of  the  Hopi  Indian.s. 

Journal  Am.  Ethnology  and  Archceolo'jy 
(Boston,  1893),  II,  163-175. 

Pacheco-Cardenas  Coleccion. 
Colecciou  de  documentos  inc^ditos  rela- 
tives al  descubrimiento,  conquista,  y 
colonizacion  de  las  posesiones  espa- 
fiolas  eu  Am<5rica  y  Occeania,  sacados 
.  .  bajo  la  direccion  de  D.  Joaquin 
F.  Pacheoo  y  I).  Francisco  de  C&v- 
denas.— Madrid,  1864-1884. 

In  42  volumes.  The  title-page  varies 
much  from  year  to  .year.  There  is  as  yet 
no  useful  inilex  in  print.  Cited  as  Doc.  d€ 
Indias. 

Paez,  Juan. 
Relacion  del  descubrimiento  que  hizo 
Juau  Rodriguez  [Cabrillo]  uavegan- 


Paez,  Juan — Continued. 

do  por  la  coutracosta  del  mar  del  Sur 
al  Ij^orte,  hecha  por  Juan  I'aez. 

Doc.  de  Indiai,  XIV,  165-191 ;  1!.  Smith, 
Florida,  173-189.  Partid  27  Junio  1542. 
This  report,  which  was  probablj-  written 
by  the  pilot  Bartolome  Ferrel  or  Ferrelo, 
has  been  translated  in  the  Jtejtorl  of  the  V. 
S.  Genl.  Survei/  Wett  of  the  100th  Meridian, 
VII.  293-314.    See  note  on  page  412  anU. 

Peralta.     See  Suarez  de  Peralta. 
Prince,  Le  Baron  Bradford. 
Historical  sketches  of  New  Mexico  from 
the  earliest  records  to  the  American 
occupation. — New  York  and  Kausas 
City,  1883. 

For  Vaheza  de  liaca,  Marcos  de  Xiza,  and 
Coronado,  see  pp.  40-148. 

Proceso  del  Marquds  del  Valle  y  Nuno  de 
Guzman  y  los  aiielautados  Soto  y 
Alvarado,  sobre  el  descubrimiento  de 
la  tierra  niieva— en  JIadrid,  3  Marzo, 
1540;  10  Junio,  1541. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  XV,  300-408.  See  page  380 
ante. 

Proctor,  Edna  Dean. 
The  song  of  the  ancient  people. — Bos- 
ton 1893. 

Cont.iins  preface  and  note  by  John  Fiske 
and  commentary  by  F.  H.  Cashing. 

Ptolemy,  C. 
La  Geografia  di  Clavdio  Ptolemeo,  con 
alcuni  comeuti  &  aggiunti  fatteui  da 
Sebastiano  munstero,  con  le  tauole 
non  Bolamente  antiche  &  moderne 
Bolite  di  staparsi,  ma  altre  nuoue. — 
In  Venetia,  M.  D.  XL\  III. 

The  maps  in  this  edition  of  Ptolemy's 
Geography  for  the  first  time  present  the 
resnlta  of  Coronado's  explorations-  See 
plate  XLI  ante.  The  bibliography  of  Ptol- 
emy has  been  set  forth  with  great  clearness 
and  in  most  convenient  form  by  I>r  Justin 
AViusorin  ii^e  Bibliographical  Contrihutions 
of  the  Harvanl  College  Lilirary,  Ko.  18; 
and  with  greater  detail  by  Mr  Wilberforce 
Fames,  in  volume  xvi  of  Sabin's  Dictionary 
of  American  Books. 

Purchas,  Samuel. 
Pvrchas  his  pilgrimage.   Or  relations  of 
the  world  and  the  religions  observed 
and  places  discouered    .    .    . — Lon- 
don, 1613. 

The  eighth  book.  America,  chap.  viii.  0/ 
Cibola.  Tiguez,  ^ivira,  and  Nona  Albion, 
pp.  648-653.  There  were  two  editions  of  th  is 
work  in  1614,  one  in  161";,  and  one,  thebest, 
in  1626,  forming  the  fifth  volume  of  the  JPW- 
grimes. 

—  Haklvytvs  posthumus  or  Purchas, 
his  pilgrimes.  Contayning  a  history 
of  the  world,  in  sea  voyages,  & 
lande-trauells,  by  Englishmen  & 
others  ...  In  fower  parts,  each 
containing  fiue  bookes.  By  Samvel 
Pvrchas. — London,  1625. 

Part  (volume)  iv,  pp.  1560-1562,  gives  a 
sketch  of  the  discovery  of  Cibola  and  Qui- 
rira,  abridged  from  Kamnsio.  The  best 
guide  to  the  confnseil  bibliography  of  Pur- 
chas is  that  of  Mr  "Wilberforce  Fames,  in 
vol.  xvt  of  Sabin's  Dictiunarjf  of  A  meriean 
Books. 


WINSHIP] 


LIST   OF   WORKS 


611 


Putnam,  Frederick  Ward. 
The  pueblo  ruins  and  the  interior  tribes. 
Edited  by  Frederick  W.  Putnam. 

r.  S.  Geog.  Survey  West  100th  Meridian, 
vir,  Arcliffiolopy  pt.  ii.  p.  315,  "Washinglon, 
1879.  Appendix  (p.  399)  contains  Albert  S. 
Gatscbet's  classification  into  seven  linguis- 
tic stocks,  etc. 

Ratnusio,  Giovanni  Battista. 
Terzo    volvme     delle   iiavigationi     et 
viaggi. — In  Venetia,  MDLVI. 

In  this,  tlie  first  edition  of  tlie  tliird  vol- 
ume of  Kamusio's  collection,  folios  354-370 
contain  the  narratives  which  relate  to  the 
discoveries  in  the  territory  of  the  present 
southwestern  United  States.  The  volumes 
of  Kamusio  have  an  especial  value,  because 
in  many  cases  the  editor  and  translator 
used  the  originals  of  documents  which  have 
not  since  been  fonnd  by  investigators.  Ka- 
inusio's  Italian  text  furnished  one  chief  re- 
liance of  Hakluyt,  and  of  nearly  all  the 
collectors  and  translators  who  followed  him, 
including,  in  the  present  century,  Henri 
Temaux-Compans.  The  best  gui(le  to  the 
various  issues  and  e<lition8.  of  Ramusio  is 
that  of  Mr  Wilberforce  Eamee,  in  Sabin's 
THctionary  of  American  Books.  The  most 
complete  single  edition  of  the  three  volumes 
is  that  of  1606. 

■  Recopilacion  de  leyes  de  los  reynos  de 
las  Indias.  Mandadas  imprimir,  y 
pvblicar  per  la  magestad  "catolica  del 
rey  don  Carlos  II.  Tomo  i  (-iv). — 
Madrid,  1681. 

New  editions  were  issued  in  1756, 1774,  and 
1791. 

Ribas,  Andres  Perez  de. 
Historia  de  los  trivmphos  de  nvestra 
Santa  Fee  entre  geutes  del  nueuo 
Orbe:  refleren.se  assimismo  las  cos- 
tvmbres,  ritos,  y  superstieiones  que 
vsauan  estas  gentes;  sus  puestos,  y 
temples :    .    .    . — Madrid,  1645. 

The  mass  of  facts  collected  into  this  heavy 
volume  throw  much  light  on  the  civil  as 
■well  as  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  New 
Spain. 

Rude  Ensayo,  tentativa  de  una  preven- 
cional  descripcion  geographica  de  la 
provincia  de  Sonora,  .  .  .  com- 
pilada  asi  do  noticias  adquiridas  per 
el  colector  en  sus  viajes  por  casi  to- 
da  ella,  como  subministradas  por  los 
padres  missioneros  y  practicos  de  la 
tierra. — San  Augustin  de  la  Florida, 
1863. 

Edited  by  Buckingham  Smith.  An  Eng- 
lish translation  by  Eusebio  Guit6ras  is  in 
the  Records  of  the  American  Catholic  His- 
torical Society,  Philadelphia,  June,  1894. 

Ruge,  Sophus. 
Oeschichte    des    Zeitalters    der    Ent- 
deckungen. — Berlin,  1881. 

In  Allgeineine  Oeschichte,  von  "Wilhelm 
Ouckeu.  Coronado's  Feldzug  nach  Cibola 
und  Quivira,  pp.  415-423.  The  map  on  page 
417  is  one  of  tlie  best  suggestions  of  Coro- 
nado's probable  route. 

—  Die     Entdeckungs-Geschichte     der 
Neuen  Welt. 

In  Hamburgiiche  Festschrift  zur  Erin- 
nerung  an  die  Entdeckung  Avierika's, 
Hamburg,  1892.  I  Band.  Coronado's  Zug 
nath  Oibola  und,  Quivira,  pp.  87-80. 


Ruge,  Sophus — Continued. 
—  Die  Entwickelung  der  Kartographie 
von  America  bis  1570. — Gotha,  1892. 
Festschrift    zur  40njabrigt'n    Feier    der 
Entdeckung    Amerikas.      Ergiinzungsheft 
no.  106  zu    "Peteriuann's  Mitteilungen.'* 
An  .-wlmiralile  outline  of  theearly  history  of 
the  geographical  unfolding  of  America. 

Salazar,  Francisco  Cervantes.      See  Cer- 
vantes Salazar. 
Santisteban,  Fray  GenSnimo  de. 
Carta  escrita  por  Fr.  Geronimo  de  San- 
tisteban   (I    don    Antonio  Meudoza, 
virey  de  Nueva  Espaua,  relacionando 
la  7)%rdida  de  la  armada  que  salii)  en 
1542  para  las  islas  del  poniente,  al 
cargo  de  Kuy  Lopez   do  Villalobos. 
— De  Cochin,  de  la  India  del  Rey  de 
Portugal.     22  Henero  1547. 

Doc.  de  Indias,  XIV,  151-165.  See  page  412 
ante. 

Savage.  James  Woodruff. 
The  discovery  of  Nebraska. 

Kehraska  Historical  Society  Transac- 
tions, I,  180-202.  Read  before  the  Society, 
April  16, 1880.  In  this  paper  Jud^e  Savage 
accepts  the  statements  that  Quivira  was 
situated  in  latitude  40  degrees  north  as 
convincing  evidence  that  Coronado's  Span- 
iards explored  tho  territory  of  the  present 
State  of  Nebraska.  This  paper,  together 
with  one  by  the  same  author  on  "A  visit 
to  Nebraska  in  1662"  (by  I'enalosa),  was 
reprinted  by  the  Government  PrintingOftice 
(Washington,  1893)  fortheuseof  the  United 
States  Senate',  for  wiiat  jmrpose  the  resolu- 
tion ordering  the  reprint  does  not  state.  It 
fonus  Senate  Mis.  Doc.  No.  14, 53d  Congress, 
2d  session. 

Schmidt,  Emil. 
Vorgeschichte  Nordamerikas  im  (icbiet 
der    Vereinigten     Staateii. — Braun- 
schweig, 1894. 

I>ie  vorgeschichtlichen  Indianer  im  Slid- 
weaten  der  Vereinigten  Staaten,  pp.  177- 
216.  Compiled  in  large  part  from  Nord- 
enskiold  and  V.  Mindeletf. 

Schoolcraft,  Henry  Rowe. 
Historical  and  statistical  information 
respecting  the  history,  condition,  and 
prospects  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the 
United  States. — Philadelphia,  1851- 
1855. 

For  Coronado's  expedition  see  vol.  iv,  pp. 
21-40.  Schoolcraft's  map  of  Coronado's  route 
is  opposite  p.  38. 

Shipp,  Barnard. 
The  history  of  Hernando  de  Soto  and 
Florida ;  or,  record  of  the  events  of 
fifty-six  years,  from  1512  to  1568.— 
Philadelphia,  1881. 

For  Coronado,  see  pp.  121-132. 

Simpson,  James  Hervey. 
Journal  of  a  military  reconnaissance 
from  Santa  F^,  New  Mexico,  to  the 
Navajo  country. 

Senate  Ex.  Doc.  64,  Slat  Congress,  1st 
sess  ,  Washington,  1850,  pp.  56-168. 

— Coronado's  march  in  search  of  the 
"Seven   Cities  of  Cibola,"  and  dis- 
cussion of  their  probable  location. 
Smithsonia7i  Report  for  1869.  pp.  309-340. 
Keprinted    by  the   Smithsonian   Institution, 
Washington,  1884.    Contains  an  excellent  map 
of  Coronado's  route. 


612 


THE   CORONADO   EXPEDITION,  1540-1542 


[ETH.  ANN.  14 


Smith,  (Thomas)  Buckingham. 
Coleccion  tie  varios  documentos  para  la 
historia  de  la  Florida  y  tierras  ad- 
yacentes.    Tomo  i  [  1516-^1794] . — Lou- 
dres  (Madrid,  1857). 

Only  one  volumo  -Wtis  ever  published. 
Cited  aa  B.  Sinith'8  Florida.  These  docu- 
,  ments  are  printed,  for  the  most  part,  from 
copies  made  l>y  Muiioz  or  by  Navarrete. 
See  note  to  tlie  English  translation  of  Ca- 
bez.a  de  Vaca's  Xau/ragios,  and  see  also 
Rudo  Ensayo  .ind  Soto. 

Sosa,  Caspar  Castaiio  de.     See  Castaflo 

de  Sosa. 
Soto,  Hernando  de. 
Asiento  y  capittilacion  hechos  per  el 
capitan  Hernando  de  Soto  con  el  Em- 
perador  Carlos  V  para  la  conquista  y 
poblaciou  de  la  provinoia  de  la 
Florida,  y  eucomienda  de  la  Roberna- 
cion  de  la  isla  de  Cuba. — Valhidolid, 
20Abril,  1537. 

Doe.  de  Indian,  xv,  354-363.  B.  Smith, 
Florida,  140-146. 

—  Narratives  of  the  career  of  Hernan- 
do de  Soto  iu  the  conquest  of  Florida, 
as  told  by  a  Knight  of  Elvas  and  iu  a 
relation  by  Luys  Hernandez  de  liied- 
ma,  factor  of  the  expedition.  Trans- 
lated by  Buckingham  Smith. — New 
York,  1866. 

Bradford  Club  series,  v. 

—  Letter  of  Hernando  de  Soto  [in 
Florida,  to  the  Justice  and  Hoard  of 
Magistrates  in  Santiago  de  Cuba. 
July  9,  1539]  and  memoir  of  Hernan- 
do de  Escalanto  Fontaneda.  Trans- 
lated from  the  Spanish  by  Bucking- 
ham Smith. — Washington,  1854. 

This  is  not  the  plat-e  for  an  extensive  list 
of  tlie  sources  for  the  history  of  de  Soto's 
expedition,  and  no  eftbrt  has  been  made  to 
do  more  tlian  mention  two  volumes  which 
have  proved  useful  during  tlie  study  of  the 
Coronado  expe<lition.  The  l)est  guide  for 
the  student  of  the  travels  of  do  Soto  and 
Narvaez  is  the  critical  portions  of  John 
Gilmarj' Shea's  chapter  in  AVinsor's  Xarra- 
live  and  Critical  Uiatury  of  America,  vol.  II, 
pp.  283-298. 

Squier,  Ephraim  George. 
New  Mexico  and  California.  The  an- 
cient monuments,  and  the  aboriginal, 
semicivilized  nations,  .  .  .  with 
an  abstract  of  the  early  Spanish  ex- 
plorations and  conquests. 

American  lievieu:,  viii.  Nov.,  1848,  pp.  ^03- 
528.    Also  issued  separately. 

Stevens,  John. 
A  new  dictionary,  Spanish  and  Eng- 
lish. .  .  .  Much  more  copious 
than  .any  hitherto  extant,  with  .  .  . 
proprr  names,  the  surnames  of  fami- 
lies, the  geography  of  Spain  and  the 
West  Indies. — London,  1726. 

Captain  John  Stevens  was  especially  well 
read  in  the  literature  of  the  Spanisli  con- 
quest of  America,  and  his  dictionary  is 
often  of  the  utmost  value  in  getting  at  the 
older  meaning  of  terms  which  were  em- 
ployed by  the  conquistadores  in  a  sense 
very  diiferent  from  their  present  use.  Cap- 
tain Stevens  translated  Herrera  and  Veitia 
Linage  (see  note  under  Moses),  taking  very 
great  libertiea  with  the  texts. 


Stevenson,  James, 
(Illnstraled  catalogues  of  collections 
obtained  from  the  Indians  of  New 
Mexico  in  1879, 1880,  and  1881.) 

iSfcoiul  Annual  lieport  of  the  Jiureau  of 
Ethnology,  188(1-81,  pp.  307-465;  Third  An- 
nual Report.  1881-82,  pp.  511-594. 

Stevenson,  Matilda  Coxe, 
The  religious  life  of  the  Ziuii  child. 

Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  Jiureau  qf 
EthnoloDil,  1883-84,  pp   539-555. 

—  The  Sia. 

Eleventh  Annual  lieport  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  1889-90,  pp.  9-157. 

Suarez  de  Peralla,  Joan. 

Tratado  del  descubriniiento  de  las  Yn- 

dias  y  su  conquista,  y  los  ritos  .    .   .• 

de  los  yndios;  y  de  los  virreyes  y 

gobernadores,     .     .     .     y  del  prin- 

fipio  quetuvo  Francisco  Draque  para 

serdeclaradoenemigo. — Madrid,  1878. 

See  entry  under  Zaragoza  and  note  on 

page  377  ante.    This  very  valuable  histor- 

icju  treatise  was  written  in  the  last  third 

of  the  XVI  century. 

Tello,  Fray  Antonio. 
Fragmentos  de  una  historia  de  la  Nne- 
va  Galicia,  escrita  hiicia  1650,  por  el 
Padre  Fray  Antonio  Tello,  de  la  orden 
de  .San  Francisco. 

Icazbalceta's  Mexico,  11,  343-438.  Chap- 
ters viii-xxxix  are  all  that  are  known  to 
have  survived. 

Ternaux-Compans,  Henri. 
Voyages,  relations  et  mi^moires  origin- 
aux  pour  servir  a  I'histoire  de  la  d(?- 
couverte  de  TAmcriqiie  publi<5s  pour 
la  premii're  fois,  en  franvais. — Paris, 
1837-1841. 

Twenty  volumes.  Volume  IX  contains 
the  translation  of  Castaneda  and  of  various 
other  narratives  relating  to  the  Coronado 
espeilition.  These  narratives  are  referred 
to  under  the  authors'  name.s  iu  the  present 
list.    It  18  cited  as  Temaui's  Cibola. 

Thomas,  Cyrus. 
Quivira:  A  suggestion. 

Magazine  of  American  History  X,  New 
York,  Dec,  1883,  pp,  490-496. 

Tomson,  Robert. 
The  voyage  of  Robert  Tomsonmarchant, 
into  Noua  Hispania  in  the  yeere  1.555, 
with  diners  obseruations  concerning 
the  state  of  the  oountrey:  And  cer- 
taine  accidents  touching  himselfe. 

Hakluyt,  111,  447-154  (ed,  1600),  See  note  on 
page  375  ante. 

Torquemada,  Juan  de. 
Los  veynte  i  vn  libros  rituales  y  mo- 
narchia  Vndiana,  con  el  origen  y 
guerras  de  los  Yndios  Occidentales. 
Compvesto  por  Fray  Ivan  de  Tor- 
quemada, Ministro  Prouincial  de  la 
orden  de  S.  Franjisco  en  Mexico,  eu 
la  Nueba  Espana. — Seuilla,  1615. 

This  work  was  reprinted  at  Madrid  in 
1723  by  Harcia.  This,  the  second,  is  the 
better  e<Ution,  The  tirat  two  volumes  con- 
tain an  invaluable  mass  of  facta  couceming 


WIXSHIP) 


LIST    OF    WORKS 


613 


Torquemada,  Juan  de — Continued. 

the  natives  of  New  Spain.  The  comments 
by  tlie  autlior  are,  of  course,  of  less  sigDiii- 
Ciiuce. 

Ulloa,  Francisco  de. 
A  relation  of  the  discouery,  which  in  the 
name  of  God  the  fleete  of  the  right 
noble  Fernando  Cortez  Marqnes  of 
the  Vally,  made  with  three  ships; 
the  one  called  Santa  Agueda  of  120. 
tunnes,  the  other  the  Trinitie  of  35. 
tnnaes,  and  the  thirde  S.  Thomas  of 
the  burthen  of  20.  tunnes.  Of  which 
fleete  was  cap  taiue  the  right  worship- 
full  knight  Francis  de  Vlloa  borne  in 
the  citie  of  Merida. 

Bakluyt,  in,  397-424  (ed.  1600).  Translated 
from  Kamusio,  m,  fol.  339-354  (ed.  1556). 

—  -.See  Alarcon. 

Vetancurt,  Augustin  de. 
Teatro  Mexicano  descripcion  breve  de 
los  svcessos  exemplares,  historicos, 
politicos,  militares  y  religiosos  del 
nuevo  niundo  Occidental  de  las  In- 
dias.— Mc^xico,  1698. 

—  Menologio  Franciscano  de  los  Va- 
rones  mas  senalados,  que  con  sus 
vidas  exemplares  .  .  .  ilustraron 
la  Proviucia  de  el  Santo  Evangelic 
de  Mexico. 

This  work  forms  a  part  of  the  secoud  vol- 
ume of  the  Tealro  Mexicauo. 

Villagra,  Caspar  de. 
Historia  de  la  Nveva  Mexico. — Alcala, 
1610. 

Villalobos,  Ruy  Lopez  de.    *'ee  Santiste- 
ban,  Fray  Ger6nimo  de. 

Ware,  Eugene  F. 
Coronado's  march. 

Agora,  Lawrence,  Kansas,  Nov.,  1895  [not 
cenipleted.J  A  translation  of  Castafieda's 
narrative  Irom  the  French  of  Temauz. 

Whipple,  A.  W.,  et  al. 
Report  upon  the  Indian  tribes  [of  Ari- 
zona and  New  Mexico] . 

Vacijie  Hailroad  Jieporta,  vol.  lu,  pt.  3, 
"Washington,  1856. 

Winship,  George  Parker. 
A  list  of  titles  of  documents  relating 
to  America,  in  volumes  l-cx  of  the 
C'oleccion    de   documentos    in^ditos 
para  la  historia  de  Espana. 

Bidlelin  of  the  Boaton  Public  Library, 
October,  1894.    Reprinted,  60  copies. 

—  TheCoronado  Expedition,  1540-1542. 

Fourteenth  A  nnuallif port  Bureau  of  Eth- 
noloijt/,  Washington,  1896.  Contains  the 
Spanish  text  of  Castaheda,  and  translations 
of  the  original  narratives. 


Winship,  George  Parker — Continued. 

—  Why  Coronado  went  to  New  Mexico 
iu  1540. 

Papers  of  American  Historical  AstoeiO' 
lion,  1894,  Washington,  1895,  pp.  83-92. 

—  New  Mexico  in  1540. 

Boston  Transcript.  Oct.  14, 1893.  A  trans- 
lation of  the  Belaeion  de  lo  que  .  .  . 
Alvarado  y  Padilla  descubrieron. 

—  Coronado's  journey  to  New  Mexico 
and  the  gn^at  plains.     1540-1542. 

American  Uistoi-y  Leaflet,  Ko.  13,  New 
York,  1894.  Contains  a  translation  of  the 
Belaeion  del  Suceso,  and  of  Coronado's  Let- 
ter  to  Mendoza,  20  October,  1541. 

Winsor,  Justin. 
Narrative  and  critical  history  of  Amer- 
ica, edited  by  Justin  Winsor  (8  vol- 
umes).— Boston,  1889. 

Besides  Professor  llaynes'  chapter  in  vol- 
ume n,  pp.  473-503  (see entry  under llavnes), 
tlie  same  volume  contains  chapters  l>\  Dr 
"Winsor  on  Discoveries  on  the  I'acijic  t'oast 
of  North  America,  pp.  431-472;  by  Clements 
R.  Markhaui  on  Pizarro  and  the  C&nquest 
and  Settlement  of  Peru  and  Chile,  pp.  505- 
573,  and  by  John  G.  ^hea-iiu  Ancient  Florida, 
pp.  231-298.  The  fact  that  speci.il  investi- 
gators in  minute  tields  of  historical  study 
have  found  omi.ssious  anderrors  in  this  ency- 
clopedic work  oulyserves  to  emphasize  the 
value  of  the  labors  of  Br  "Winsor.  There 
is  Iiardly  a  subject  of  study  in  American 
history  in  which  the  student  will  not,  of 
necessity,  begin  his  work  by  consulting  the 
critical  and  bibliographical  portions  of 
AVinsor's  America. 

Wytfiiet,  Cornelius. 
Descriptiouis  Ptolemaicae  Avgmentvm, 
sine  Occidentis  Notitia  Breui  com- 
mentario  illustrata  Studio  ot  opera 
Comely  Wytfliet  Louauiensis. — Lo- 
vanii,  M.D.XCVII. 

For  Coronado,  see  p.  170,  or  p.  91  of  the 
French  translation  of  1611.  Qvivira  et 
Aniau.     See  plates  LI-LUI  ante. 

Zatnacois,  Niceto  de. 
Historia  do  M^jico  desde  sus  tiempos 
mas  remotes. — M(?jico,  1878-1888. 

Nineteen  volumes.  For  the  chronicl '  of 
events  in  New  Spain  during  the  years  1  35- 
1546,  see  vol.  iv,  592-715. 

Zaragoza,  Justo. 
Noticias  hist6ricas  de  la   Nueva    Es- 
pana.— Madrid,  1878. 

In  this  volume  .Sefior  Zaragoza  has  added 
much  to  the  inherent  value  of  the  Tratado 
of  Suarez  doPeralta(.seeeutrvabove)  by  his 
ample  and  scholarly  notes, an<l  bv  a  verv  u.se- 
ful  "Indiee  geogr^fico,  biogriitico,  y  ^e  pa- 
labraa  Americanas."  Theseindices,  within 
their  inevitable  limitations,  contain  a,  great 
deal  of  information  for  which  the  student 
would  hardly  know  whereelse  to  look.  This 
is  etiually  true  of  the  indices  to  the  Cartas 
de  Indias,  for  the  excellence  of  which  Sefior 
Zaragoza  was  largely  responsible. 


I^DEX  TO  PART  1 


Page 

Abnaki,  genesis  of  the 87 

— .jugglery  among  the 145 

—,  pictography  of  the xxku 

— ,  totemic  marks  of  the 65 

Abortion  produced  bynse  of  hair 286 

Absaroka,  investigation  of  the xxxiv 

AcAPULCO,  port  on  coast  of  New  Spain. . .  385 

— ,  rendezvous  for  Alvarado's  fleet 409 

— ,  departure  of  Alarcon  from 403 

— ,  departure  of  Flloa  frona 369 

ACAXES  indians  of  Culiacan. ., 514 

Accompanying  papers,  characterization 

of 1 

AccrLTUBATioNof  the  indians xxxiv 

ACHA  pueblos 519 

ACOCHIS,  indian  name  for  gold 493, 512 

AcoMA,  Jararaillo's  namo  for 587 

— ,Tigua  name  for 492 

— ,  Zufii  namo  for 490 

— ,  Alvarado's  description  of 594 

— ,  Castttfieda's  description  of 491 

— ,  description  of,  by  companions  of  Coro- 

nado 569,  575 

— ,  repntation  of,  in  Sonora 357 

— ,  visit  of  Arellano  to 494 

— ,  visit  of  Spaniards  to Ivii,  390 

— ,  worship  of  crosa  at 544 

— ,«ee  Accco,  Acus. 

Acorns,  use  of,  by  indians  as  food 517 

AcosTA,  Josl^:  DE,  on  Mexican  sorcerers . . .  138 
AcosTA,  Maria  de,  wife  of  Pedro  Casta- 

neda 470 

Acuco,  location  of 519,  524 

— ,  visitof  Alvaradoto 490 

— ,  cartographic  history  of 403 

— ,  gee  AcoMA,  Aces. 

Acucc,  Uoronado's  comments  on  name  of.  560 

AcciQCE,  name  for  Cicuye 523 

Aces,  identified  with  Acoraa 357 

— ,  Coronado's  account  of 560 

—,8eeAcoMA,  Acuco. 

Adobe,  description  of 520, 562,  569 

— ,  making  of,  described 356 

Agave,  liquor  made  from 516 

—  fiber,  use  of,  for  garments 517 

AauAiACALE,  seaport  of  Culiacan 385 

Aouas  Caliextes,  pueblo  of 525 

AODILAR,  Jcan  de,  Meudoza's  agent  in 

Spain 368 

Ahacus.  identified  with  Hawikuh 358 

AiAmita,  genealogy  of 56 

Akkeewayske,  OJibwa  treaty  signer 28 

Ako,  native  name  for  Acoma 575 


Page 

AK6Miv,  native  name  for  people  of  Acoma.  575 

Xkwinemi.  mythic  origin  of  name 218 

— ,  genealogy  of 46, 48 

Alarcon,    D.  de,    confusion    of,    with 

Alcaraz 501 

Alarcon,  IT.  de,  expedition  by  sea,  under .  385, 478 

— ,  Colorado  river  discovered  by 403, 574 

— ,  Estevan's  death  rei>orted  to 360 

— ,  message  of,  found  by  Diaz 407, 486 

— ,  Coronado's  fears  for 555 

Albaicin,  similarity  of,  -with  Hawikuh ..  564 
Alcaraz,  Diego  de,  lieutenant  of  Diaz. .  485, 501 

— ,  incompetence  of 502 

— ,  death  of 633 

Aleman,  Juan,  inhabitant  of  Mexico 495 

Alexeres,  uncertain  meaning  of 507 

Alqonkin  habitat  in  1634 16 

Alkali  soil,  references  to 586 

Alligators,  danger  from,  in  rivers  of 

New  Galicia 539 

Allocez,  C,  on  Kabbit-rock  myth fl7 

Almaoeo,  struggles  of,  in  Peru  against 

Pizarro 376 

Almaguer,  Antonio    de,    secretary    in 

New  Spain 598 

Almidez  Chkrino,  Pero,  royal   veedor 

for  Now  Spain 596, 598 

Almirantazgo,  island  of 545 

Aloe,  Mexican,  use  of,  for  clothing  by 

pueblo  indians 569 

Alvarado,  Hernando  de,  appointment 

of 477 

— ,  Coronado  protected  by,  at  Cibola 483 

— ,  expeditiouof,  to  Rio  Grande..  Ivii,  390, 490, 575 

— ,  report  of  discoveries  by 594 

— ,  Pecos  chiefs  imprisoned  by 493 

— ,  visit  of,  to  Braba 511 

— ,  wounded  by  indians 557 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  lieutenant  of  Cor- 
tes, conqueror  of  Guatemala 352 

— ,  failure  of  expedition  to  Peru 352 

— ,  unites  with  Mendoza  for  exploration.  353 
— ,  arguments  before  Council  for  the  In- 
dies   372 

— ,  eflbrts  to  provide  wives  for  colonists  .  374 

— ,  arrival  of,  in  New  Spain 408 

— ,  expedition  of,  to  Peru 474 

—,  feats  of 540 

— ,  death  of,  at  Xochistlan 410 

Amatepeque,  revolt  in,  quelled  by  Coro- 
nado  .'..  380 

Ambush,  use  of,  by  Spaniards 500 

Ammunition, -lack  of,  iu  New  Spain 540 

.615 


616 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


[KTH.  ANN.  14 


I*age 

Amulets  of  tlieMenoniini 7-1 

Anacapa  island,  visit  of  Ferrel  to 412 

Andrew  Tahascan  remains  iu  pueblo 

country ^92 

Angel  de  La  Gcabdia,  island  of 554 

Anqiakeb  Waba,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer..  28 

ANiaiALBof  pueblo  region 518 

—  taken  by  Coronado  for  foocl  supply 553 

Antiquities  of  tboMenomiui 36-39 

Antonio  de  Ciudad-Kodrigo,  Franciscan 

provincial  in  Mexico 354 

Antonio  de  Santa  ilARLi,  Franciscan 

friar ' 474 

A  NTONio  Victoria,  friar,  leg  of,  broken . .  482 

Apache,  arrow  making  by  tbe 275,279 

— ,  stone  arrowpoints  among  tbe 283,284 

— ,  stone  implements  of  tbe 256 

— .  gormandism  among  the 287 

Apalache  bay  explored  by  Narvaez 346 

Aqkiwasi,  genealogy  of 58 

Aquiu,  name  for  Cicuye 523 

Arache.  province  of  great  plains 529, 588 

Ahae,  Indian  village  on  great  plains 577 

Abahei,  province  of,  on  great  plains 588 

Arapaho,  ghost  dance  among  tbe xxxix 

—  language,  study  of  tbe ili 

Arche,  province  near  Qnivira 503 

Archeology,  work  in xxxiv 

AfiCHiTECTrBE  of  tbe  Menomin  i 253 

Arellano,  Tristan  de,  lieutenant  to  Cor- 
onado    508 

—^  appointment  of,  as  captain 477 

— ,  command  of,  in  Coronado's  army 391, 

481, 572, 577, 581 

—  at  Corazones 485 

— ,  arrival  of,  at  Cibola  and  Tiguex. .  492, 494, 510 

Arispa,  settlement  of 515 

— .  visit  of  Coronado  to 585 

Arivaypa  creek  in  Arizona 387 

Arizona,  aboriginal  remains  in xxxvli 

—,  adobe  of 620 

Arizpe,  see  Arispa. 

Arkansas,  novaculito  quarries  in xxx v 

Arkansas  river  followed  by  Coronado.  397 

Arrow  making  by  Arizona  tribes 275 

Abrowpoints,  modem  stone 281 

—  in  graves  at  Sikyatki 519 

—  in  "Wisconsin  mounds 38 

—  of  Arizona  tribes 256 

Arrows  in  Menomini  mytb 179 

— ,  mystic,  in  Menomini  mytb 196 

—  of  the  Menomini 274 

—  used  in  gaming 245 

Art  prodicts,  classification  of xixvii 

Artillery,  substitutes  for,  devised   by 

Spaniards 500 

— ,  use  of,  at  Cbiametla 481 

— ,  use  of,  by  Indians 524 

— ,  use  of,  in  exploring  expeditions 546 

AsHAW akanau,  genealogy  of 57 

Atahualpa  killed  by  Pizarro 354 

Athapascan  bibliography,  work  on xlii 

Attikumaao,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 28 

Audiencia,  definition  of 472 

— ,  functions  of  the 350 


Page 
Atn>iBNCiA,  expeditions  into  new  territory 

forbidden  by 369 

Aurora  borealis  in  Menomini  mytb 210 

Avila,  Pedro  de,  ringleader  in  rebellion 

at  Suya 533 

Axa,  province  in  great  plains 492 

Aztec  warriors    allies  of   Spaniards  in 

Mixton  war 410 

Babbitt,  Irving,  acknowledgments  to...  552 

Bacallaos,  name  applied  to  Newfound- 
land   513,526 

Bachelors   forbidden   to  hold   land    in 

America 374 

Bacqukville  dk  la  Potherie  on  jug- 
glery am  Jng  Hudson  Bay  Indians 140 

Badger  in  Menomini  myth 133 

Bag,  see  Beaded  bag.  Medicine  bag. 

Balconies,     description    of,    in    pueblo 

houses 523 

Ball,  mystic,  in  Menomini  myth 224 

Ball-Carrier,  folktale  of  the 223 

Ball-game  during  Pontiac  conspiracy  . . .  130 

—  in  Menomini  myth 166 

—  of  tlio  Menomini 127-136,244 

— ,  mythic  origin  of 131 

— ,  sacred  character  of 135 

Balsas,  Rio  de  las,  crossed  by  Coronado 

on  rafts 586 

Bancroft,  n.  H.,  on  Cabeza  de  "Vaca's 

route 348 

— ,  mistake  in  dating  Alvarado's  report..  391 
Bandelier,  a.  F.,  researches   in  south- 
western history 339 

— ,  discussion  of  indian  legends 345 

— ,  on  Cal>eza  de  Taca's  route 347 

— ,  on  Friar  Juan  de  la  Asuncion 353 

— ,  on  route  of  Friar  Marcos 358 

— ,  defense  of  veracity  of  Friar  Marcos  . . .  Ivi,  363 

— ,  ondateof  Coronado's  departure 382 

^,  on  Coronado's  route  from  Culiacan  . . .  386 

— ,  identification  of  Cbichilticalli  by 387. 516 

— ,  identification  of  Hawikub-Granada  by  489 

— ,  identification  of  pueblos  by 511, 524 

— ,  Querechos  identified  with  Apaches  by  306 

— ,  identification  of  Rio  Vemiejo  by 482 

— ,  ideut  ification  of  Vacapa  by 355 

— ,  use  of  sources  of  Coronado  exi>cdition 

by 414. 

— ,  considers  the  Turk  indian  probably  a 

Pawnee 394 

— ,  on  Arizona  indian  liquor 616 

— ,  on  Opata  poison 538 

— ,  on  indian  government  and  eatufas 520 

— ,  onpneblo  indian  lifeand  government .  561 

— ,  on  name  of  Cicuye 523 

— ,  on  name  Tey a  or  Texia 507 

— ,  on  name  Tatahaco 492 

— ,  on  Indian  giants 485 

— ,  on  Acoma 490 

— ,  on  Ispa  and  Guagarispa 685 

— ,  on  location  of  Quivira 397 

— ,  on  location  of  Tiguex  and  Cicuye 491 

— ,  on  Matsaki 517 

— ,  onPetlatlan 515 

— ,  on  the  Seven  Cities 473 


ETH.  ANN.  14] 


INDEX   TO   PART    1 


617 


Page 

Bandelier,  a.  F.,  onTopira 471 

— ,  onTuqueyunque 510 

Bannock,  linguistic  affinity  of  the 525 

BaSlelos,  B.,  miner  of  Zacatecas 538 

Barbels,  native  Americau  tish 517 

Babk  used  in  mat  making 269 

— ,  «fe  BiRCHBARK. 

Barranca,  Bio  de  la,  crossed  by  Coronado  586 
Bahkioncevo,  Francisco  dk,  companion 

of  Coronado 479 

— ,  explorations  of 510 

— ,  adventure  of,  at  Tiguei 496 

Basket  making  by  the  Menomini 259 

Batuca,  Opata  settlement  in  Sonora 537 

Bautista,  Juan,  on  Mexican  rain  con- 
jurers    150 

Beaded  bags  of  the  Menomini 74 

Beads  found  in  graves  at  Sikjatki 519 

BEADWORKof  the  Menomini 264,265,269-272 

Beans,  stores  of,  kept  by  Indiana 584 

— ,  wild,  found  by  Coronado 507 

Bear  and  the  Eagle  folktale 217 

—  in  Menomini  mythology.  91, 131, 169, 175,200,254 

—  totem,  Menomini,  importance  of 45 

—  in  pueblo  region 518, 560 

Beaver  in  Menomini  myth 134 

Beaver  hunter  and  bis  sister,  folktale  of.  222 

Beds  of  the  Menomini 256 

Bej ARANo,  Servan,  testimony  of 598 

Belts  of  the  Menomini 272 

Benavides,  a.  de,  on  methods  of  building 

pueblos 520 

— ,  on  use  of  dogs  by  plains  indiaus 527 

Benitez,  death  of 500 

Bermejo.    See  Termejo. 

Bernalillo,  location  of  Tiguex  at 391,491 

Berries,  use  of,  by  the  Menomini 291 

Bibliography,  -work  in xlii 

—  of  Coronado  expedition 599 

BiDDLB,  J.  "W.,  quoted  on  Tomau 54-55 

— ,  on  death  of  Tomau 56 

BiQOTES,  captain  of  Cicuye  indiana 490 

^,  see  "Whiskers. 

BiLLEGAS,  Francisco  de,  agent  for  De  Soto 

in  Mexico 366 

— ,  correspondence  of,  with  De  Soto 370 

BiLOXi,  study  of  language  of Ix 

BiECHBARK,  Bonga  recorded  on 107 

—  used  for  canoes 293 

~~  used  for  utensils 288 

—  used  in  bouse  building 25'J 

—  used  in  j  uggler's  lodge 140 

—  used  in  medicine  lodge 72 

Birds,  M^'nabflah  and  the 203 

—  of  pueblo  region 521 

Bison  first  seen  by  Coronado's  force 391 

— ,  description  of 527,541.543 

—  described  by  Cicuye  Indians 490 

—  described  by  Colorado  river  Indians. ..  405 

—  described  by  companion  of  Coronado..  570 

—  described  by  Coronado 580 

—  described  by  Jaramillo 587 

.— ,  Alvarado's  journey  among 576 

— ,  Coronado's  army  supplied  with  meat 

of 577,581 

—  killed  by  plains  indiana 504 


j  Bison,  pile  of  bones  of 

j   — ,  skins  of,  found  by  Coronado  at  Cibola. 
j    — ,  stampede  of 

Bitumen  used  by  Indians  In  making  rafts. 

Blackbird,  A.  J.,  on  Menomini  totems . . . 

— ;  on  significance  of  Mji'nabiish 

Blackfeet,  poisoned  arrowsused  bythe. 

Blankets  of  native  American  cotton 

Blase,  Father,  Menomini  grammar  and 

I       dictionary  by 

I  Bund  men  and  the  raccoon,  folktale  of. . . 

j  Blizzard  experienced  by  Coronado 

I  Blowou.n  formerly  used  by  Indians 

Blcejay  in  Menomini  myth 

I  Boardman,  E.,  land-treaty  witness 

Boas,  Franz,  acknowledgments  to 

;  Bocanegra,    IIernand    3*erez    de.    See 
\      Perez. 

:   Bonesteel,  A.  D.,  on  death  of  Oshkosh . . 
!  Boston  Transcript,  translation  of  Alva- 
rado's report  in 

Bourke,  J.  G.,  on  Apache  medicine-men  . 

j  — ,  on  classification  of  arrows 

I  Bowlder,  mystic,  near  Keshena,  Wis 

[  Bowl  game  of  the  Menomini 

Bows  discussed 

—  of  the  Menomini 

Bowstrings  of  the  Menomini 

i  BowYER,  Colonel,  on  Sauk  and  Fox  ex- 
pulsion   

I  BoYOMO,  river  and  settlement  of 

Braba,  pueblo  of 

'   — ,  description  of,  by  Alvarado 

— ,  village  of.  visited  by  Spaniards 

•■  Bracelets  of  Tuik  Indian 

Braddock,  General,  defeat  of 

Bread  of  jmeblo  Indians 

— ,  use  of,  among  Colorado  river  Indians. 

'   Brevoort.  H.  B.,  land-treaty  witness 

!  Bridge  built  by  Spaniards  across  Cana- 
dian river 

:  — ,  Indian,  across  Bio  Grande 

— ,  mystic,  in  Menomini  myth 

!  Brigantines,  Frencli,  on  the  coast  of  New 

Spain 

'  Bristles  used  in  drilling 

I  Bbotherton  laud  purchase 

Brunson,  Alfred,  quoted  on  the  Menom- 

j       ini 

;   Brush,  E.  A.,  land-treaty  witness 

BCEN.A.GUIA,  Alarcon's  name  for  Colorado 

river 

1  Buffalo,  see  Bison. 

I  Buffalo  plains  visited  by  Spaniards 

j  Buffalo  skins  given  to  Coronado 

'.  — obtained  through  trade  by  Sonora  In- 
dians  

Bullet  GAME  of  the  Menomini 

!  BObgos.  Juan  de,  estates  of,  forfeited  for 

bachelorhood 

I  Burial  among  pueblo  Indians 

,  — by  Tiguex  indians 

I  —,*ee  Mortuary  customs. 

!  BURlEL,  a  variety  of  clotli 

I  Burning  of  Indian  captives  condemned 
I       by  Spaniards 


Page 

542 
560 
505 
407 
44 
162 
285 
517 

295 
211 
506 
286 
2?9 
28 
xliii 


47 

594 
360 
278 
38 
241 
280 
274 
275.  280 

19 

515 
525 
595 
511 
493 

16 
522 
485 

28 

397,  504 
511 
225 

547 

267 

22 

36 
29 

406,  574 

Ivil 

505 

357 
242 

379 
518 
595 

543 

393 


618 


INDEX    TO    PART   1 


Page 
BcBNINOofindiansatstekebySpaniards.         497 

BirtTK  DES  MonTS,  treaty  of 27, 46 

Bi'ZZARD  in  Menomini  mythology.. 


185, 202 


347 
Ivi 
349 
349 
352 
689 
354 
543,  MS 
360 


CAEDBNA8, 

Spain 


Gahcia    Lopbz, 


[KTH.  ANN.  14 

Page 
recalled   to 

399,578,583 

209 


Cabeza  de  Taca,  Alvae  NnSBZ,  arrival 

of, inXew  Spain ■-■-■  ^*^''^* 

—,  royal  treasurer  on  Narvaez' expedition 

— ,  journey  of 

_,  narrative  of  Narvaez'  expedition  by  . . 
— ,  narrative  of,  translated  by  Ternaux . . . 

_  tells  Alvarado  of  bia  discoveries 

_,  Indian  traditions  regarding 

—.efforts  to  verify  reports  of 

—.description  of  bison  by 

—  nses  gourds  of  Indian  medicinemen 

J,  traces  of,  found  by  Coronado 505, 506 

_,  in  Corazoces  valley 484,585 

Cabot,  Sebastia.n-,  map  of  cited 403 

Cabkillo,  J.  R.,  voyage  of,  along  Califor- 

Di»  coast • 

Cactcs  spines  used  for  poisoningarrows.         «■> 

California,  study  of  Indians  of xxxviil 

— ,  coast  of,  explored  by  Ferrel 412 

_,explorationof  gulf  of 389,514 

_,  peninsula  of,  mistaken  for  an  island. .    404, 486 

— ,  natives  of  peninsula  of 

CALKI.N3,  HiHAM,  on  Ojibwa  Jugglery 148 

Campbell,  Donald,  at  Detroit  in  1761 17 

Campo,  Andres  do,  Portuguese  compan- 
ion of  Padilla • *^ 

_  remains  in  Qnivira 629,535 

_,  return  of,  to  New  Spain 401,644 

Canadian  eiveb,  journey   of  Alvarado 

,  ...  391,576 

along ' 

—  crossed  by  Coronado 397, 604 

Cannibalism  in  ilenomini  myth  .  168, 194, 229. 231 

Canoes  of  the  Menomini 

— ,  mythic  origin  of 

— ,  burials  in 

Canteloupes,  introduction  of,  into  pneblo 

country ,- 

— ,  i:  diannsoof  as  food 

Canton  of  the   Colorado  visited  by 

Spaniards 

Capetlan,  tee  Capothan. 

Capothan,  province  in  New  Spain 529 

Capotlan  or  Capotean,  Indians   from, 

accompany  Padilla 

Captives  held  as  slaves 

Cabbajal,  death  of  Spaniard  named 

Cardenas,  Dieoo   Lopez   dk,  name   of, 

given  by  Mota  Pa<lilla 

Cardenas,  Garcia  Lopez,  eucceeds  Sa- 

maniego  as  fii-ldmastcr 

— ,  appointment  of.  as  captain 

— ,  confusion  of,  with  U rrca *»» 

_  visits  Colorado  river IvU,  390, 489, 574 

— ,  Indian  village  attacked  by 496 

_,  Coronado  protected  by,  at  Cibola..  483,557,573 

— ,  treachery  of  Indians  toward 498 

— ,  Indians  interviewed  by 497 

— ,  interview  of,  with  Indians 555,550 

— ,  atTiguex *^- 

— ,  preparations  for  winter  qnarters  by. .         570 

— ,  accident  to ^^>  ^'' 

— ,  death  of  brother  of 530 


292 
126 
239 

550 
616 

390,  489 


592 
35. 
500 


388 

477 


Cardinal  points  in  Potawatomi  myth. . . 
Cardona,   Antonio    Serrano    de.      See 

Serrano. 
C ARON.  Josette.  Menomini  treaty  signer .  28 

— ,  tee  Karon. 

Carbon,  genealogy  of iJO,  53 

— ,  medal  presented  to 

Carron  family,  importance  of 

Cartographic  results  of  Coronado  expe- 
dition          *<'3 

Caever,  Jonathan,  medicine  ceremony 

described  by 11 1-113 

— ,  on  Cree  jugglery 141-143 

— ,  on  Green  Bay  indian  habitat 

— ,  on  progress  of  Green  Bay 

Casa  de  Contratacion,  description  of .. . 
Casa  Grande,  attempts  to  identify  with 

CbichilticaLi 

Cass,  Lewis,  treaty  commissioner 

— ,  experience  of,  at  Ottawa  ceremony 

Cass  manuscripts  quoted  on  Canadian 

indian  magic 

—  quoted  on  Rabbit-rock  myth 

CastaSeda,  Alonso  de,  death  of 

CastaSeda,  Pedro  de,  narrative  of  Coro- 
nado expedition  by Iv,  413, 417 

—,  manuscript  of,  in  Lenox  library 339,413 

— ,  story  of  an  indian  trader 345 

,  explanation  of  troubles  between  Friar 

Marcos  and  Estevan 

— ,  story  of  Estevan's  death 

— ,  says  Friar  Marcos'  promotion  was  ar- 
ranged by  Mendoza 

I  ,  accusations  against  Friar  Marcos 

— ,  mistake  regarding  departure  of  Alar- 
con  

i  — ,  storiesofrcvoltofRioGrando Indians. 
j  — ,  credibility  of  his  version  of  the  Turk's 

stories  of  Quivira 394 

— .familyof ■*"• 

— ,  Spanish  family  name 511 

— ,  difticulties  in  manuscript  of 513, 514 

— ,  peculiarities  of  style  of 525,626 

Castillo,  Aloxso  del,  same  as  Maldon- 

ado 348 

Catawba,  proportion  of  warriors  to  pop 

ulation 

— ,  researches  among  the 

Catfish,  folktale  of  the 

C ATLixiTE  used  for  pipes  by  Menomini  . . 
Cattle,  early  introduction  of 

—  imported  into  New  Spain 376 

Cavallos,  Bahiade  los,  site  of  Narvaez' 

camp - 

Cedros,  Arroyo  de  TX)S,  crossed  by  Cor. 

ouado  

Centizpac,  a  river  in  New  Galicia 

Ceremonial  baton  described  and  figured . 

—  MEAL,  use  of  on  Moki  trails 

Ceremonies  of  pueblo  Indians 544, 550, 673 

— ,  pueblo,  studied  by  Fewkes 359 

—  of  Tiguex  indians 595 

Cereus  thurberii,  tee  Pitahava. 

Certificate  of  Tshekatshakemau 45 


18 
45 


19 

18 

351 

387 

27,28 

105 

144 
117 
500 


355 
300 


364 
366 


385 
393 


33 
xl 
214 
248 
Ivi 


347 

584 

382 

72-73 

488 


ETH.  ANN.  14] 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


619 


Page 

Cervantes,  a  Spauish  soldier 503 

Cbvola,  see  Cibola. 

Chakekenapok  in  Potawatomi  myth 207 

Chametla,  see  Chiamktla. 

Chamita,  on  siteof  Tuqueyunque 510,525 

Channing,  Edward,  acknowledgments  to  339 

Chants,  Menomini  ceremonial 78, 

79, 86-87, 105 

Charcoal  used  in  medicine 136 

Charlevoix  on  Fox  Indian  early  habitat.  19 

—  on  Huron  jugglers 139 

—  on  jugglery 152-153 

—  on  the  Menomini 34,  36 

Charms,  hunting,  among  Menomini 67 

— ,  love,  of  the  Menomini 154, 156 

Chemehuevi,  arrow  making  by  the 275 

—,  bows  of  the 281 

— ,  stone  arrowpoints  of  the 283 

— ,  stone  chipping  by  the 283 

— .  stone  implements  of  the 256 

Cherino,  Pero  Ai.MiDEZ,  see  Almidez. 
Cherokee,  proportion  of  warriors  to  pop- 
ulation    33 

Cheyenne,  ghost  dance  among xixix 

— .study of  language  of xU 

Chia,  indiau  village  mentioned  by  Jara- 

millo 587 

— ,  mention  of  road  to 594 

— ,  cannon  deiwsited  in  villages  of 503 

— ,  see  Sia. 

Chiametla,  appointment  of  Trejo  in 500 

— ,  death  of  Samaniego  at 480, 547 

— ,  desertion  of 383 

Chicago,  origin  of  name 238 

Chichilticalli,  description  of 510 

—  described  by  Jaramillo 584 

—  described  by  Mota  Padilla 487 

— ,  limit  of  Diaz'  exploration 303 

—,  first  sight  of,  by  Coronado 482 

—  visited  by  Coronado 387 

— ,  Coronado"s  description  of 554 

—.visit of  Diaz  to 480 

— ,  visit  of  Friar  Marcos  to 475 

Chichimecas,  Mexican  word  for  braves. .  524 

— .Mexican  Indians 529 

Chickasaw,  ball-game  of  the 129 

Chickeny,  member  of  Menomini  court. . .  35 

Chiefs,  Menomini.  descent  of 39, 43 

— .Menomini,  genealogy  of 44-60 

— ,  Menomini,  succession  of 44 

Chimneys  not  built  by  Menomini 253 

China,  coast  of,  connecte<l  with  America.  513,  526 

Chinookax  BIBLIOGRAPHY,  work  on xliii 

Chipiapoos  in  Potawatomi  myth 207 

Chipmcnk  in  Menomini  myth 229 

Chippeway,  see  Ojibwa. 

Chipping,  see  Arrow  making. 

Choctaw,  ball  game  of  the 129 

— ,  proportion  of  warriors  to  population . .  33 
Chouteau,  A.,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    20, 21 

Christianization  of  Indians,  jugglery  op- 
posed to 138, 139 

Chum  ASH,  shell  drilling  by  the 266 

Cibola  described  by  indians  of  Sonora. . .  356 

— ,  extent  of  range  of 358 


Page 

Cibola,  storiesof,  inspired  by  FriarMarcos         364 

—  captured  by  Coronado Ivii,  388, 556,  565,  573 

— ,  CastaQeda's  description  of 482 

— .  Diaz'  description  of  houses  at 548 

— ,  Coronado's  description  of 558 

— ,  description  of 517,565,569,573 

— ,  description  of  houses  at 520 

— ,  cartographic  history  of 403 

— ,  see  ZUNi. 

Cicuic,  gee  Cicuye,  Pecos. 
CicuiQUE,  see  Cicuyk. 

CicUYE,  synonymous  with  Pecos 391 

— ,  description  of 523. 525 

—  described  by  companions  of  Coronado  .  570,575 

—  described  by  Jaramillo 587 

— .  Indians  from,  visit  Coronado 490 

— ,  Alvarado's  visit  to 491 

— ,  visit  of  Coronado  to 502 

— ,  treachery  of  indians  at 509 

— ,  siege  of,  by  Spaniards 511 

— ,  cartographic  history  of 403 

— ,  river  of,  crossed  by  Spaniards 504, 510 

Cinaloa  river  crossed  by  Coronado 584 

—  north  of  Xew  Galicia 386,  515 

Clan,  see  Totem. 

Clark,  William,  Menomini  treaty  com- 
missioner        20, 21 

Classification  of  indian  tribes xxvii 

Claude,  see  Konot. 

Claw-a.xd-mirror  trick 99-100 

Climate  of  Cibola,  Coronado's  acconnt  of.         559 
Clothing  of  the  Hopi 517 

—  of  indians  at  Quivira 583 

—  of  indians  at  Sonora 515 

—  of  indians  taken  by  Spaniards 495 

—  of  plains  indians 507 

—  of  pueblo  indians 404, 

517,  549,  562,  563,  569,  573,  586, 595 

Clubs,  indian 498 

Coahuila,  a  Mexican  state 545 

Cochin,  letter  from,  toMcndoza 413 

CoCHiTl,  pueblo  of 525 

Coco,  Alvarado's  name  for  Acoma 594 

Colima,  town  in  western  New  Spain 385 

— ,  illness  of  Mendoza  at 551 

— ,  ravines  of 505 

Colonists  of  New  Spain,  characteristics 

of 373 

Colonization  of  New  Spain 374 

Color  significance  in  Menomini  ceremo- 
nial    76 

Colorado,  adobe  of 520 

Cou^rado  river,  discovery  of 403,  574 

— ,  visit  of  Diaz  to 406,485 

— ,  visit  of  Cardenas  to 390, 489 

Columbia  river,  drift  of,  seen  by  Ferrel.         412 
Columbian  exposition,  Bureau  collection 

at ^ xxxvi.  xxxix,  xlvi 

Comanche,  identification  of,  with  Teya..         524 

— ,  ghost  danco  among  the xxxix 

~,  linguistic  affinity  of  the 525 

Combs,  use  of,  in  weaving 563 

CoMPOSTELA,  establishment  of 473 

— ,  rendezvous  of  Coronado's  army  at 362 

— ,  review  of  Coronado's  force  in 596 

— ,  departure  of  Coronado  from 377, 478 


620 


INDEX    TO    PART   1 


[ETH.  ANN.  li 


Page 

COMUPATRico,  settlement  of 515 

Coxa,  settlement  of  plains  incUaus 507 

CONANT,  S.,  land-treaty  witness 29 

CoxNEE,  Henhy,  land-treaty  witness 29 

CoNQUiSTADOBES,  meaning  of  term  iu  New 

Spain 563 

CoPALA,  name  of  province  in  great  plains .  492 

Copper  fonnd  by  Coronado  at  Quirira. . .        397 

509. 577, 582 

—  recognized  by  Colorado  river  indiang. .  405 

—  arrows  poisoned  by  corrosion 285 

—  bell  found  among  Tjexas  indians 350 

—  mines,  ancient,  in  Michigan xxxv,345 

—  spearheads  ou  Menomini  reserve 36, 37 

COQUITE.  pueblo  of 523 

CORAZONES,  settlement  of,  by  Arellano...         572 

— ,  river  and  settlement  of 515 

— ,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 585 

— ,  food  sni)ply  iu 553 

— ,  kindness  of  indians  of 534,637 

— ,  or  valley  of  Hearts,  in  Sonora 392 

— ,  Coronado's  army  in  valley  of 484 

Cordage  of  the  Menomini 260,273 

Corn,  description  of  native  American...         518 

— ,  stores  of,  tept  by  Indians 584 

— ,  method  of  grinding,  at  pueblos 522, 559 

— ,  see  Maize. 

Coronado,  Francisco  Vazquez,  commis- 
sion of,  as  governor  of  New  Galicia 351 

— ,  escorts  Friar  Marcos  to  Culiacan 355 

— ,  returns  to  Mexico  with  Friar  Marcos.  362,  381 

— ,  accompanied  Mendoza  to  Mexico 376 

— ,  request  by,  for  investigation  of  per- 
sonnel of  force 377 

— ,  marriage  and  history 379, 474 

— ,  quells  revoltof  minersatAmatfipeque.  380 

— ,  rumorsof  hisappointmentasgovemor.  380 

— ,  wounded  at  Cibola 573,  565, 388, 483,  557 

— ,  departure  of,  for  Quivira 395,577 

— ,  return  of,  to  Mexico 401 

— ,  end  of  career  of 402 

— ,  appointment  of 474,476 

^,  departure  of,  from  Compostela 478 

— ,  Tutahaco  visited  by 492 

— ,  letter  written  by,  to  survirora  of  Nar- 

vaez'  expedition 507,590 

^,  separation  of,  from  main  army ^.,  508 

— ,  cause  of  illness  of 531, 538, 579 

— ,  departure  of,  from  Culiacan 652 

— ,  regrets  of,  for  failure  of  expedition. . .  583 

— ,  petition  from,  to  Mendoza 596 

Coronado  expedition,  memoir  on . .  1,  liv,  329-613 

Cortes,  Hernando,  defeats  Na^^•aez 346 

— ,  Marquis  del  valle  deOxitipar 350 

— ,  settlement  at  Santa  Cruz 351 

— ,  declares  Friar  Marcos'  report  to  be  a 

lie 367 

— ,  troubles  of,  with  Mendoza '.,.  368, 409 

— ,  expedition  under  Ulloa  to  head  of  gnlf 

of  California 369 

— ,  arguments  before  the  Council  for  the 

Indies 371 

— ,  efforts  to  populate  New  Spain 373 

— ,  importation  of  cattle  by 374 

^,  name  Nueva  Kspafia  given  by 403 

— ,  rivalry  of,  with  Guzman 473 


Page 
Cortes  Hernando,  trial  for  murder  of 

wife  of 473 

— ,  feats  of 540 

— ,  probably   mistaken   reference   to,   iu 

Kamusio 556 

CosMOUxirof  the  Menomini 20 

Cotton   at  Acoma,  Coronado's   account 

of 560 

— ,  cultivation  of  on  Rio  Grande 575 

—  found  at  Cibola  by  Coronado 558 

— ,  use  of,  by  pueblo  indians 569 

—  blankets,  native  American 517 

—  cloth  at  Tusayan 489 

Council  for  the    Indies,    investigates 

charges  against  Cabeza  de  Vaca 349 

Court,  indiax,  among  the  Menomini 34 

Cows,  see  Bison. 

Coyote  iu  Selish  myth ^..  205 

Cradles  of  the  Menomini 258 

Cranes  in  pueblo  region 521 

Cree,  jugglery  among  the 141-143 

Creek,  proportion  of  warriors  to  popula 

tion 33 

Cremation  among  pueblo  indians 518 

Crime  amoug  the  Menomini 34 

Cross,  sign  of,  among  pueblo  indians 518 

— ,  veneration  for,  amoug  Indians 544. 548, 555 

—  raised  by  Coronado  in  Quivira 591 

Crow  INDIANS,  arrows  of  the 279 

~,see  Absaroka. 

Crows  in  Menomini  myth 195.233 

—  in  pueblo  region 521 

Cruz,  Kahia  de  la.  explored  by  Xarvaez.  346 

Cucumbers,  Menomini  fondness  for 73 

Culiacan,  San  Miguel  de 547 

— ,  foundation  of,  by  Guzman 473 

— ,  description  of 513 

— ,  arrival  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  at 474 

— ,  Coronado  entertained  at 384 

— ,  Coronado's  departure  from 552 

— ,  return  of  Corouado  to 538 

Cult  societies  of  the  Menomini 66 

CuLUACAN,  see  Culiacan. 

Currants,  wild,  found  by  Coronado 510 

CusHiNO,  F.  H.,  on  Acus.  Totonteac.  and 

Marata 357 

^,  on  Indian  burials 518 

— ,  on  iudian  fruit  preserves 487 

— .  work  of xxxvi,  xUv 

Cuyacan,  Andres  de,  indian  ally  of  Coro- 

na^io 536 

Dakota  indians,  ball  game  of  the 129 

-;-,  mounds  attributed  to  the 38 

— ,  poisoned  arrows  used  by  the 285 

— ,  monograph  on  language  of xl 

Dalton,  Captain,  on  Menomini  warriors 

in  the  Revolution 18 

Dance-dags  of  the  Menomini 272 

Dance  inclosure  of  the  Dreamers 158, 159 

Dance,  war,  of  the  Winnebago 25 

DANCESof  the  Menomini 247 

—  of  the  Tabus 513 

Daniel,  Franciscan  friar  and  lay  brother..  474,536 
Davis,  Solomon,   Oneida   allotment   ex- 
pendable by 30 


BTH.  ANN.  14] 


INDEX   TO    PART    1 


621 


Page 
Davis,  W.  ^.  H.,  on  destruction  of  New 

Ifexican  documenta 535 

Da'  wa-wymp-ki-yas,  Tusayan  sun  priests         518 

Day',  mythic  origin  of 200 

Daylight  in  Menomini  mythology 91 

Deer  at  Cibola 560 

— ,  description  of,  by  Colorado  river  In- 
dians    405 

— '  in  Menomini  myth 201 

—  in  pueblo  region 518 

—  of  great  plains 528 

Deer  brains,  bows  sized  with 281 

Demotic  classification  of  indians xxvii, 

xxviii,  xxxviii 
Descalona,  Louis,  labors  of,  at  Pecos...  Wl 

Descent  among  the  Menomini 43 

De  Soto,  see  Soto. 

Dialects  among  plains  indians 582 

Diaz,  Melchior,  position  of 477 

— ,  ordered  to  verify  Friar  Marcos'  re- 
ports    363 

— ,  Niza's  report  investigated  by 547, 553, 572 

— ,  on  Niza's  discoveries 383 

— ,  in  command  of  San  Hieronimo 392 

— ,  command  of,  at  Corazones 484 

— ,  exploration  by .' 406,  480, 485,  574 

—,  death  of 407.501 

Dickson,  Robert,  at  capture  of  Macki- 
naw    55 

— ,  indians  under,  in  war  of  1812 19 

Dixwiddie,  "William,  work  of xxxvi 

Disease  attributed  to  witchcraft 139 

— ,  treatment  of,  by  jugglery 149-150 

— ,  treatment  ot,  bj' sucking 149 

Diving  contest  in  ilenomini  myth 189 

Divorce  among  pueblo  indians 521 

— ,  see  Ma&riage. 

Dodge,  Richard  I.,  on  classitication  of 

arrows 278 

Do  Campo,  seeCAMPO. 

Dogs  ceremonially  eaten Ill 

—  in  Menomini  myth 179, 194 

— .mention  of,  in  connection  with  Coro- 

nado  expedition 401, 405. 407 

— ,  use  of,  by  plains  indians  . .  504, 507, 527, 570, 578 
Domingcez,  quotations  from  dictionary 

of 545 

DoNADO,  ecclesiastical  use  of  term 400 

Dorantes,  Andres,  survivor  of  Xarvaez 

expedition 348 

— ,  remains  in  Mexico  to  conduct  explora- 
tions    349 

— ,  travels  of 474 

— ,  traces  of,  found  by  Coronado 505, 506 

Dorantes,  Francisco,  mistake  for  An- 
dres           348 

— ,  see  Cabeza  de  Vaca. 

Dorsey,  J.  O.,  linguistic  researches  by. . .   xl,  xlv 

— ,  on  Indian  religious  concepts 39 

Drake,  Francis,  on  indian  giants 485 

Draper,  L.C.,  on  Eleazer  "Williams 23 

— ,  quoted  on  Oshkosh 46 

— ,  quoted  on  Tshekatshakemau 45 

Dreamer  society  of  the  Menomini ...  63, 157-161 

Dreams,  efiect  of  certain 262 

Dbess,  ceremonial,  of  the  Menomini 74, 264 


Page 

Drecillettes,G.,  on  the  Green  Bay  tribes.  51 

Drilling  by  the  Menomini 264 

DELTi,  medicine,  of  the  ilenomiui 77, 113 

— ,  mystic  power  of 93 

— ,  significance  of  the 159 

—  used  in  Menomini  jugglery 63 

—  used  in  moccasin  game 242, 243 

—  at  Pecos 491 

Drinkenness.  absence  of,  at  Cibola 518 

—  among  the  Menomini 34 

—  among  the  Tabus 574 

DCCK  in  Menomini  mythology 163,203,254 

Di'RANOo,  a  Mexican  state 545 

— ,  province  of  New  Spain 353 

— ,  mines  in 476 

Dwellings  of  the  Menomini 253 

DzhO'seqkwai'o,  genealogy  of 57 

Eagles  in  Menomini  mythology. .  92, 131, 166,  217 

— ,  tame,  kept  by  indians 516 

Eames,  "Wilberfobcb,  acknowledgments 

to 339 

Earth,  Menomini  personification  of 87 

Earthenware  of  indians  mentioned  by 

Castaueda 511 

— ,  see  Pottery. 

Earthquakes  near  mouth  of  Colorado 

river 501 

Eclipse,  eflectof,  at  Cibola 518 

Edwards,  N.,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    20, 21 

Eels,  Myron,  acknowledgments  to xliii 

Elk  people,  myth  of  the 182 

Ellis,  A.  G.,  on  Eleazer  Williams 23 

— ,  on  Menomini  land  cessions 22 

— ,  on  selection  of  Menomini  chief 46 

— ,  on  the  Stambaugh  treaty 29 

Encaconados,  Sonoran  use  of  term 358 

Ernest,  a  Menomini,  genealogy  of 50 

Espejo,   Antonio   de,  Mexican  indians 

found  at  Cibola  by 401,536 

— ,  on  clothing  of  Zuiii  Indians 517 

— ,  on  Coronado's  attack  on  Tiguex 496 

— ,  on  plains  indians 527 

EsPiNOSA,  death  of 555,564,586 

EspiRtTU  Santo  river  identified  with  Mis- 
sissippi    346 

ESTEBANILLO,  see  Estevan. 

ESTEVAN,  survivor  of  Karvaez  expedition.  348 

— ,  qualifications  as  a  guide 354 

—  proceeds  to  Cibola  in  advance  of  Kiza.  355 

— ,  travels  of 474 

— ,  death  of 360,475,551,586 

— .  Coronado's  account  of  tho  death  of...  563 
— ,  death  of,  described  by  Colorado  river 

indians 405 

— ,  native  legends  of  death  of 361 

Estrada,  Aloxzo  de,  royal  treasurer  for 

New  Spain 379 

— ,  parentage  of 474 

Estrada,  Beatrice  de,  wife  of  Coronado.  379,  478 

Estremadura,  Spanish  province 511 

Estufas,  descriptions  of 520 

— ,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 587 

— ,  referenceto 569 

—  at  Cibola 518 


622 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


[ETH.ANN.  14 


Page 

iCsTUFAS,  very  larj^e,  at  Braba 511 

— ,  see  KivA. 

ETEEEiN(iTON,  CAPTAIN,  and  the  Pontiac 

conapiracy 130 

Ethnology,  Btatus  of xxx 

EtJDKVE,  branch  of  Opata  indiaus 537 

EUPHORBIACEA,  iianie  of  Opata  poison...  538 

Exploration  by  the  Bureau xl vi 

Vacbblackenino  aa  mourning  custom  . .  24t 
Facial  DECORATION  of  t'»e  Meuomini..  75-76,156 

Fasting,  ceremonial,  liy  the  "Winnebago.  110 

—  in  Menomini  myth 224 

Fauvel,  J.  B.  F.,  land-treaty  witness 29 

Feast  in  Menomini  myth 227 

— ,  ceremonial,  of  tlio  Menomini 73 

— ,  hunting,  of  the  Menomini 151 

— ,  mortuary,  of  the  Menomini 69 

— ,  mortuary,  of  the  Ojib wa 68 

Feathering  of  arrows 276 

Feathers,  Indian  trade  in 472 

— ,  significance  of 268 

— ,  use  of,  by  pueblo  Indians 544, 559, 570 

— ,  use  of,  for  garments 517 

— ,  war,  of  the  Menomini 268 

Fences  around  Menomini  grares 240-241 

—  of  the  Menomini 255 

Ferdinand,  King,  family  of ; 474 

Fernandez,  Domingo,   Spanish    soldier, 

death  of 538 

Ferrel,  B.  de,  pilot   and    successor  of 

Cabrillo 411 

Fetiches,  found  in  graves  at  Sikyatki . . .         519 

Fewkks,  J. AV alter,  excavations  by 519 

— ,  researches  at  Tusayan  and  Zuni 339,  359 

— ,  on  estufas 520 

— ,  on  Hopi  ceremonials 544,550 

— ,  on  snake  dance 561 

— ,  on  sun  priests  and  kiva  ceremonies...  518 

FiGUEROA,  Gomez  Suarez  de,  companion 

of  Corouado 477 

Financial  statement xlix 

Fire,  Menomini  mythic  origin  of 40, 41, 126 

— ,  Menomini  personification  of 87 

— ,  perpetual,  in  Potawatonii  myth '     208 

Firebrand,  use  of,  by  Indians  iu  travel- 
ing   485 

Firebrand  river,  nee  Colorado,  Tizon. 

Fire-handling  by  the  "Wabeno 151 

Fish  in  Alenomini  myth 125,  200, 217 

—  used  by  the  Menomini 290 

FiSHHAWK  in  Menomini  myth 200 

Fishing  by  the  Menomini 272 

Flax,  river  of 554,555 

— ,  wild,  on  great  plains 528, 591 

Fletcher,  Francis,  on  Indian  giants 485 

Fletcher,  J.  E.,  on  "Winnebago  ceremo- 
nial          110 

Flight,  symbols  of 129 

Flint,  Menomini  personification  of 87 

Florida  explored  by  De  Soto  370 

—  explored  by  Narvaez 346, 474 

— ,  reputed  bad  character  of  country  of..  545 

Flowers,  use  of,  in  pueblo  ceremonials..  544 

Flutes  at  Pecos 491 

Folktales  of  the  MeuomiDl 209-239 


Page 
Food,  animal,  selection  of,  in  myth 200 

—  of  Aconia  Indians 491 

— ,  supply  of,  in  Acoma 594 

—  of  the  Menomini 273,285-292 

—  of  pueblo  Indians..  506.527,549,559,569,586,593 

—  supply  of  Tigm-x  indians 695 

—  supply  of  Spanish  army 562 

—  of  Tusayan  indians 489 

—  offerings  to  dead 239 

—  products,  collection  of xxxix 

Footprints  iu  pictography 109 

Foot  racing  among  various  tribes 246 

—  in  Menomini  myth 191 

Forsyth,  R.  A.,  land-treaty  witness 29 

FowKE,  Gerard,  work  of xxxvi,  xxxvii 

Fowls,  domestic,  among  the  pueblos 516, 

521.559 

Fox  in  Menomini  mythology 91,172,191 

Fox  INDIANS,  early  habitat  of  the 16,19 

— ,  expulsion  of  the 16 

Franciscans,  election  of  Niza  by 476 

— ,  dress  of 543 

—  iu  New  Spain 474 

French  inhabitants  of  Green  Bay "^      24 

— ,  marriage  of,  with  Menomini 16 

French  and  Indian  war 16 

Frio,  rio,  crossed  by  Coronado 586 

Fruit,  introduction  of,  into  pueblo  coun- 
try    550 

— ,  wild,  of  great  plains 528 

Funeral  witnessed  by  Coronado 519 

— ,  see  Mortuary  customs. 

Furniture  of  the  Menomini 256 

Galeras,  Juan,  exploration  of  Colorado 

river  canyons  by 489 

Galicia,  New  Kingdom  of,  in  New  Spain .         473 
Galindo,    Luis,  chief  justice   for   New 

Galicia 351 

Galisteo,  pueblo  of 523. 525 

— ,  mention  of,  by  Jararaillo 587 

Galleoo,  Ju.\n,  companion  of  Coronado.  477 

— ,  mes-senger  from  Coronado  to  Mendoza .  392. 394 
— ,  messenger  from  Mexico  to  Coronado. .  533, 534 

—  In  Corazones 484 

— ,  meets  Coronado  on  his  return 637 

— ,  feats  of 540 

Gambling  by  tho  Menomini 241 

Game  in  pueblo  region 518,521,560 

—  in  Menomini  region liv,272 

Games  of  the  Menomini 241-247 

Gantt,S.,  Menomini  treaty  commissioner.  21 
Garcia,  Andres,  on  effect  of  Marcos'  re- 
port            365 

Garcia  Icazbalceta  see  Icazbalceta. 

Garnets  found  at  Cibola  by  Coronado  . . .  559 

Garters  of  the  Menomini 269 

Gatschet,   a.  S.,   linguistic    researches 

by xl 

— ,  on  name  of  Cibola 517 

Gauthiek  family,  pipe  presented  to 248 

Geese  in  pueblo  region 521 

—  in  Menomini  myth 204 

Genealogy  of  Menomini  chiefs 44-00 

Genesis  of  the  AbnakI , 87 

—  of  the  Menomini 87, 113 


ETH.  ANN.  14] 


INDEX    TO    PART   1 


623 


Tase 
GaoGRAPuiCAL  results  of  Coronado  expe- 
dition    403 

Gbost  dance  among  theMenoniini G3 

—  religion,  memoir  on 1,  Iviii 

— ,  study  of  t  he xxxix 

Ghost  sociKTY  of  the  Ojibwa C7 

Giants  in  Menomini  mjth 205.231 

— ,  discovery  of  tribe  of 392 

— ,  Indian,  finding  of,  by  Maldunado 484 

— ,  indiun,  visit  of  DJaz  among 485 

Gila  RivEft,  possible  early  visit  to 333 

Gill,  De  L.  W.,  work  of xsxvi,  xlvii 

Gill,  J.  K.,  acknowledgments  to xlii 

GiTSCHEE,  Waubezhaas,   Ojibwa  treaty 

signer 28 

Glode,  genealogy  of 57 

— ,  see  KONOT. 

Glue  used  by  Indians 276, 284 

Goats,  mountain,  in pueblocountry 550,560 

— ,  mountain,  seen  by  Spaniards 516 

Gold,  discovery  of,  Suya 533 

—  found  by  Coronado  at  Cibola  .* 563 

— ,  reports  of,  from  Quivira 503, 504, 512 

—  found  at  Quivira  by  Coronado 582 

—  in  Menomini  myth 225 

— ,  use  of,  in  indian  trade 472 

GOMARA,  F.  L.de,  on  Chichimecas 524 

— ,  on  clothing  of  pueblo  Indians 517 

— ,  description  of  bison  by 543 

— ,  on  illness  of  Coronado 531 

— ,  on  return  of  Coronado 539 

— ,  on  capture  of  Cibola 483 

— ,  on  stories  told  by  Turk  Indian 492 

— ,  on  Quivira  and  Pad  ilia 529 

— ,  quotation  from 497 

Goose,  see  (Jeese. 

GoRBALAN,  Francisco,  companion  of  Cor- 
onado    477 

GoEMANDiSM  of  the  Menomini 287 

Gorrell,  James,  Green  Bay  governed  by .  17 

— ,  abandonment  of  Green  Bay  by 18 

— ,  Menomini  friendliness  toward 34 

— ,  on  Menomini  population 32 

Gourd  used  by  Estevan  as  sign  of  au- 
thority    360 

— ,  use  of,  for  carrying  water 490 

Government  of  pueblo  indians 356,518,561 

—  of  Sonora  indians 515 

—  of  the  Menomini 39 

Graham,  K.,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    21 

Granada,  Coronado's  name  for  Hawikuli.  389, 

558,564 
— ,  gee  Hawikuh,  Cibola. 
Grand  Baptiste,  «ee  Rice.  Jean  B. 

G  band  canyon,  discovery  of Ivii 

^,  -Tec  Colorado  river. 

Grand  Medicine  society,  Menomini 66-138 

Grapes,  introduction  of,  into  pueblo  coun- 
try   550 

— ,  wild,  found  by  Coronado. .  507, 510, 528, 582, 591 

Grasshoppers  in  Menomini  myth 205 

~-  used  as  food 287 

Grave  boxes,  Menomini 74-75 

Grave  posts  of  the  Menomini 74 

Gbaves.  «ee  Mortuary  customs. 


Page 

Great  Mystery  of  tlie  Menomini 39 

Great  plains,  description  of 527 

— ,  description  of,  by  companion  of  Cor- 
onado    570 

— ,  Coronado's  description  of 580 

— ,  dangers  of  traveling  on 578 

Great  Spirit,  see  Spirituality, 

Green  Bay,  origin  of  name 15 

— ,  Indiana  on,  in  1766 ig 

~  abandoned  by  English 18 

— ,  land  claims  at 28 

— ,  progress  of 18 

—  visited  by  Jedidiah  Morse 22-23 

Grey  friars,  name  of 543 

Grionon,  a.,  on  Menomini  characteris- 
tics    34 

— ,  Menomini  slavery 35 

— ,  on  progress  of  Green  Bay 18 

— ,  quoted  on  AiAmitii 56 

— ,  quoted  on  Carron 51 

— .  quoted  on  Konot 52, 54 

— ,  quoted  on  Tomau 54,56,57 

GuACHiCHULES,  Mexlcau  native  province.  545 
Guadalajara,  citizens  of,  in  Coronado's 

army 593 

— ,  defense  of,  in  Mixton  war 408, 410 

— ,  election  of  magistrates  at 381 

Guadalajara,  Anton  de,  native  ally  of 

Coronado 535 

Guadalaxara,  name  of,  changed  in  1540. .  473 

Guadalupe  canyon,  pueblos  in 525 

Guadiana,  Spanish  river 5U 

GUAES,  province  near  Quivira 503,  529 

Guaoarispa,  settlement  of 515 

— ,  «fe  Arispa,  Ispa. 

Guas,  province  of  great  plains 503, 529 

Gcatkmala  explored  by  Alvarado 352 

— ,  wives  for  settlers  imported  into 374 

GuATULCO,  port  of  New  Spain 369 

Guatuzaca,  indian  mythological  person- 
age   405 

Guevara,  Diego  de,  name  of,  cited  by 

Mota  Padilla 477 

— ,  indian  village  captured  by r^iiQ 

Guevara,  Juan  De,  appointment  of  son  of.  477 
Guevara,  Pedro  de,  appointment  of,  as 

captain 477 

Gum  used  in  blade  mounting 285 

Gutierres,  Diego,  appointment  of,  as  cap- 
tain    477 

GuYAs,  «e«  Guas. 

Guzman,  NuSo  de,  president  of  Mexican 

audiencia 350 

— ,  position  of,  in  Kow  Spain 472 

^,  conquest  of  Xew  Galicia  by 351 

— ,  arguments  of,  before  Council  for  the 

Indies 372 

— ,  Culiacan  settled  by 513 

— ,  expedition  of,  to  Seven  Cities 473 

— ,  result  of  abuses  of 408 

— ,  imprisoned  in  Mexico 351 

Hacus,  use  of  name  by  Xiza 575 

IIailstones,  effect  of,  in  Coronado's  camp.  506 

Hair  used  for  producing  abortion 286 

Hair-cutting  as  a  mourning  custom 241 

Hair-dress  of  pueblo  women 517 


624 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


[eth.  axx.  U 


Page 

H AiR-PLrcKiNO  by  the  irenomiui 210 

Hakluvt,  K.,  translatiou  of  Coronatlo'a 

letter  by 552 

— ,  omissions  in  translation  by 563 

— ,  quotation  fri>ni 554,  558,  56U 

— ,  Zufii  name  for  Acoma 490,560,575 

— ,  Zuni  name  for  Acomay>eople 490,575 

Hale,  IIokatio,  aclinowle<lg:menta  to xliii 

Hammocks  of  tbe  Menoraiui 25S 

Hano,  a  Tusayan  village 519 

Hahahey,  chief  of,  visits  Coronado 590 

Haral,  see  Kaxa. 

Harai.e.  deacriptiou  of,  told  to  Coronado.  570 
Harrison,  T.,  ilenomiui  treaty  commis- 
sioner   21 

Hawikl'H  captured  by  Coronado Ivii 

— ,  former  importance  of 358 

— ,  scene  of  Estcvan'.s  deatli 361 

— ,  similarity  of,  with  Albaicin 564 

— ,  Spanish  name  for 389 

Hawk  in  Menomini  myth 92, 200, 233 

Haxa  or  Haya,  province  near  Mississippi 

river 504,  505,  507 

Havxes,  Henry ^'.,  aoknowledgmeuta  to.         339 

— ,  error  of  Castaneda  corrected  by 501 

— ,  on  date  of  Coronado's  departure 382 

— ,  on  identification  of  Cibola 389 

Headiiaxds  of  pueblo  indians  referred  to.  549 

Hearts  of  animals,  use  of,  as  food 484 

Hearts   vaixey,  named    by   Cabcza  de 
Yaca 392 

— ,  -S'e«^  CORAZONES. 

Hell-diver  in  Menomini  myth 204 

Hemenway,     Augustus,      acknowledg- 
ments to 339 

Hemenway  EXPEDmON,  bones  in  collec- 
tion of 540 

Hemes  pueblos 519,  525 

— ,  visit  of  Barrionuevo  to 510 

— ,  see  Jemez. 

Hendrick,  S.  U.,  a  Stockbridge  chief 22. 25 

Heniquen  fiber  tised  by  pueblo  indianw.  573 
Hennepin,  Louis,  on  sorcery  among  north- 
ern tribes , 141 

Henry,  Alexander,  on  Ojibwa  treatment 

of  disease  by  jugglery 149 

— ,  on  the  Pontiac  conspiracy 131 

Henshaw,  H.  W.,  work  of xxxvi, 

xxxviii,  xlv,  xlvi 

Herbalists  of  the  Menomini 67 

— ,  gee  Medicine-men. 

Hernandez,  Luis,  Spanish  soldier,  death 

of 538 

Herrera,  a.  .de,  on  Coronado's  visit  to 

Quivira 509 

— ,  on  explorations  by  Diaz 406 

— ,  quoted  on  nagualism 65 

— ,  quotation  from 507 

Hewitt,  J.  X.  15.,  linguistic  researches  by     xl,  xli 
— ,  on  arrow-poisoning  among  Iroqnoian 

tribes 285 

HiLLERS,  J.  K.,  photographic  work  hy xlviii 

Hodge,  F.  AV.,  workof xlv,  Ivii 

— .acknowledgments  to 339,599 

— ,  identitication  of  cities  of  Cibola 361,389 

— ,  identification  of  plains  Indians 396 


Page 

noDGE,  F.  "W*.,  on  Znfii  name  of  Acoma. .  490 

— ,  on  probable  identification  of  Teyas. ..  524 

— ,  on  cotton  at  Tusayan 550 

— ,  on  pueblo  of  Matsaki 517 

— ,  on  native  names  for  Taos 575 

— ,  on  Zufii  foot  racing 247 

Hoffman,  AV".  J.,  memoir  by,  on  Menomini 

iudians 1.  3-328 

— ,  work  of xxxiii 

Holland  Land  Company,  sketcliof 21 

Holmes,  AV.  H.,  on  pueblo  jwttery 522 

— ,  researches  of ixxv 

Honduras,  exploration  of,  by  Alvarado..  352 

Hoc  Tshoop,  Menomini  treaty  signer 28 

Hopi,  tribal  name  of  iudlaua  at  Tuaayan.  390 

— ,  diacovery  of  the Ivii 

— ,  crdlectiona  from  the xxxix 

— ,  natal  ceremonies  of 517 

—  paraphernalia  found  in  graves  at  Sik- 

yatki 519 

— ,  tame  eagles  among 516 

— ,  use  of  urine  by 522 

— ,  see  MoKi,  Tusayan. 

Horses,  epidemic  among,  in  Xew  Mexico.  536 

— ,  utility  of,  in  new  countries 546 

Houses  of  plains  indians 528 

— ,  gee  ADOfiE,  Architecture,  Lodge. 
Huc-aritz-p.\..  gee  Ahispa. 

Humming-bird  in  Menomini  myth 233 

Hunter  and  his  sister,  folktale  of  the  ...  222 

—  and  the  Elk  people 182 

—  and  the  snow 216 

— ,  young,  myth  concerning 181 

Hunting  by  the  Menomini 272 

— ,  decline  of.  among  the  Menomini 34 

—  feast  of  the  Menomini 151 

—  medicine  made  by  skunk 213 

—  medicine  of  the  Menonimi 155 

—  medicines,  mystic  origin  of 93 

Huron,  jugglers  among  the 139 

Ibarra,  Francisco  de,  mention  of 500 

Iberville.  L.  d',  colonization  by 14 

ICAZBALCETA,  JoAQUiN  CrARCiA,  acknowl- 
edgments to 339,413,568 

Idolatry  among  Tahua 513 

Illinois  Indians,  population  of,  in  1634..  15 

Illustrations,  preparation  of xlvii 

Immigration,  early,  into  Xew  Spain 374 

Implements  of  the  Menomini 256 

Incas,  effect  of  stories  of  wealth  of 350 

India,  coast  of.  connected  with  America.  513,526 

Inemikee.  Menomini  treaty  commissioner  21 
INFANTADO,    DuKE   OF,   appointment   of 

brother-in-law  of 477 

Initiation  into  Menomini  Mitawit. .  67, 68, 85, 137 

—  into  AVinnebago  society 110 

Inquisition,  badge  of,  described 507 

Intkr-marriaqe  among  the  Menomini 85 

— .  «fe  Marriage. 

iNTERPRtTERS,   followers  of   Cabeza   de 

Vaca  trained  as 354 

Intoxicants  introduced  among  Menom- 
ini   215 

Iroqcoian  languages,  study  of  the xli 

Iroquois,  jugglers  amongthe 139 


KTH,  ANN.  14] 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


625 


Page 

iROQtTOiB,  poisoned  arrowe  used  by  the. . .  285 
Ibwin,  Major,  nn  Sauk  and  Fox  expul- 

aioii 19 

Island  of  the  Mabquis,  Barae  as  Lower 

California 351 

ISLETA,  Coronado's  visit  to 492 

— ,  name  of  Cibola  at 517 

ISOPETE,  see  YSOPETE. 

IsPA,  iodiao  settlement  visited  by  Coro- 

nado 585 

— ,  tee  Arispa. 

Jacona,  Mendoza's  letter  from 551 

Japanese,  bows  of  the 281 

Jarahii.lo,  Juan,  on  the  visit  to  Quivira.  396 

— ,  translation  of  narrative  of 584 

Jemes  pueblos 525 

— ,  aee  Hemes. 

Jeronimo  de  Santistkban,  letter  of,  to 

Mendoza 412 

Jesuit  relations,  abstracts  from xlli 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  indian  council 

called  by 18 

— ,  instructions  to  Gorrell  from 17 

Jones,  D.  G.,  land-treaty  witness 29 

Jones,  Peter,  juggler  lodgedescribed  by.  146 

— ,  on  Meuoniini  love  powders 153 

— ,  on  Ojibwa  witchcraft 143 

— .  on  rejiuted  power  of  medicine-hag 262 

— ,  on  the  Menomini'Wabeno 152 

Joseph,  a  Menomini,  genealogy  of 58 

Josephine,  «««  BzhOseqkwaio. 

JOSETTE,  genealogy  of 57 

Juana,  Queen  of  Spain 477 

Juan  Aleman,  name  given  to  pueblo  in- 
dian    495 

— ,  treachery  of 498 

Juan  de  la  Asuncion,  Franciscan  friar 

in  New  Spain 353 

Juan  de  la  Cruz,  death  of,  at  Tiguex...  401,535 
Juan  Rodbigues,  Isla  de,  Spanish  name 

for  San  Miguel 411 

Juez  de  residencia,  functions  of 474 

Jugglers  among  Algonquian  tribes 62 

— ,  mystic  power  of 104, 139 

—  of  the  Menomini 66,97, 138-151 

Jugglery  practiced  by  the  "Winnebago..  110 

— ,  compensation  for 149 

—  described  by  Carver 112 

—  lodge  of  tlie  Menomini 146-147, 255 

— ,  mystic  origin  of 93 

Kakuene,  myth  of 205 

Kanontewanteta,  mother  of  Williams. .  24 

Kansas.  CaHtaiieda's  description  of 528 

— ,  location  of  Quivira  in 397, 591 

— ,  see  QuiviRA. 

Kansas  river  crossed  by  Coronado 397 

Karkundeoo,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner   21 

Karon,  genealogy  of 56 

— .  see  Carbon. 

Karryman-nee.  Menomini  treaty  signer .  28 

Kaw-kawsay-kaw,   Menomini    treaty 

signer 28 

Kaw-nee-shaw,  Menomini  treaty  signer.  28 

14  ETH 40 


Page 

KCHEHNITO  in  Menomini  mythology 207 

Kegissb,  Menomini  treaty  signer 2S 

Keres  pueblo,  iee  Queres. 

Keshena,  chief,    agreement  of,   to    land 

treaty 31 

— ,  town,  mounds  near 36-38 

Keshiene,  genealogy  of 59 

Keshimney,  Menomini  treaty  signer 2» 

Key,  Phiup  B.,  land-treaty  witness 28 

K'iakima,  a  pueblo  of  Cibola 389 

— ,  legend  of  Estevan  's  death  at 361 

K'lAPK wainakwin,  location  of 358- 

Kibbe,  Amos,  Menomini  treaty  comrais- 

«ioner 21 

KiCHiAEMTORT,  Menomini  treaty  signer..  2S 

KiLLiKiMK,  of  wbatcomposed 250 

— ,  see  Tobacco. 

Kimiown,  Menomini  treaty  signer 28 

Kingfisher  in  Menomini  myth 116 

KiNOKE,  genealogy  of 49 

KiNZiE,  J.,  JR.,  land-treaty  witness 29 

Kiowa,  investigation  of  the xxxix 

KiVA,  Coronado's  description  of 558 

—  described  by  Colorado  river  Indians. . .  405^ 
— ,  see  ESTUFA. 

Klali^m,  poisoned  arrows  used  by  the . . .  285- 

Knives  of  the  Menomini 241, 260' 

— ,  stone,  of  plain  s  indians 528- 

— ,  stone,  of  theUte 283 

Kohl,  J.  G.,  on  Ojibwa  mnemonic  songs.  106, 107 

Kominikey,  Menomini  treaty  signer 28- 

KoNAPAMiK,  see  Shell. 

KoNOT,  genealogy  of 51, 55^ 

Kosev,  genealogy  of 60- 

KosHKANOQNA',  genealogy  of 49' 

Lachimi  river  mentioned 553" 

— ,  see  Taqui,  Yaquimi. 

La  CROSSE,  origin  of  game  of 130 

—  played  by  Menomini 244 

La  Flesche,  Frank,  on  source  of  Omaha 

medicine  rituals 62 

Laguna,  pueblo  of 525 

Lahontan,  Baron,  on  Algonquian  treat- 
ment of  disease 140 

La  Natividad,  arrival  of  Alvarado  at. . .  409 

LANDassigned  to  Spanish  settlers 374 

— ,  Menomini,  area  of 31 

—  status  of  the  Menomini 31 

Langlade,  C.  de,  Braddock  defeated  by  .  16 

— ,  indian  council  under 18 

—  and  the  Pontiac  conspiracy 130 

Language  as  a  basis  of  classification xxix 

— ,  development  of xxxi 

— ,  diversity  of,  among  plains  indians 582 

— ,  difl&culties  of  interpreting  indian 394 

— ,  Menomini,  effect  of  intermarriage  on.  36 

— ,  Menomini,  foreign  terms  in 61 

— ,  Menomini,  publications  in 294 

—  of  Menomini  cult  rituals 60 

— ,  see  Vocabulary. 

La  Paz,  colony  at,  under  Cortes 352 

Lara,  Alonso  Manriqub  de,  companion 

of  Coronado 477 

Lard,  Menomini  fondness  for L'86 

Larv^  used  as  food :;87 


626 


INDEX   TO    PART    1 


[KTH.  ANN.  U 


Page 

La  Salle  in  Mississippi  valley H 

Lebaknaco,    Menoniini    treaty    comniis- 

sioDer 21 

Legerdemain,  see  Jugglery, 
Lenox  Library,  acknowledgment  to  .  It,  339, 413 
Leon,  Juan  de.  copy  of  evidence  made  by .  598 
Leopard,  gee  Wildcat. 
Leslie,  Lieutenant,  and  the  Pontiac  con- 
spiracy   130 

L'ESPAONOL,  Menomini  treaty  signer 28 

Leyva,  Francisco  de,  on  eflFect  of  Mar- 
cos' report : 366 

LiONEV,  —  DE,  expedition  of 16 

Linguistics,  work  in ixxix 

— ,  see  Language. 

LiKO,  Rio  del,  reference  to 554, 555 

Lions,  native  American 517 

—  in  pueblo  region 518 

— ,  monntaiii,  found  by  Coronado  at  Ci- 
bola   : 560 

LiPANS,  poisoned  arrows  used  by  the 285 

Little  Valley,  settlement  of 515 

Lizards  used  as  food 287 

Llama,  former  habitat  of 549 

Lodges,  ceremonial,  of  the  "Winnebago..  110 

—  of  the  Menomini 253 

— ,««  Medicine  lodge,  Juooleby. 

Longevity  among  the  Menomini 45 

Lopez,  Diego,  appointmentof,  as  captain.  477 

— ,  appointment  of,  as  army-master 508 

— ,  Samaniego  succeeded  by 480 

— ,  horse  of,  killed  at  Cibola 557 

— ,  adventure  of,  at  Tiguex 496 

— ,  visit  of,  to  Haxa 505 

Lopez  de  Cardenas,  G.,  see  Cardenas. 

LORIMIER,  a  Caiigbnawaga  chief 24 

LosMuebtos,  excavations  at,  in  Arizona.  518 

Louisiana,  Biloxi  Indians  of xl 

Love  powders  of  the  Menomini 67, 153-154 

Lower  California,  early  name  of 351 

— ,  colony  in,  under  Cortes 351 

— ,  Cortes'  colony  recalled  from 369 

Lucas,  native  companion  of  Padilla 400, 535 

Luis,  a  Franciscan  friar 556, 565, 579 

Luis   de  Escalona,    settlement    of,   at 

Cicuye 592 

LuisDB  Ubeda remains  at  Cicuye...  401,534,535 

Lung  Woman  in  Menomini  myth 226 

Macaque,  a  pueblo  settlement 517 

— ,  «eeMATSAKI. 

MacCaulev,  Clay,  on  Menomini  Dreamer 

society 160, 161 

McGee,  W  J,  researches  of xxxviii 

McKenney,  R.  T.,  treaty  commissionei;. .  21 

McKenney,  T.  L.,  treaty  commissioner. .  27, 28 

Mackinac,  myth  concerning .• 199 

Mackinaw,  capture  of 55 

McNah,  — ,  at  Eleazer  Williams  investi- 

gat  ion 24 

Magic  performed  by  the  Wabeno 161 

— ,  see  Jugglery. 

Mago,  Opata  wonl  for  poisonous  plant...  538 

Maguey,  use  of,  for  clothing  by  Indians.  569 

Maize,  description  of 518 

— ,  see  Corn. 


Page 
Makyata,  see  Marata,  Matyata. 
Maldonado,  Alonso  del  Castillo,  sur- 
vivor of  Xarvaez,  expedition 348 

Malik>nado,  Rodbigo,  appointmentof,  as 

captain 477 

— ,  Older  iu  New  Spain 596 

— ,  visit  to  aeacoast  by 484 

— ,  explores  Gulf  of  California 392 

— ,  travels  of 474 

— ,campof.  attacked 499 

— ,  buffalo  skins  given  to,  by  Indians 505 

— ,  horse  of,  injures  Coronado 531 

Mallery,  Garrick,  researches  of xxxii 

— ,  Indian  sign  language 504 

Mallets,  indiau 498 

—  of  the  Menomini 260 

Maluco,  visit  to,  by  Villalobos 412 

Ma'nXbush,  etymology  of 87, 114 

— ,  signification  of 162 

— ,  mythic  origin  of 87 

—  almde  of 206 

—  and  the  ball  game 131 

—  and  the  bear  &n&maqk!ii 175 

—  and  the  birds 203 

—  and  the  buzzard 202 

—  and  the  kingfisher 116 

—  and  the  warriors 118 

—  and  the  water  monst«^r 125 

—  as  a  hunter 182 

— ,  myth  concerning 73 

—  genesis  myth 113 

— ,  mystic  gifts  to 91, 118 

— ,  search  for 206 

— ,  travels  of 162,199 

Manbasseaux,  Menomini  treaty  signer . .  28 

Mandan  slaves  among  Menomini 35 

Manidos,  power  derived  from  faith  in  . . .  105 

— ,  Indian  regard  for 65 

—  of  the  Menomini 39 

Manitouwauk,  meaning  of 19 

Manrich,  a.  de,  horse  of,  killed  at  Cibola.  557 
Manriqve  de  Lara,  Alonso,  see  Laba. 

Manufactures  of  the  Menomini 258 

Map  drawn  by  Coronado 392 

—  showing  results  of  Coronado  expedi- 
tion    403 

MAPLKSiRin»,  use  of,  by  Menomini 286 

Maple-sugar  making 287 

— ,  mj'thic  origin  of 173 

M aqkatabi,  genealogy  of 57 

Marata,  Coronado's  account  of 560 

—  identified  with^Matyata ■  357 

— ,  mention  of,  by  Diaz 550 

Mabco  Polo,  quotation  from 571 

— ,  stories  of,  compared  with  CastaQeda. .  345 
Marcos,  see  Kiza. 

Marcoux,  PfeRE,  on  early  mission  records .  24 

Margaret,  a  Menoniini,  genealogy  of 57 

Marjoram,  native  American 617 

— ,  wild,  found  by  Coronado 510 

— ,  wild,  of  great  plains 528 

Marksmanship  of  Indians 499, 507 

Marques,  Isla  del,  name  of,  given  to 

Lower  California 486 

Marquis  of  the  Valley,  title  of,  given 

to  Cortea 473 


ETH.  ANN.  14] 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


627 


Page 

513 

518,  521 

374 

597 

26 

39 

15 

275 

278 

281 

209 

522 

522 

355 

258 

255.  514 

71-72 

493 

517 

594 

35 

549 
357 

28 


liARQUis  or  THE  Vallky,  Bee  Cortes. 
Makriage  among  the  Xahas 

—  at  Cibola 

—  of  settlers  favored  by  government 

Martin,  Domingo,  floldier  with  Coronado 
Martin,  M.  L.,  on  Menomini  land  treaty. 

Masha  Manido,  meaning  of 

Maskotin  habitat  in  1634 

Mason,  O.  T.,  on  arrow  dasaification 

— ,  on  arrow  mounting 

— ,  on  compound  bows 

Mastodon  in  Potawatomi  myth 

M  ATA,  a  i)ueblo  millBtone 

MatAki.  a  pueblo  millstone 

Matapa,  a  settlement  in  Sonora 

Mats  of  the  Menomini 

—  used  in  housebuilding 

—  used  in  medicine  lodge 

Matsaki,  Cibola  pueblo,  description  of . . 
— ,  ruins  of  pueblo  settlement 

—  visited  by  Corona<lo 

Matshikink,  member  of  Menomini -court 
Matthews,  Washington,    on    llama   in 

pueblo  country 

Matvata,  former  New  Mexican  pueblo.. 
Maunk-hay-haith,      Menomini      treaty 

signer 

Maurault,  J.  A.,  on  Abnaki  genesis-.-  87   i 

— ,  on  Abnaki  jugglery 145   [ 

— ,  on  Abnaki  totemism 65,66  ; 

Maya  CODICES,  study  of xxxvii 

MCHEMNiTO  in  Menomini  mythology 207 

Meal,  aacred,  use  of,  at  Tuaayan ^.-         488  ; 

Medal  jtreaented  to  Carron 18  | 

Medical  preparations  of  the  Menomini..  69  j 

Medicine  defined 105 

—.hunting,  of  the  Menomini 155,213 

—  mystery  in  Potawatomi  myth 208 

— ,  mystic  origin  of 89, 90,  92-93, 119,  208,  209 

— ,  practice  of,  by  jugglery 140 

—  preparations  of  the  Menomini 153 

—  used  in  ball  game 136 

— ,  gee  Disease,  JroGLERY,  Magic. 
Medicine-bags  of  the  Menomini 75, 83-84, 261 

—  of  the  AVinnebago 110 

— ,  origin  of 114 

—  in  Potawatomi  myth 208 

— .  repnted  power  of 100, 

102, 104, 111, 113, 156,  221,  262. 

Medicine-lodqk  of  the  Menomini 71,255 

—,  Menomini,  construction  of 70,113,136 

— ,  Menomini,  diagram  of 75 

— ,  Ma'nabrtsh's  injunction  regarding 199 

— ,  orientation  of 71,  86, 90, 113, 156 

Medicine-mkn,  authority  of 111,360 

—  of  the  Menomini 66 

Medicine-society  of  the  Menomini 66, 138 

Medicine-song  in  Menomini  ceremonial.  94 

Medicine-women,    arrangement    of,    in 

Menomini  ceremonial 83 

Helaz,  Juan 560 

Melgosa,  Pablo  de,  companion  of  Coro- 
nado           477 

— ,  wounded  at  Cibola 557 

— ,  exploration  of  Colorado  river  canyons 

by 489 


Page 
Meloosa,   Pablo    de,   adventure   of,    at 

Tiguex 496 

Melons,  native  American 516 

— ,  stories  of,  kept  by  Indians 584 

Mendieta,  G.  de,  cited  on  work  of  friars 

in  New  Mexico 401 

Mendoza,  Antonio  de,  Cabeza  de  Yaca 

entertained  by 348 

— ,  unsuccessful    expedition    of,    under 

Dorantes 349 

— ,  effects  of  administration  of 350 

— ,  plans  of,  for  exploring  expeditions-..  352 

— ,  instructions  from,  ior  Niza 354 

— ,  report  of,  on  Xiza'a  discoveries 363 

— ,  petitions  by,  for  right  of  conquest 368 

— ,  endeavors  to  prevent  Cortes'  expedi- 
tions    369 

— ,  interference  with  navigation  by 370 

— ,  right  of,  to  explore  confirmed 373 

— ,  importation  of  cattle  by 375 

— ,  familyof 376 

— ,  appointment  of  Coronado  by 474 

— ,  friendship  of,  for  Coronado 476 

— ,  address  to  soldiers  by 478 

— ,  instructions  of,  to  avoid  trouble  with 

Indians , 496 

— ,  complaints  of,  regarding  arms 540 

— ,  requests  for  arms  by 378 

— ,  disappointment  of,  on  Coronado's  re- 
turn   401 

— ,  investigation  ordered  by 596 

— ,  agreement  with  Alvarado 409 

— ,  illness  of 551 

— ,  death  of 470 

Menomini,  investigation  of  the xxxiii 

— ,  memoir  on  the 1, 3-328 

Menomini  b:ver,  Menomini  name  of 39 

Menstruation,  mythic  origin  of 173 

Mercator,  G.,  map  by,  cited 403 

Mesa,  Spanish  soldier,  cured  by  quince 

jnice 538 

Mesakkummikokwi  in  Potawatomi  myth.  209 

Mescali,  native  American  liquor 516 

Mesqi'ITE,  native  American  fruit 515 

Messiah  craze  among  the  Menomini 63 

— ,  $ee  Ghost  dance. 

Meteors  in  Menomini  myth 210 

Mexican  sorcerers 138, 150-151 

Mexico,  city  of,  in  1556 363,375 

Mexico.  Gaspar  de,  native  ally  of  Coro- 
nado    536 

MiCER  PoGio,  reference  to 571 

Michigan,  ancient  copper  mines  in xixv 

Michilimackinac,  siege  of 18 

MiCHOACAN,  province  in  New  Spain 473 

— ,  journey  of  Mendoza  across 478 

Micmac,  pictography  of  the xxxii 

MiDEWiwiN  of  the  Ojibwa 67 

Migrations,  extent  of,  of  various  tribes..  345 

— ,  southern,  of  Menomini 218 

Mills  of  pueblo  women 522 

Mills,  N.,  Menomini  treaty  comnrv^isioner.  21 

Milwaukee,  Indians  at,  in  1673 18 

MiNDELEFF,  Cosmos,  researches  by xxxvii 

MiNDKLEFF,  VICTOR,  reference  to  memoir 

by xlviii 


628 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


[ETH.  ANN.  U 


Page 
MiNDELEFF,  YlCTOR,  gronnd  plan  of  Havi- 

kuhby 263 

— ,  on  pueblo  mealing  troughs 522 

Miner.  Jesse,  land-treaty  witness 29 

Mink  in  Menomini  myth 134, 164, 172 

Minnesota,  pipestone  qaarriea  in xxxv 

MiSHArKEWETT,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 28 

Missionaries,  Spanish,  early  saccess  of, 

among  Indians 551 

— ,  Spanisli,  introduction  of  fruit  by 550 

Mississippi    river    described    by    Cas- 

taneda '. 529 

—  described  to  Coronado 504 

— ,  description  of 493 

— ,  Menomini  name  of 218 

— ,  mention  of 510 

— ,  Narvaez  ■vrrecked  at  mouth  of 347 

Missouri  slaves  among  the  Menomini 35 

—  RIVER  mentioned  by  Caetaneda 529 

MiTAWiT  of  the  Menomini 66-138 

— ,  origin  of  the 114 

—  ceremonies,  decline  of . , 137, 157,  ]  58 

— .  form  of  procession  in 102-103 

— ,  list  of  njembers  of 84-85 

MiTAWOK  and  Wabenoak  compared 155 

Mitchell,  Mart  M.,  illustrations  pre- 

pared  by ilvu 

MixTON  peRol,  capture  of ^ 411 

—  WAR,  causes  of 408 

Mnemonic  songs  of  the  Ojibwa 106 

MoAZONiNEE,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 28 

Moccasin  game  of  the  Menomini 242 

Moccasins  of  the  Menomini 268 

— ,  use  of,  by  pueblo  women 517 

Mochila,  settlement  of 515 

MocHiLAGUA,  Indian  settlement  of 515 

Modeling,  work  in xlvii 


246 
287 

517 

390 

516 

524 

28 

28 

16 

540 


Mohave,  foot  racing  by  the 

— ,  gormandism  among  the 

MoHEKUNNUCK,  See  Stockbhidgk. 

MoKi,  rabbit-hair  mantles  at 

— ,  name  for  pueblo  settlements  at  Tu- 

sayan  

— ,  tee  Hopi,  Tusatan. 

Molina  on  name  of  Chichilticalli 

—  on  meaning  of  tlauele 

MONEETO  Penayske,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 
MoNOMiNEE  Cashee,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 

Montcalm,  Menomini  at  fall  of 

MoNTEJO,  — ,  feats  of.  in  Tabasco 

Montezuma,  see  Motecuhzoma. 

Moon,  folktale  of  the 209 

MooNET,  James,  memoir  by,   on  ghost- 
dance  religion  1,  Iviil 

— ,  on  identification  of  Querechos .' .  396 

— ,  researches  by xixvi,  xxxix.  xlv,  xlvi 

MooRE,  N.  n.,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    21 

Moose  and  the  Catfish  folktale 214 

—  peo])lo,  defeat  of  the 182 

Mora  river,  tributary  of  the  Canadian. .  397 

Morgan,  Lewis  H  .,  on  adobe 520 

Morse,  Jedidiah,  on  death  of  Tomau  ...  55 

— ,  on  maple-sugar  making 287 

— ,  on  Menomini  food 290 

— ,  on  Menomini  land  claims 21 


Page 

Morse,  Jedidiah,  on  Menomini  marriage  35 

— ,  on  Menomini  population 33 

— ,  on  Saux  and  Fox  expulsion 19 

— ,  work  accomplished  by 22 

Mortar,   substitute  for,  among  pueblo 

indians 520 

— ,  Bee  Adobe. 

Mortars  of  the  Menomini 257 

Mohtuary  ceremonials,  Menomini 73 

—  customs,  Menomini 68-60,  239-241 

—  feast  of  the  Menomini 69 

—  feasts  of  the  Ojibwa 68 

Moses,  Bernard,  on  Casa  de  Contratacion  351 

Moss,  mythic  origin  of 164 

Mota    Padilla,  M.  de  la,  acknowledg- 
ments to 414 

— ,  historian  of  New  Galicia 375 

— ,  description  of  Cibola  by 483 

— ,  on  Chichilticalli 487 

— .  on  Coronado's  route  from  Culincan 386 

— ,  on  death  of  Friar  Juan 401 

— ,  on  death  of  Samaniego 480 

— -,  on  discovery  of  Colorado  river 407 

— ,  on  Indian  giantf* 485 

— ,  on  Btories  told  by  Turk  indiau 492 

— ,  on  Torre's  administration 474 

— ,  qnotations  from   writings  of 476,  477. 479, 

480, 483,  486.  487,  492, 497.  498,  500,  504,  506,  511, 

518,  519.  520.  521,  522,  523,530,  531,  535,  538, 543 

Motecuhzoma  conquered  by  Cortes 345 

Motounia,    T.   de,    correspondence    of, 

with  friars  accompanying  Coronado 413 

Mounds,  exploration  of xxxvii 

—  on  Menomini  reservation 36,37 

Mountain  goat,  horns  of,  seen  by  Cor- 
onado    387 

Mountain  lion,  itee  Lion. 

Mourning  custom  of  the  Menomini 241 

Mouse  in  Menomini  myth 182 

Mozobodo.  Ojibwa  trea  ty  signer 28 

MuEQUOMOTA,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner   21 

Mulberries,  wild,  found  by  Coronado.  507, 628, 582 
MuSoz,   — ,    copy   of  Alvarado's    report 

by 594 

— .  documents  copied  by 572, 580, 584 

MuNSEE,  land  cession  to 26, 31 

—  land  purchase  at  Green  bay 23 

—  population  and  lauds 31 

Music.  ^lenomini.  character  of 105 

—  of  Pecos  indians 491 

—  of  pueblo  indians 522,550,594 

Musical  ixstkuments  of  the  Winnebago  111 

—  used  in  ceremony 112 

MusKRAT  in  Menomini  myth 134 

Mutiny  of  Spanish  settlers  at  San  Hier- 

onimo 502 

Myanmechetnabbwat,  Menomini  treaty 

signer 28 

Mysticism  among  indians U 

Mythology  of  the  Menomini 161-239 

—  .  work  in xliv 

Myths  concerning  Menomini  totems 39-41 

Kac.ualism  of  the  Mexicans 65, 115 

—,»«  Jugglery,  Magic,  Medicine-hen. 


ETH.  ANN.  14] 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


629 


Page 

Najeba,  birthplace  of  Castaueda 470 

N  AM  AT  AM,  genealogy  of 57 

Nanabcxjjoo,  see  Ma'nabush. 

Na°ni  Naio<^ta,  folktale  of 223 

Kabvaez,  Pa^tilo  de,  ordered  to  conquer 

Cortes 345 

— ,  imprisoned  in  Mexico 346 

— ,  puthority  for  explorations  granted  to.  346 

— ,  expedition  of 349 

— ,  loses  vessel  on  voyage  from  Spain 346 

— ,  route  of  expedition  of 347 

— ,  drowned  off  mouth  of  Mississippi 347 

— .  loss  of  expedition  of 474 

— ,  expedition,   rumors  of  survivors  of, 

heard  by  Coronado 507,  590 

Katividad.  departure  of  Alarcon  from...  478 

Kavaho,  collectious  from  the xzxix 

Navarbete,  — .  cited  on  date  of  petition  of 

Cortes 367 

Navarro.  Garcia,  on   effect  of  Marcos* 

report 366 

Nebraska,  description  of,  by  Castaueda.  528 

— ,  location  of  Qnivira  in *. 397 

— ,  description  of  Quivira 591 

Nbeole,  use  of,  among  Indians 562 

NEGROslave,  Eatevan  a  purchaser  of 348 

Negroes,  island  of 545 

— ,  mention  of.  in  New  Spain 348,  379,  402,  406 

—  with  Coronado ; 506, 592 

— ,  death  of.  accompanying  Coronado 555. 564 

Nemoak  society  of  the  Menoniini 157-161 

Nepissing,  jugglers  among  the 62,138 

Nevada,  arrowpoint  material  found  in. .  -  283 

Newfoundland,  Spanish  name  for 513 

New  G ALICIA,  conquest  of 372 

— ,  domoralizatiou  of  Coronado's  army  in.  401 

— ,  description  of 513 

—  explored  by  Xuno  de  Guzman 351 

— ,  uprising  in,  during  Mixtoii  war 408 

New  York  Indians,  land  cession  to 25, 26 

— ,  land  treaty  with 29 

— ,  westward  removal  of 23 

Nexpa  river  followed  by  Coronado 585 

— ,  identification  of 387 

Niagara,  Indian  council  at 18 

NiAQTAwApoMi,  a  Menomini  chief 44 

— ,  member  of  Menomini  <'Ourt 35 

— ,  portrait  of 50 

Nicholas,  the  Venetian,  quotation  from.  571 

Nicollet,  Jean,  explorations  by 12,15 

Night,  mythic  origin  of 200 

N I6PET,  a  Menomini  chief 44 

—,  genealogy  of 48 

— ,  member  of  Menomini  court 35 

— ,  portrait  of 49 

— ,  importance  of  family  of 43 

NiPiPsiNG  regarded  as  sorrerers 62, 138 

NiZA.  Marcos  de,  visit  ot,  to  Cibola 353 

— ,  career  of,  in  Peru 354 

— ,  travels  of 474 

— ,  visit  of,  to  seacoast  from  San  Pedro 

valley 359 

— ,  experience  of.  after  £stevan'8  death. .  360 

— ,  visit  of,  to  valley  containing  gold 362 

— ,  selection  of,  as  provincial  of  Francis- 
cans    364, 476 


I  Page 
I  NizA.  Marcos  de,  effect  ot  report  of,  in 

New  Spain -,.-.  365 

— ,  reports  of,  investigated  by  Diaz. .  480,  547, 553 

— ,  satisfies  doubts  raised  by  Diaz 384 

— ,  mistakes  of,  concerning  Cibola 673 

— ,  description  of  bison  by 543 

— ,  on  iudian  pueblos 520 

— ,  sermon  by 482 

— ,  return  of,  to  Mexico 389,484 

NocHiSTLAN,  death  of  Alvaradoat 410 

NOKOMisin  Menomini  myth 87,114,126 

NoQUET,  habitat  of  the 36 

NoTTAWAY,  land  cession  to  the 25, 26 

Noukek  INDIANS  identified 15 

KovAcuLiTE  quarries  in  Arkansas xxxv 

NtjREZ,    Pedro,    on    effect    of    Marcos' 

report 366 

Oats,  wild,  of  great  plains 528 

Oaxaca,  Marqd^s  del  valle  de,  title 

of,  given  to  Cortes 473 

Obando,    Prancisco   de,  killing  of,  by 

indians 499,500 

— ,  see  OvANDO. 

Ockewazee,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 28 

Odebic,  Fatheb,  Menomini  grammar  and 

dictionary  by 295 

Offensive  food 287 

Offering  of  tobacco  by  Menomini 252 

Ogden,  D.  a.,  land  sale  to 22 

Ogden  land  company,    effect  of  Stam- 

baugli  treaty  on 30 

— ,  oi)eration8  of 22,23 

Ohio,  arcbeologic  explorations  in xxxvii 

Ojibwa  and  Menomini  intercourse 269 

~,  ball  game  of  the 128-129 

— ,  foot-racing  by  the 246 

—  influence  on  Menomini  language 61 

— ,  investigation  of  the xxxi v 

—.jugglery  of  the 146 

— ,  land  treaty  with  the 27 

— ,  maple  sugar  among  the 288 

— ,  me<licine  societj'  of  the 67 

— ,  Menomini  country  claimed  by 38 

— ,  mnemonic  songs  of  the 106 

— ,  snow-snake  game  derived  from 244 

—  treatment  of  disease  by  jugglery 149 

— ,  witchcraft  among  the 143 

Ojo  C aliente  visite<l  by  Alvarado 594 

— ,  a  Zufii  summer  village 358 

Okemawabox,  genealogy  of 60 

Old  South  leaflet,  translation  of  Coro- 
nado's letter  in 552 

Omaha,  source  of  medicine  rituals  of 62 

ORATE,  Chkistobal  DE,  acting  governor 

of  New  Galicia 351 

— ,  Coronado  entertained  by 478 

— ,  defense  of  New  Galicia  by 408 

— ,  testimony  of 598 

OSate,  Count  of,  appointment  of  nephew 

of 477 

OSatk,  Juan  de,  reduction  of  pueblos  by.  524 

Oneida,  Eleazer  "Williams  among  the 23 

—  land  cession 26 

—  land  purchase  at  Green  Bay 23 

—  population  and  lands 31 


630 


INDEX    TO   PART   1 


[STH.  ANN.  U 


Page 

Oneida,  treaty  with  the 30 

—  visit  to  Green  Bay 23 

Onondaga  laud  purchase  at  Green  Bay  .  -  23 

Onorato,  compan  ion  of  Friar  Marcos 355 

Opata,  a  tribe  of  Sonora 537 

— ,  houses  of  the 515 

Opcntia  Tuna.    See  Tcna. 

Oregon,  coast  of,  explored  by  Cabrillo  . . .  411 

Obientation  in  juggler  ceremony 147 

-  of  medicine-lodge 71. 86, 90, 156 

Ornamentation  of  pipes 248 

—  of  quivers 281 

Ornaments  of  the  Menomini 75, 137, 264 

Oronhiateku a,  a  Caughnawaga  chief ...  24 

Orozco  y  Berea  on  Mexican  uahualism.  151 

Ortiz,  surWvor  of  Narvaez'  expedition . . .  348 

Osage  slaves  among  Menomini 35 

Oskashe,  Menomini  treaty  signer 28 

OSHKOSH,  agreement  of,  to  land  treaty...  31 

— ,  biographic  notes  on 46,47 

— ,  importance  of  family  of 45 

— ,  genealogj'  of  family  of. 45 

— ,  family  of,  of  pure  blood 35 

— ,  genealogy  of 46 

— ,  grave  of 240 

— ,  meaning  of 46 

Ottawa  and  Potawatomi  intermarriage. .  44 

—  and  Potawatomi  relationship 44 

— ,  enslavement  of  captives  by  the 35 

—  Indians  at  Braddock's  defeat 16 

— ,  original  totem  of  the 44 

—  sleight  of  band 105 

Otter  in  Menomini  myth 91, 134, 190 

—  in  pueblo  region 518 

OvAXDO,  Francisco  dk,  treatment  of,  by 

indiann 522 

— ,  companion  of  Coronado 477 

— ,  see  Obando. 

OviEDo  Y  Valdez,  G.  F.  ue,  on  Corazones.  484 

— ,  on  Indian  clothing 515 

Owanoqnio,  genealogy  of 58 

Owens,  J.  G.,  on  Hopi  dress 517 

— ,  on  Hopi  mealing  troughs 522 

Owl  in  Menomini  myth 91, 173, 200 

Oxitipah,  district  of,  in  New  Spain 472 

PACASAS,  Ternanx's  name  for  Pacazes. . .  514 

Pacaxbs,  indian  tribe  of  Cullacau 514 

Paddles  made  by  the  Menomini 294 

Padilla,  Juan  de,  leader  of  friars  with 

Coronado 400 

— ,  visit  of,  to  Tusayau 488 

— ,  accompanies  Alvarado 391 

— ,  report  of  discoveries  by 594 

— ,  journey  of,  to  Quivira 571, 579, 592 

— ,  remains  in  Quivira 529, 534 

Paez,  Juan,  report  of  Cabrillo's  voyage  by  411 

Pahos.  reference  to 573 

Paint  found  in  graves  in  Sikj^atki 519 

— ,  sacred,  origin  of 91 

Painting  of  pueblo  indiaus 558 

Paiute,  stone  arrowpoints  of  the 282 

PALMOS,  RIO  DE,  probable  identification  of.  346 

PANA31INT,  stone  arrowpoints  of  the 282 

Paniagua,  Jcan,  miraculous  recovery  of.  500 
pANico,  tee  Pancco. 


Page 

Panther  and  the  rabbit,  folktale  of 221 

Panuco,  reference  to 592 

—  bay,  location  of 346 

Papa,  title  of,  given  to  priests  at  Zuhi. ..  518 
Parkman,  F.,   on    d'lberville's  coloniza- 
tion    li 

— ,  on  French  and  English  relations  with 

Indians 17 

— ,  on  Niagara  indian  council 18 

— ,  on  the  Pontiac  conspiracy 130 

PASyuARo,  visit  of  Mendoza  to 478 

Pateatlan,  see  Petatlan. 

Pawnee  mode  of  Iiair  dressing 394 

—  slaves  among  the  Menomini 35 

Peace  ceremonies  at  Tigaex 496 

— ,  form  of  making,  at  Acoma 491 

Peace  p(pe  of  Menomini  tradition 218 

Peaches,    introduction   of,    into   pueblo 

country 550 

Pearls  on  coast  of  Gulf  of  California 350 

Pecos,  labors  of  Friar  Bescalona  at 401 

—  Tieited  by  Spaniards 1  vii,  391 

— ,  ««ClCUYE. 

Pkcos  RIVER  crossed  by  Span  iards 504 

Pemabeme.  Menomini  treaty  signer 28 

PEMMiCANused  by  plains  tribes 528 

Penetration  of  arrows 280 

Pennyroyal,  native  American 517, 528 

Penoname,    Menomini     treaty     commis- 
sioner   21 

Peorta  language,  study  of  the xli 

Perez,  Alonso,  companion  of  Coronado  .  597 

Perez,  Melchor,  mention  of  slave  of 592 

Perez  de    Bocanegra.   Hernant),  testi- 
mony of 596 

Perez  de  KiBASt  Andres,  see  Ribas. 

Personal  names  in  Menomini  myth 165,166 

Peru,  Alvarado's  exi>e<lition  to 352 

Pestles  of  the  Menomini 257 

Petates,  or  mats,  used  for  houses 515 

Petatlan  or  Petlatlan,  indian  settle- 
ment in  New  Galicia 355 

— ,  description  of 514, 538 

— ,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 584 

— ,  description  of  Indians  of 568,  572 

— ,  indian  from,  captive  and  interpreter 

at  Cibola 563 

— ,  friendly  Indians  at  river  of 548 

— ,  river  of,  in  Sinaloa 348 

Peteatlan,  $ec  Petatlan. 
Phelps  and  Gorman  indian  land  pur- 
chase   21 

Philip,  King  of  Spain 474 

Philippine  islands 545 

Philosophy  of  the  Menomini liii 

Photographic  work xlviii 

PiCONES,  native  American  fish 517 

Pictography,  mnemonic,  of  the  Ojibwa.  106 

— ,  work  in xxxi 

PicuRis,  pueblo  of 519 

— ,  name  for  Acoma  among 492 

— ,  name  of  Taos  among 675 

Pigeon  in  Menomini  myth 233 

PiKE,  Z.  M.,  quoted  on  the  Menomini 34 

— ,  quoted  on  Tomau 54 


ETB.  ANN.  14} 


INDEX    TO    PART   1 


631 


Pago 

FiLLiNO,  J.  C,  bibliographic  work  of xlii, 

xlviii,  xlix 

FiMA,  cnltivation  of  cotton  by  the 350 

— ,  Friar  Marcos  among  the 356 

FiNENCTS,  UHCof.  as  footl 517,518 

FiSoN  NUTS,  uROof,  aa  food 517,522 

FiPES  of  the  Menoniini 159,247,253 

—  found  at  Sikyatki 519 

FiPEBTONE  quarries  in  Minnesota xxxv 

FiTAHAYA,  native  American  fruit 515 

FizAKRO,  Francisco,  purchases  Alvara- 

do'a  expedition 352 

— ,  struggles  of,  in  Feru 37€ 

PtAiNS,  Spanish  soldiers  lost  on 508 

— ,  descriptions  of  Indians  of 527,  578. 580 

— ,  fife  Great  plains. 

Flants  used  as  tobacco 250 

— ,  f«  Medicine. 

Plums  of  great  plains 528 

Flumstone  game  of  the  Henoiuinl 241 

—  in  Menomini  myth 188 

FOBABES,  F.,  death  of 499,500 

Foison,  native,  of  Souora ^ 537. 541 

— ,  use  of,  by  indiana 500,502 

Poisoned  arrows  discussed 284 

PONTIAC,  hostility  of,  toward  English  ...  18 

—,  ball  game  during  conspiracy  of 130 

— ,  Menomini  participation  in  conspiracy 

of 51 

Population  of  the  Menomini 17, 32 

— ,  proportion  of  warriors  to 33 

—  statistics,  ditficulties  of  obtaining 33 

Porcupine,  folktale  of  the 210 

—  found  by  Coronado  at  Cibola    560 

PoTAWATOMi  and  Ottawa  intermarriage..  44 

—  and  Ottawa  relationship 44 

—  at  Braddock's  defeat 16 

— ,  dreamer  society  of  the 157 

— ,  habitat  of,  in  1634 15 

—  story  of  Nanaboojoo 207 

Potsherds  in  Wisconsin  mounds 38 

Pottery  formerly  made  by  Menomini 257 

—  found  at  Sikyatki 519 

—  of  pueblo  Indians 522 

Poultry  houses  of  the  Menoniini 255 

Powell,    J.  W.,    on    Indian    linguistic 

stocks 525 

— ,  stone  knives  collected  by 283 

PowoiYSNOiT,  Menomini  treaty  signer  ...  28 

Prairie  doos  seen  by  Coronado  on  great 

plains 510,  528 

Presents,  distribution  of,  at  Mitawi  t  cere- 
mony           104 

Price,  C.  M.,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner   21 

Prickly  pear,  see  Tuna. 

Priests  of  pueblo  Indians 518 

— ,  f«e  Medicine-men. 

Property.  Menomini  inberitAnce  of 43 

—  marks  on  arrows 278 

Prosopis  juliflora,  see  Mesquite. 

Prostitution  among  the  Tahus 513 

Prunes,  wild,  found  by  Coronado 507,582,591 

Psychology,  work  in xlv 

Ptolemy,  maps  in  geograpliy  of,  cited  . . .         403 
Puala.  Espejo's  name  lor  Tiguex  pueblo.  496 

Publications,  report  on xlviii 


Page 

Pueblo,  use  otf  term  by  Niza 358 

—  method  of  building 520 

—  settlements,  description  of,  by  Colorado 

river  Indians 404 

—  settlements,  description  of,  by  Sonora 
Indians 366 

Puerco  river,  pueblos  on 491 

FUi.CELL.  — ,  on  proportion  of  warriors  to 

population 33 

FuHiFiCACiON,  defense  of,  in  Mixton  war.  409 

Pyromancy  among  Algonquian  tribes  ...  153 

QUACHICHULBS,  Set  GUACHICHULES. 

QuAREZ,  Agoxiez,  wounded  at  Cibola 557 

Quebec,  Menomini  at  siege  of 16 

QuERKCHOs,  description  of 527, 578 

—,  description  of,  by  Coronado 580 

—,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 587 

—  identified  with  Tonkawa 396 

— ,  manner  of  life  of 504 

QUERES,  PUEBLOS  of  the 525 

Quince  juice,  use  of.  as  poison  antidote. .  537, 541 
QuiRix,  Spaniards  visit  i»rovince  of. .  503. 519, 525 
— ,  see  QuERES. 

Quivers  of  the  Menomini 281 

QoiViRA,  causes  for  stories  of  Turk  regard- 
ing    588 

— ,  cartographic  history  of 403, 544 

— ,  descriptions  of.  received  by  Coronado.  393, 

576,  580 

— ,  departure  of  Coronado  for 503 

—  visited  by  Coronado Ivii,  508, 396 

— ,  description  of 521, 577 

— ,  description  of,  by  Coronado 582 

— .description  of,  by  Jaramillo 589 

— ,  mention  of 492 

—,  death  of  Friar  Padilla  at 401 

Rabbit  and  the  panther,  folktale  of 221 

—  and  the  saw-whet,  folktale  of 200 

—  in  Menomini  myth 87,113,126 

—  in  Fotawatomi  myth 207 

—  rock,  myth  of  the 117 

—  skins,  use  of,  for  garments 517 

Raccoon  and  the  blind  men,  folktale  of. . .  211 

Races  of  the  Menomini 245 

— ,  see  Foot-race. 

Rafts  made  for  Diaz  by  Colorado  river 

Indians 407 

— ,  use  of,  in  crossing  Colorado  river 486 

Rain,  worship  of,  by  pueblo  indians 561 

^ceremony  of  the  Menomini 150 

— ,  Menomini  mythic  origin  of 40 

Rainmaker  among  the  Menomini 150 

Ramirez  deA'^argas,  Luis,  see  Vargas. 

Ramusio,  G.  B.,  translation  of  Mendoza's  ' 

letterby 349 

— ,  translation  of  Coronado's  letter  by 552 

— .  quotation  from 554,  556 

Rattle  described  and  figured 148 

—,  gourd,  of  the  Menomini 77,78 

—  in  Menomini  ceremony SI 

— ,  mystic  origin  of 93 

Reaume,  Judge,  on  Menomini  intermar- 
riage    35 

Redbird  in  MenoxuiDi  myth 235 


632 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


[BTH.  ANN.  U 


Page 
Red  rtyer,  Identification  of,  witk  Ztifii 

river 482 

— ,  possible  southern  limit  of  Coronado's 

route  across  plains 399 

Reginald,  a  Menomini.  genealogy  of 49 

Relationship  among  the  Menomini 43 

Release  of  arrows 280 

Relioion  of  plains  Indians 578 

—  of  pueblo  Indians 573 

—  of  the  Potawatomi 207 

—  oftheTahus 513 

—  of  Tigut'x  iudians 575 

—  comparative,  study. In Ik 

Religious  beliefs,  classification  of Ix 

Residencia,  definition  of 474 

Revolt  of  pueblo  indians 392 

Revolction,  Menomini  warriors  In 18 

RiBAS,  Andres  Perez  de,  on  Petlatlan . . .  515 
RiBEROs,  el  Factor,  companion  of  Coro- 

nado 477 

Rice  in  Menomini  mythology 40 

— ,  wild.nsed  by  Menomini 290 

Rice.  Jean  R.,  a  Caughnawaga  chief 24 

Rice,  Mary  Ann,  mother  of  'Williams 24 

RiGGS,  S.R.,  linguistic  manuscript  by xl 

Rio  de  la  Plata  misgoverned,  by  Cabeza 

de  Va«a 348 

Rio    Grande,  disappearance   of,  nnder- 

gronnd 511 

— ,  discovery  of,  by  Alvarado 575,594 

— ,  ice  of,  crossed  by  Spaniards 503 

— ,  limit  of  Narvaez'  territory 346 

— ,  pueblos  near 519, 524 

—  visite*!  by  Spanish  soldiers 390 

Rope-makinq  by  the  Menomini 260 

Rose-bushes,  wild,  found  by  Coronado . . .  507. 

510.  517 

Rowland,  Thomas,  land-treaty  witness, .  29 

RuDO  Ensayo,  quotation  from,  on  poison.  538 

Ruins,  discovery  of,  by  Alvarado 594 

— ,  see  Mound,  Pueblo. 

Rushes  used  for  mats 259 

Saabedra,  Feenandarias  de,  appoint- 
ment of,  at  Chiametla 481 

Saabedra,  H.  a.  de,  mayor  of  Culiacan  . .  533,  534 
Sacatecas,  see  Zacatecas. 

Saint  Regis  land  cession 26 

Salazar,  G.  db,  royal    factor   for   New 

Spain 596,597 

Saldivak,  Juan  de»  companion  of  Coro- 
nado    477 

— ,  lieutenant  to  Diaz B48 

— ,  carries  Diaz'  report  to  Mendoza 382 

— .explorations  by 480 

— ,  adventures  of.  at  Tiguex 496 

—,  Indian  village  captured  by 500 

— .  escape  of  indian  woman  from 510 

Salishan  bibliography,  work  on xliii 

Salt  among  pueblo  indians 550, 559 

—  found  at  Zuni 389 

—  found  by  Spaniards  on  great  plains 510 

— ,  natural  crystals,    finding  of,  in   Ari- 
zona   490 

—  not  used  by  the  Menomini 286 

Samanieoo.  Lope  de,  appointment  of,  as 

army<master 477 


Page 

Sahanieoo,  Lope  de,  death  of 383. 480, 547 

— ,  testimony  concerning 597 

Sanbenitos,  description  of 507. 515 

Sanchez,  Alonso,  soldier  with  Coronado.  597, 598 
Sanchez,  Peho,  effect  of  Friar  Marcos' 

report 366 

Sandia,  name  for  Acoma  at 492 

San  Diego,  pueblo  of 525 

San  Felipe,  pueblo  of 525 

San  Francisco  bay  overlooked  by  Ferrel .  412 

San  Gabriel,  vessel  in  Alarcon's  fieet . . .  385 
San  Hieronimo  de  los  Corazones,  found- 

•  ingof 484 

— ,  settlement  of,  under  Diaz 406 

— ,  description  of  town  of 615 

— ,  events  in,  during  Diaz'  absence 501 

— ,  destruction  of 530 

San  Juan,  pueblo  of 510 

San  Juan  river  named  by  Coronado 586 

Sanjuhjo,  Alvaro  de,  representative  of 

De  Soto  in  Mexico 380 

San  Lucas  islands,  death  of  Cabrillo  at .  411 

San  Pedro  bay  visited  by  Ferrel 412 

—  RIVER  in  Arizona 387 

—  VALLEY  visited  by  Niza 359 

Santa  Ana,  pneblo  of 525 

Santa  Barbara,  visit  of  Ferrel  to 412 

Santa  Clara,  visit  of  Ferrel  to 412 

Santa  Cruz,  colony  at,  under  Cortes 351 

—  ISLAND,  visit  of  Ferrel  to 412 

—  RIVER  in  Arizona 387 

Santa  Cruz,  Alonso  de,  early  map  of  city 

of  Mexico  by 363 

Santiago,  use  of.  as  war  cry 388, 483, 565 

Santo  Domingo,  pueblo  of 525 

Sar-ray-nuh-nee,  Menomini  treaty  sign- 
er   28 

Sauk,  enslavement  of  captives  by  the 35 

— ,  expulsion  of  the 16 

Sauk  and  Fox  expelled  from  Green  bay  .  19 
Sau-s ay-man-nee,  Menomini  treaty  sign- 
er   28 

Savage,  James,  on  natural  products  of 

Nebraska 528 

Savage,  T.  H.,  mound  investigation  by..  36 

Saw-whet,  rabbit  and  the,  folktale  of 200 

ScARAMOio.  name  for  a  Spanish  grass 555 

Schoolcraft,  H.  K.,  land-treaty  witness.  28 
Sebastian,  native  companion  of  Padilla.  400,535 

— ,  negri>  slave  of  Jaramillo 592 

Sedelmair,  Padbe,  on  indian  giants 485 

Selish,  beadwork  introduced  among 269 

—  myth  of  the  coyote 205 

Seminole,  proportion  of  warriors  to  pop- 
ulation    33 

Sen'Eca  land  purchase  at  Green  bay 23 

— .  removal  of,  to  Green  bay 23 

SeKora,  see  Sonora. 

Sergeant,  John,  Stockbridge  missionary  22 

Sebi,  Coronado's  account  of 554 

—.use of  poison  by 538 

Serpent  in  Menomini  mj-th 132 

Serrano.  Francisco,  on  effect  of  Marcos' 

report 366 

Serrano  de  Cardona,  Antonio,  testimo- 
ny of 597 


/ 


ETU.  ANXKl 


INDEX   TO   PART   1 


633 


Page 

Servantes,  tee  Ckrvaxtes. 

Seven   Cities,  storiea  and  legends  con- 

ceruing 363,  553 

— ,  expedition  to,  undftr  Guzman 473 

— ,  ace  Cibola,  ZuSi. 

Shamans  of  the  Henomini 61-62 

— ,  see  Medicine-men. 

Shanot,  genealogy  of 57 

Shashamanee,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    2X 

Shawano  or  Shawnbb  dance  of  the  Me- 
nomini    248 

—  language,  study  of  the xU 

— .meaning  of  term 247 

— ,  migrations  of  the 345 

Shea,  J.  G.,  on  Cabeza  de  Yaca's  route  . . .  348 

— ,  on  Menomini  language 60 

— ,  on  Menomini  native  name 12 

— ,  on  Menomini  population 33 

— .on  possible  conjnnction  of  Coronado 

and  De  Soto 371 

Sheeoad,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer 28 

Sheki"  given  to  friars  by  CoroAado 592 

— ,  merino,  imported  by  Mendoza 375 

— ,  mountain,  description  of,  by  Castaneda  487 

— ,  native  American 516 

—  taken  by  Spanish  soldiers  for  food-  501,535,542 
—,«ec  Mountain  goat. 

Sheewanbeketoax,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer.  28 
Shekkatshokwehac,    see   Tbhbkatsha- 

KEMAtJ. 

Shell,  magic,  of  the  Menomini 75 

— ,  sacred,  described  and  figured 101 

— ,  sacred,  given  to  Ma'niibtish 91 

^,  sacred,  in  pictography 109 

— ,  sacred,  mystic  power  of 102-104, 112 

— .sacred,  of  the  Winnebago 110 

—  used  as  spoons 256,257 

—  used  in  bead- working 265 

—  working  by  California  tribes 266 

Shi.nguaba  Wossin,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer.  28 

Shi vwits,  stone  knives  among  the 283 

Shoankay-paw-kaw,    Menomini   treaty 

signer 28 

Shoank  Skaw,  Menomini  treaty  signer..  28 
SHOANKTBHimKSiAP,    Menomini    treaty 

signer 28 

Shoshoni,  linguistic  affinity  of  the 525 

— ,  stone  arrowpoiuts  of  the 282 

Shrines  of  Sonora  indians 515 

Shunien,  genoalogy  of 58 

—  ,  portrait  of 59 

Si  A,  pueblo  of 525 

—  mentioned  by  JaramiUo... 587 

— ,  report  on  the iliv 

— ,  $ee  Chi  A. 

SiBOLA,  see  Cibola. 

SiBU'LODA',  Isleta  name  for  buffalo 517 

Sign  LANQi- AGE,  work  in ixxi 

Signaling  by  various  means xxxii 

Signs,  use  of,  by  plains  indians 504, 527 

SiKVATKi,  excavations  at 519 

Silver  found  by  Coronado  at  Cibola 563 

—  found  by  Spaniards  at  Tuqneyunque. .  511 
—.reports  of.  from  Quivira 503,504,512 

—  mines  in  Culiacan 514 


Page 
SiLVBB,  nse  of,  by  pueblo  indians  for  glaz- 
ing    526 

— ,  use  of.  in  Indian  trade 472 

—  workers,  stories  of 473 

Simpson,  JamesII.,  onlocationof  Quivira.  397 

—  on  location  of  Tiguex 491 

Sinew  used  for  bowstrings 275 

—  used  in  arrow-making 276,277,278 

—  used  in  blade-mounting 284 

SiNALOA,  river  and  settlement  of 515 

— ,5eeClNALOA. 

Sioux,  ceremonials  of  the lU 

— .ghost  dance  among  tlie xxxix 

Sisseton,  poisoned  arrows  used  by  the. . .  285 

Sitting  Bull,  character  of 63-64 

Six  Nations,  Wisconsin  land  treaty  with.  31 

Skin-dressing  by  the  Menomini 261 

Skulls  used  by  Acaxes  to  decorate  bouses  514 

Skunk,  folktale  of  the 213 

—  in  Menomini  myth 239 

Slavery  among  pueblo  indians 548 

—  at  Pecos 491 

—  among  the  Menomini 35 

Slaves,  captive  indians  used  as,  by  Span- 
iards   499-510 

—  in  army  of  Coronado 402 

Sleight  of  hand,  see  Jugglery. 

Smet,  p.  J.  de,  on  story  of  Nanaboojoo 207 

Smith,  Buckingham,   Cabeza  de  Vaca's 

relation  translated  by 347, 474 

— ,  copy  of  Al\;arado's  report  printed  by.  594 

— ,  documents  printed  by 572.  584 

— .  quotation  from  document  printed  by  .  590 

Smoke  offering  by  the  Potawatomi 209 

Smoking  among  the  Menomini 251 

— ,  ceremonial,  by  the  Menomini 78, 

80,  81, 83,  85,  88,  99, 158, 159 

— ,  ceremonial,  in  pictography  , 109 

Snake-bag  trick 97 

Snake  ceremony  of  the  Menomini 36 

Snake  dance,  significance  of 561 

Snake  poison,  use  of,  by  indians 500 

Snakeroot,  use  of,  by  the  Menomini 291 

Snakes,  absence  of.  on  great  plains 513 

— ,  iu  Menomini  myth 132 

— ,  worship  of,  among  Tahus 513 

Snares  of  the  Menomini 274 

Snow,  mythic  destruction  of 216 

Snowshoes  in  Menomini  myth 179 

—  of  the  Menomini 263 

Snow-snake  game  of  the  Menomini 244 

SOBAiPURi,  Friar  Marcos  among  the 356 

~,  knowledge  of  Cibola  among 358 

Societies,  cult,  of  the  Menomini 66 

Sociology,  work  iu xix vii 

Sodomy,  absence  of,  at  Cibola 518.522 

—  among  indians  of  Petatlan 515 

—  among  indians  at  Suyu 516 

—  among  Pacaxes 514 

SoLis,  Francisco  ue 529 

SoLis,  IsiDORO  de,  mention  of,  by  Jara- 

millo 592 

SoLis  DE  Mesas,  Gonzalo,  mention  of, 

by  Jaraniillo 592 

Solomon.   S.,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    21 


^ 


634 


INDEX   TO   PART   1 


[ETH.  ANN,  U 


Page 

SOMATOIOOIC  classification  of  indians xxvii 

Sung,  mnemonic,  of  the  Ojibwa 106, 107 

—  oftheMenomini 114,115,126 

—  of  the  moose 193 

— ,  rabbit,  iu  Menomini  folktale 221 

— ,  see  Chant. 

SoNORA.  description  of 515 

— ,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 585 

— ,  food  supply  in 554 

—  river  and  valley 387 

—  valley,  location  of 355 

—  valley,  Spanish  Bcttlemeut  iu 484 

— ,  settlement  of,  by  Spaniards 572 

—  traversed  by  Friar  iMarcos 355 

SoHCEKEE,  fee  Jugglers. 

Sorcery  among  the  Menomini lii^ 

—  amon;:;  Pacaxes 514 

Soto,  Hernando  de,  account  of  meeting 

with  Ortiz 348 

— ,  soldiers  of,  hearof  Cnrona<lo 510 

— ,  reputed  route  of 545 

— ,  discoveries  of 370, 491 

— ,  on  great  plains 529 

— ,  right  of,  to  Xiza's  discoveries 371 

Sotomayor,  Hernando  dk,  on  effect  of 

K iza's  report 366 

Sotomayor,  Juan  de,  companion  of  Coro- 

nado 477 

Sotomayor.  P.  de,  chronicler  of.  Cardenas' 

expedition 490 

Spearheads,  copper,  on   Menomini   re- 
serve    36, 37 

Spinosa,  »ee  Espinosa. 

Spirituauty  among  the  Indians 39, 66 

Sc^i'ASH,  see  Gourd,  Melon. 

SQUiRRELin  Menomini  myth 126,132 

— ,  see  Praikie  dog. 

Stambaugh  treaty 29 

Starlikgs  in  i)ueblo  region 521 

Stephen,  see  Estevan. 

Stevens,  John,  quotation  from  dictionary 

of 66,547 

Stevenson,  James,  reference  to  memoir 

by xlviii 

Stevenson,  Matilda  C,  memoir  revised 

by xlviii 

— ,  researches  by xliv,  359 

Stickney,  G.  p.,  cited  on  use  of  wild  rice .  291 

Stockbridge  land  cession 22,26,31 

—  land  purchase  at  Green  bay 23 

—  population  and  lands 31 

Stone  art,  clas.sifieationuf xxxvii 

Stone  CHIPPING  by  Arizona  tribes 275 

Stone  implements  of  Arizona  tribes 256 

—  of  the  Menomini 266 

Stoves  of  the  Menomini 266 

Strada,  see  Estrada. 

Sturgeon  in  Menomini  myth 202 

—  scales  used  in  medicine 93 

SUAREZ,  Aganiez.  wounded  at  Cibola 388 

SUAREZ   DE    Figuekoa,  GoMEZ,  see  FlG- 

UEROA. 

SuAREZ  DB  Peralta,  Joan,  reminiscences 

of  Coronado's  departure 364 

— ,  on  retnm  of  Coronado 402 

Sugar,  set  Mapl£  sugar. 


Page 

Sumac,  wild,  in  Quivira 591 

Sun  and  the  young  hunter,  folktale  of 181 

— .  ceremony  determined  by  position  of.. .  Ill 

—  in  Menomini  mythology 92. 132, 209 

—  priests  at  Tusayau 518 

—  worship  b}-  plains  iudians 578 

— .  see  Orientation. 

Surgeon,  niention  of,  in  Spanish  army. . .  498 
Sutherland,  — ,  on  descent  of  Menomini 

chiefs 43 

Sltta,  San  Hieronimo  removed  to 502 

— ,  dcBcriptifiu  of 515 

— ,  massacre  of  settlers  at 408 

—,  destruction  of 399, 633, 578 

Swan  in  Menomini  myth 203 

Sweat-bath  before  medical  treatment 149 

— ,  efficacy  of 104-106 

— ,  importance  of 117 

— ,  mystic  origin  of 92 

Sweat-lodge,  constrnction  of. 117 

—  of  the  Menomini 255 

Symbols  of  flight 129 

Synonymy,  work  on xlv 

TAaivalone,  a  stronghold  near  Zuui 390 

— ,  see  Thunder  mountain. 

Tabu  of  animals  among  the  Algonquian..  64-65 

—  of  animals  by  Menomini 44 

Tahus.  a  tribe  in  Cnliacan 513 

Tanning  by  the  Menomini 261 

Tano,  a  pueblo  tribe 623 

Taos,  pueblo  of 525 

—  mentioned  by  Jaramillo 587 

-^  called  Valladolid  by  Spaniards 611 

— ,  name  for  Acoma  at 492 

— ,  visit  of  Alvarado  to 575 

Tarahum ARA  foot-racing 247 

Tarasca,  a  district  in  Michoacan 473 

Tareque,  Indian  village  on  great  plains. .  577 

Tartars,  use  of  dogs  by 571 

Tatarrax,  name  of  indian  cliief 492 

Tattooed  Indians  visit  Friar  Marcos 356 

Tattooing  among  plains  iudians 506 

— ,  practice  of,  among  Indians 516 

Tecumth A  among  the  Menomini 65 

—,  pipe  of 248 

— ,  war  message  to  Menomini  by 18 

Tegui  hrauth  of  Opata  indians 537 

Tejo,  stories  told  by 472 

TemiSo.  Spanish  soldier,  death  of 538 

Tents  of  plains  indians,  description  of . .  501, 

578.  581,  583, 588.  591 

Teocomo,  river  and  settlement  of 515 

Teredo  navalis,  damage   to  Alarcon's 

ships  by 407 

Ternaux-Compans,  Henri,  translation  of 

Castafieda  by Iv,  413 

— ,  translation  of  Coronado's  letter  by 580 

— ,  translation  of  Jaramillo  by 584 

—  .mistake  iu  translating 398 

— .mistake  of,  regarding  Ispa 685 

—.quotations  of  translation  of  Castafieda 

by 472, 

481,  489,  494, 496, 499.  501,  502. 503, 
505.  506.  507,  508,  510,  511,  513.  514, 
515.  517.  518.  521.  523. 524.  526,  527, 
529,  531, 532, 533,  538.  539, 542,  545 


ETH.  ASH.  14] 


INDEX    TO    PAKT    1 


635 


Page 

TE-rATHA  or  Taos 511 

Teules,  a  Mexican  tenu 524 

Te  wa  pueblos 525 

Texas,  coitperfoandiu,  byCabezadeVaca.         350 

— ,  intended  destination  ot*  Narvaez 346 

— ,  limit  of  De  Soto's  government 370 

Teyas,  Cicuy  e  besieged  by 524 

—  met  by  Coronado 507,527,578 

—,  description  of,  by  Coronado 581 

—  identified  with  Comanclie 396 

Thomas,  Cybus,  researches  by xxxvii 

Threads  of  basswood  fiber 259 

Thunder  in  Potawatorai  myth 209 

Tuundeu  mountain,  mean  near  Zuni 390 

— ,  ruins  at 517 

— ,  visit  of  Coronado  to 565 

THUNDERERSin  ilenomihi  myth  .  39,  40, 92. 131, 195 
TiBEX,  fee  TiGUEX. 

TiBURON  ISLAND  in  giilf  of  California 554 

TiENiQCE,    possible    printer's    error     in 

Pacheco  y  Cardenas  for  Cicuye 587 

Tigers  found  in  Cibohi  by  Coronado 560 

TiGt'A,  name  of  Acoma  among  the 492 

TiGUEX,  cartographic  liistory  of 403 

—,  description  of 519,520,524 

— ,  description  of,  by  companions  of  Cor- 
onado    569. 575 

—,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 587 

— ,  discovery  of,  by  Alvarado  . ;  -  Ivil,  390, 491,  594 
— ,  Indians  of,  refuse  to  trust  Spaniards. .  499, 503 

— ,  revolt  of  indians  at 576 

— ,  siege  of,  by  Spaniards 497,500 

— ,  death  of  Friar  Juan  at 401 

— ,  riverof,identifiedwithRioGrande 390 

TiRiPiTio,  meeting  of  Alvarado  and  Men- 

dozaat 409 

TizoN,  RIO  DEL,  Spanish  name  for  Colo- 
rado river 407 

— ,  reason  for  name  of 485 

— ,  tee  Colorado  river. 

Tlapa,  estate  at,  given  to  Coronado 379 

Tlauele,  Mexican  word 524 

Tobacco  ceremony  of  the  Menomini 215 

—  dance  of  the  Menomini 247 

—  in  Menomini  myth 187 

— ,  mystic  origin  of 205, 253 

—  offering  in  Menomini  ceremonial 85 

—  oflerings  to  the  dead  69 

—  used  in  ball  game 128 

— ,  use  of,  by  Menomini 249-253 

— ,  see  Smoking. 

ToBAR,  ftee  Tovab. 

Tomau,  genealogy  of 54, 58 

—,  death  of 55-56 

ToMSON,  Robert,  on  Mexico  in  1556 363,375 

— ,  quotation  fnnu 507 

Tonala,  settlement  of,  by  Guzman 473 

Tonka  WA  identified  with  the  Querecho  . .         396 

TopiA  or  ToPiRA,  in  Durango 353 

ToPiRA,  expedition  of  Corona<lo  to 476 

Torre,  Diego  Perez  de  la,  appointed  to 

replace  Nufiode  Guzman 357 

— ,  administration  of 474 

— ,  mention  of  son  of 592 

Torres  of  Panuco,  wounded  at  Cibola..         557 
Toxemic  marks  of  the  Abnaki 65, 66 


Page 
Toxemic  marks  ou  graves 74, 240 

—  organization  of  the  Menomini 42 

ToXEMS  of  the  Menomini 39-42 

Totoxxeac,  cartographic  history  of 403 

— ,  Coronado's  account  of 560 

— ,  cultivation  of  cotton  at 550 

—  identified  with  Tusayan 357 

— ,  see  Hopi,  Moki,  Tusatan. 

TovAR,  Fernando  de,  position  of 477 

TovAR,  Pedro  de,  appointment   of,  as 

ensign 477 

— ,  accompaiiies  Gallego  to  Corazoucs 395 

— ,  journey  of,  from  Tiguex  to  Corazones-  577 

— ,  at  San  Hieronimo 502 

— ,  flight  of,  from  Saya 530,533 

— ,  discovery  of  Tusayan  by..  Ivii,  390, 488, 562, 574 

— ,  wounded  by  indians 557 

— ,  use  of  papers  of,  by  Mota  Padilla 536 

TowANAPEE,  Menomini  treaty  commis- 
sioner    21 

Trade  between  plains  and  pueblo  Indiana  578 

—  among  plains  indians 527 

—  of  Sonora  indians  with  Cibola 357 

—  of  Spaniards  with  Colorado  river  in- 
dians   406 

— ,  iudian  stories  of 472 

Tradixions  preserved  by  medicine  society  67 
Trail,    method  of   marking,    on   great 

plains 505,  509, 571 

Transportation,  see  Doos,  Tbavois. 

Traps  of  the  Menomini 273 

Travois,  dog  saddle  used  by  plains  in- 
dians    527 

Treachery  of  indians  in  Mixtonwar 408 

—  of  indians  toward  Spaniards 498 

Treaties  with  the  Menomini 20-31 

Treaty  of  Butte  des  Morts 27 

Tree-burials  of  the  Menomini 241 

Trees,  mystic,  in  Menomini  ceremonial, .  90 

Trejo,  Hernando,  death  of  brother  of  . .  500 

Trenxon  gravels,  study  of  the xxxv 

Troughs  of  the  Menomini 257 

Trowbridge,  — ,  Menomini  and  Winne- 
bago treaty  by 25 

Truxillo,  adventure  of,  with  devil 481 

Tshayroxshoan  Kaw,  Menomini  treaty 

signer 28 

Tshekaxshakemau,  genealogy  of 45, 52 

Tshisaqka,  see  Jcgglers. 

Tu-axA',  native  name  of  Taos 575 

Tubes,  bone,  used  in  treatment  of  disease  149 
Tuf-AN  or  TucANO,  see  Tusayan. 

Tuna,  native  American  fruit 515 

— ,  preserve  made  from 487 

TuopA,  Picuris  name  for  Taos 575 

Tcrk,   name  of  indian    slave    who    de- 
scribed Quivira 394 

— ,  communications  of,  with  devil 503 

— ,  stories  of 491 

— ,  stories  of,  told  by  Castaiieda 492 

— ,  Coronado's  version  of  stories  of 580 

— ,  reports  of  stories  told  by 576 

— ,  motive  ol',  in  misleading  Coronado 588 

— ,  execution  of 509,589,590 

Turkey  plumes,  uee  of,  for  garments 517 

Turkeys  in  pueblo  region 491, 521 


636 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


(ETH.  ANN.  14 


TURQUOIS  brought  from  north  by  Sonora 

iudiaua 

— ,  collection  of,  by  Esteran 

—  of  pneblo  Indians 489,  518,  549, 

— ,  presents  of,  made  to  devil 

Turtle  in  Menomini  myth 91, 

— ,  mystic  power  of  the 

TnSAYAN,  ceremonials  at 

— ,  cult  ivation  of  cotton  at 

— ,  description  of 

— ,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 

— ,  description  of,  by  Zuui  Indian 

—  known  to  Sonora  Indians 

— ,  visit  of  Tovarto lvii,390, 

— ,  Tucano  identified  with 

— ,  see  nori,  lIoKi. 

Tusk AEOBA  land  cession 

TuskaeobaEnglish  dictiokabt,   work 


TUTAHACO  pueblos 

— ,  Corona*lo*a  visit  to 

— ,  description  of,  by  Jaramillo 

— ,  worship  of  cross  at 

TUTAHAIO,  Tigua  name  for  Acoma 

TUTHEA-NAY,  Tiguii  nante  for  Acoma  . . . . 
TuxEQUE,  Indian  A-illagft  on  gi-eat  plains. 
TuzAN,  see  Tusavan. 
TwiNE-MAKlNd  by  the  Menomini 


357 
474 

561,  573 
513 

189,  218 
148 
544 
550 

519,  524 
S8G 
488 
357 

562,  593 
390 

2fi 

xlii 
519,  525 
492 
587 
544 
492 
492 
577 

260 


Ubkda,  F.  Luis  de,  see  Luis. 

TJLLOA,  Fkancisco  DE,  explores  gulf  of 

California 369 

— ,  limit  of  explorations  of 404 

Umbwayqeezhig,  OJibwa  treaty  signer  ..  28 

Upathico,  settlement  of 615 

Uraba,  Indian  village  mentioned  by  Jar- 
amillo   587 

— ,  »e«  Bbaba,  Taos,  Tubaba. 

TTrine,  use  of,  as  mordant 522 

IJRREA,  Lope  i>e,  companion  of  Coronado.  477 

— ,  Indians  interviewed  by 499 

XT TE  linguistic  affinity 525 

—  stone  knives 282, 283 

Utensils  of  the  Menomini 256 


Vacapa,  identification  of 

Vacapan,  province  crossed  bj'  Coronado. 

Valladoi.id,  Spanish  name  for  Braba 

Valle  de  LOS  Vellacos,  see  Valley  of 
Knaves. 

Vali.ecillo,  settlement  of 

Valley  ok  Knaves,  rebellious  indian.s  in 

Vargas,  Luis  Kamirez  de,  coiupnuion  of 
Coronado 

Vaudrecil,  Marquis  dk,  Canada  surren 
dered  by 

Vegetation  of  great  plains 

—  of  pueblo  country 

Vera  Cruz,  port  of  New  Spain 

Verjiejo,  RIO,  crossed  by  Coronado 

— ,  identified  with  Colorado  Chiquito 

Vermejo,  Hernando,  companion  of  Cor- 
onado   

— ,  see  A'ermizzo. 

Vermizzo,  Hernando,  companion  of  Cor- 
onado   

— ,  with  Coronado  at  Cibola 


355 

487 

511,  525 


615 
502 

477 

16-17 
527 
586 
348 

586 

482 

565 


Page 
Vetancurt,  a.  de,  on  date  of  I'adilla's 

martyrdom 401 

Violiega,  horse  of,  killed  at  Cibola 657 

Villalobos,  R.  G-  de,  voyage  of,  across 

Pacific 412,526,539 

— ,  expedition,  reports  of,  to  Council  for 

the  Indies 370,371,373 

Villagra,  G.,  on  marriage  of  pueblo  In- 
dians    520 

ViMOPfT,  B.,  record  of  Nicollet's  journey 

by .".  15 

Virgins  among  the  Tabus 514 

— ,  treatment  of,  among  pueblo  Indians  . .  522,  523 

VocABULAEY  of  the  Menomini 294-,328 

—  of  the  Menomini,  reference  to liv 

WAbeno,  shamans  of  the  Menomini.  02,66, 151-157 

Wabeno  MiTAMU,  genealogy  of 60 

"Wabosso  in  Menomini  myth 207 

Wacaquon,    Menomini    treaty   commis- 

siouer 21 

AVAK.iSHAN  bibliography,    work   Oil xlHl 

■\Valapai,  stone  implements  of  the 256,283 

Walnuts,  wild,  found  by  Coronado 507 

AV.\MP VM  exchanged  for  prisoners 17 

"Wapa  ka  river,  Menomini  name  of 199 

War  ok  1812,  Indians  in 19 

— ,  revolutionary,  Indians  in 18 

"Warbano,    Menomini    treaty    commis- 
sioner   21 

■\Vaeren,  W.  yr.,  on  Ojibwa  ceremonial 

terms 61 

"Warriors,  proportion  of,  to  population.  33 

Wash,  R.,  Menomini  treaty  commissioner  21 

Water,  worship  of,  by  jiueblo  Indians  ..  561 

Watercress,  native  American 617 

Water  demons  in  :Menomini  myth 227, 234 

Watermelons,  introduction  of,  into  pue- 
blo county 550 

Wau-kaun-hoanoa-nick,     Menomini 

treaty  signer 28 

Waunk-tshay-hee-sootsh,    Menomini 

treaty  signer 28 

Wauwacnishkac,  Ojibwa  treaty  signer  28 

Wayishkee,  Ojibwa  treaty^igner 28 

Weapons,  Indian 498 

— ,  lack  of,  in  New  Spain 540 

— ,  mystic  power  of 225 

—  of  the  Jlcnomiiii 274 

—  of  pueblo  Indians 404, 548, 563 

Weaving,  see  Bead-wobking,  Mats. 

Weekay,  Menomini  treaty  commissioner.  2\ 

Well  dug  by  besieged  Indians ■   499 

Wheank-kaw,  Menomini  treaty  signer  . .  28 

Whiskers,  name  given  to  Cicnye  Indian .  490, 497 

—  taken  prisoner  by  Alvarado 493 

— ,  releaseof 503 

White  Mountain  Apache  reservation 

traversed  by  Niza 359 

—  crossed  by  Coronado 387 

Whittlesey,  Charles,  on  Menomini  cbar- 

acteristica 34 

Wichita  language,  study  of  the xl 

Wichita,    Ka>'SAS,  location   of  Quivira 

near 397 

Wicker  baskets  among  pueblo  Indiana .  562 


ETH.  AKN.  U] 


INDEX    TO    PART    1 


637 


Page 

Wigwam,  etymology  of 70 

Wildcat,  native  American 517 

—  in  pueblo  region 518 

Williams,  E.  H.,jr.,   on  Eleazer  Will- 
iams    23-24 

AViLLiAMS,  Eleazer,  sketch  of 23-24 

— ,  effect  of  Stambaugh  treaty  on 30 

Wind,  mystic  origin  of 92 

Wine,  native  American,  of  pitahaya 516 

Winnebago  at  Braddock's  defeat 16 

—  ceremony,  Ojibwa  embellishment  of...  62 
— ,  earl  J"  status  of  the 19 

—  effect  on  Menomini  ceremonial 1C9 

—  habitat  in  1634 15 

— ,  land  claims  of  the 25 

—  laud  treaty 27 

—  medicine  ceremonial  described 110 

— ,  origin  of  name 205 

— ,  physical  character  of  the 25 

^,  witchcraft  among  the 143 

WiNSHiP,  G.  P.,  memoir  by,  on  Coronado 

expedition 1.  li v,  329-613 

WixsoR,  Justin,  acknowledgments  to.  339, 413, 699 

— ,  quotation  from 501 

WiscoxfciN,  early  history  of 14 

Witch  in  Meuomini  myth 233 

Witchcraft  among  Pacaxes 514 

— ,  see  J  UGGLERY. 

Woiniss-atte,  Menomini  treaty  "signer..  28 

Wolves  in  Menomini  myth 115, 

116,172,183,201,233 

—  on  great  plains 528 

Women,  functions  of,  in  pueblo  ceremo- 
nies    518 

— ,  surrender  of,  by  Indians 499 

—,  work  of 294 

WOODENW^RE  of  the  Menomini 256, 257 

Woodpecker  in  Menomini  myth 229 

Wood- WORKING  by  tho  Menomini 241 

— ,  see  Canoes. 

Wright,  Mary  I.,  illastrations  prepare<l 

by xlvii 

Xabe,  indiau    from  Quivira,  with   Coro- 
nado    504,  51 1 


Page 

Xalisco,  settlement  of,  byGuzman 473 

— ,  destination  of  Alarcon  at 478 

Ximena,  i>ueblo  of 523, 525 

— ,  name  of,  forgotten  by  Jaramillo 587 

Yaqui  or  Yaqulmi,  river  and  settlement 
of 515,553 

—  river  followed  by  Coronado 584 

—  river  north  of  Galicia 386 

Yokes  made  by  Menomini 289 

YsoPETE,  a  painted  plains  Indian 505,  507 

—  supplants  Turk  in  oonfidence  of  Coro- 
nado    509 

— ,  efforts  of,  to  guide  Coronado 588 

Yucatan  explored  by  Alvarado 352 

Yucca  fiber,  use  of,  for  garments 517 

— ,  preserve  made  from 487 

YUGEUiKGOE  pueblo 525 

— ,  Indian  form  for  Yuqueyunque 510 

Yuma  indiaxs.  Coronado's  account  of 554 

— ,  description  of 485 

Yuqueyunque,  pueblo  of 525 

— ,  visit  of  Jiarrionuevo  to 500 

— ,  see  Yugeuingge. 

Yubaba,  visit  of  Alvarado  to 575 

— ,  see  Braua,  Uraba. 

Zacatecas,  a  Mexican  province 545 

— ,  missionary  work  in 401 

Zaldyvar,  see  Saldivar. 

Zaragoza,  Justo,  editor  of  Suarez  de  Pe- 

ralta 364 

— .  on  murder  of  Cortes'  wife 473 

ZArate-Salmeron  on  native  American 

liquor 516 

ZuSi,  burial  customs  at 519 

— ,  ceremonials  of xlv,  544 

— ,  discovery  of Ivii 

— ,  foot-racing  by  the 247 

— ,  fruit  preserves  made  by 487 

— ,  nameof  Acoma  among  Indians  of 490 

— ,  salt  supply  of 550 

— ,  tame  eagles  among 516 

—  treatment  of  Mexicans  at  ceremonies..  361 

—  RIVER  crossed  by  Coronado 482 


S1SOVM  a>ivM>i3g 

WVmOWaiAI   HI 


